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Egypt’s Triumph with Oral Rehydration Treatment (ORT)

By Farag Elkamel, PhD

The NCDDP and ORT Campaign Logo
Introduction

The River Nile is the very lifeline of Egypt. Each drop of its water brings verdant life to the land and its people. There can be no life without the water which the river provides. The Egyptian farmer, who has cultivated this land for seven thousand years, knows this very well.  He calls drought “Gafaf”. This word has therefore become the most appropriate description for the loss of bodily fluids and electrolytes necessary for life to continue, that is, dehydration.

Since the television advertising campaign for oral rehydration started in 1984, the Arabic word (Gafaf) which previously referred only to drought has come to mean bodily dehydration. The concept of dehydration became so well known due to television advertising, “that school children, when asked in their final exams in 1986, to write an essay on the drought, wrote instead, on child dehydration.”[1]

Until 1983, Egypt annually lost about 150,000 children due to dehydration. This accounted for half the deaths of children under five.[2] This tragedy can be averted by treatment with a simple mixture of salt, sugar, and water. This mixture is called Oral Rehydration Solution (ORS) which was made available in all hospitals and primary healthcare centers in Egypt since1977. The situation before the National Control of Diarrheal Diseases Project started its activities in 1983 was as follows:

Figure (1) The old one-liter ORS packet
  1. ORS was supplied by UNICEF and WHO, and local facilities necessary to produce the required amounts of ORS to meet the real need were not available. Furthermore, the size of the available ORS packets was intended for use at health facilities as it requires a liter of water to be dissolved in with the intention of rehydrating several children simultaneously.
  2. The majority of physicians in Egypt, including pediatricians, did not believe in oral rehydration therapy and depended on intravenous solution in the treatment of dehydration. They also advised mothers to stop breastfeeding and food for twenty four hours or more, and heavily prescribed antibiotics and ant diarrheal medications.
  3. The majority of mothers did not know what dehydration was, neither were there aware of the oral rehydration treatment (ORT). In addition, they and used various incorrect methods to treat diarrhea, including depriving the child with diarrhea from liquids altogether.
  4. Services for the treatment of dehydration were not available in all health centers nationwide.
NCDDP and Oral Rehydration Therapy (ORT) Campaign (1983-1989)

National Control of Diarrheal Diseases Project (NCDDP) began in 1983 as a social marketing project with the objective of producing, distributing, and promoting ORS in order to reduce infant mortality caused by dehydration. When I started the job as technical adviser and director of the communication campaign, , the project had been in place for a few weeks. Some plans had already begun. Two important decisions had been made that concern the communication strategy: the first was to start a pilot campaign in the northern city of Alexandria that focused on the use of radio, and the second was the establishment of a communication committee that included some ministry of health officials as well as press reporters. Eventually, I challenged and changed both plans. In fact I radically changed other project strategies as well.

First, I realized after one meeting with the “communication committee”, which was already in place before I started the job, that it was more of a committee of beneficiaries. When we discussed the communication strategy during the meeting, each reporter adamantly insisted that the campaign can only succeed if a daily or weekly advertisement is placed in their newspaper or magazine. Representatives of the ministry of health in the committee didn’t object.Press reporters were very important for the ministry. They cooperate in publishing favorable reports and news on the ministry and the Minister himself.

However, the vast majority of the project’s target audience didn’t read those newspapers or magazines. I was quite sure of that because only three years before, I had just undertaken a major national survey that explored media habits of the Egyptian public in great detail. I explained to the project leadership that the committee represents a case of conflict of interest, and suggested to him that it should be abolished. I was pleasantly surprised that he agreed.

In addition to print media, the survey also showed that radio was losing ground to television in Egypt. When I joined the project, I discovered that its communication strategy had identified radio as the main medium to reach mothers. The “American Adviser” was the “Academy for Educational Development (AED) who dispatched Elizabeth Booth to plan and implement the first pilot radio campaign in the northern city of Alexandria, using that city’s local radio station.

But I developed a new communication strategy[3] that specifically stated that television advertising “will prove to be the most effective activity in reaching the target audience”[4] which consisted primarily of mothers of children below five. This expectation was based on the fact that television sets existed in over 90 percent of Egyptian households, and TV. was watched especially more regularly by the rural and poor segments of the target audience, the majority of which is illiterate, and cannot be reached through print media. While I disagreed with the existing plans, I had to supervise the implementation of that pilot campaign, but worked on an alternative communication strategy. Following is the communication strategy which I drafted for the project in August 1983. It should be indicated here that this revised strategy was based on the theoretical framework presented in the author’s model of “knowledge and Social Change”[5] The model, its applications and methodology are reviewed elsewhere[6] and is illustrated in the diagram shown above.

The Revised Communication Strategy

I. OBJECTIVES

To teach, persuade, and change the behaviors of (a) all mothers of children under five, and (b) other specific target groups, especially health personnel, mass media reporters, and decision makers, with regard to the management of diarrhea and dehydration. In order to attain these objectives, these audiences must be infirmed in both efficient and effective ways. Information which must reach these audiences can be classified into three types of knowledge;

A. AWARENESS-KNOWLEDGE

  1. Diarrhea is a disease which can lead to more serious ones.
  2. Two kinds of diarrhea are known to exist. The serious one is watery diarrhea or “eshal zayy el mayyia,” which is usually accompanied by vomiting and gastroenteritis or “nazla maawia.”
  3. Diarrhea can lead to dehydration “gafaf” which is very serious and can lead to death.
  4. There are different degrees of “gafaf.” “Gafaf” is easier to treat in its early stages.
  5. Only serious “gafaf” needs special treatment in hospitals and health centers. Mild cases can be treated by mothers at home.
  6. You will be able to recognize it if your child has gafaf. The child will vomit, will have sunken eyes, dry skin, no appetite, and will be weak.

B. HOW-TO-KNOWLEDGE

  1. Complications of diarrhea can be prevented if the child is given plenty of liquids during diarrhea.
  2. Food and/or breast milk must continue during diarrhea to give the child strength.
  3. Examples of liquids to give the child during diarrhea are soups, juices, or soft drinks. Examples of food to give are vegetables, fruit, and rice.
  4. Children who have watery diarrhea “eshal zayy el mayyia” must take ORS “Mahloul Moaalget el Gafaf (MMG).” You can buy this “Mahloul” from the pharmacy for a few piasters, or even get it free from hospitals and MCH centers.
  5. You must dissolve the MMG solution right; otherwise it will not be effective. To be sure, read the instructions on the box and ask your doctor, pharmacist, or nurse to tell you how to dissolve the solution right.
  6. Give your child the solution slowly and gradually, not in large quantities at once. Give at least two full spoons every five minutes.
  7. Gafaf can be very serious. If your child is constantly vomiting and looks very dehydrated, it must be taken to a doctor or hospital at once.

C. PRINCIPLES-KNOWLEDGE

  1. Diarrhea may be caused by viruses, bacteria, parasites, etc. Factors that make it prevail include poor personal hygiene, poor food preparation, contaminated water, and flies.
  2. Dehydration is the loss of body fluids and essential salts and minerals. This happens because of acute diarrhea. Unless restored, this loss of body fluids, salts, and minerals seriously affects the fragile body of the child, resulting, perhaps, in death.
  3. NMG will restore the child’s appetite to eat; and food and milk will strengthen the child. MMG, food, and liquids restore the lost body fluids, salts, and minerals, thereby protecting child against dehydration.
  4. Certain kinds of food will also help stop diarrhea faster, in addition, of course, to strengthening the fragile body of the child.
  5. When your child has diarrhea, your first worry should be to prevent dehydration, not to stop diarrhea. Diarrhea will eventually stop, but depending on what you do, your child may or may not get gafaf, which is your child’s number one enemy.
  6. Severe dehydration can negatively affect the health of a child, his growth, and his mental development. A good and loving mother therefore never lets her child get dehydrated.

Il. CHANNELS OF COMMUNICATION

Characteristics of the main target audience (mothers of children under five) are pretty well known. The majority are illiterate and live in low-income urban areas. Only wise and planned use of communication will enable them to get the project messages outlined above. There is enough evidence from different media surveys conducted in Egypt to prove that only innovative social marketing techniques would succeed in reaching the target audience.

Print media, as well as health programs on radio and television should be used very lightly and with extreme caution, because they reach a small, and a particular segment of the target audience. Advertising in the print media should be kept at an absolute minimum, if at all. Interpersonal communication should be utilized in teaching doctors, pharmacists, social workers, as well as other health personnel.

The following social marketing activities should be carried out either directly by the project or through competitive bidding according to specific Requests for Proposals (RFP’s) issued by the NCDD Project:

  1. Development and production of audio-visual aids and other training materials for doctors, pharmacists, and other health personnel.
  2. Development and production of radio and television spots and special programs for the main target audience.
  3. Development and production of booklets, posters, pamphlets, billboards, etc.
  4. Planning and organization of national and regional conferences for doctors, pharmacists, and other health related decision makers and national and community leaders.
  5. Design and execution of special person-to-person communication campaigns with particular groups and in problem areas.
  6. Development, production, and distribution of certain point-of-sale and promotional items.
  7. Securing and producing testimonials advocating ORT by prominent doctors and famous personalities.

III. GUIDELINES FOR SOCIAL MARKETING

A. Message Design.

Characteristics of the main target audience will have to be observed in designing social marketing communication. Messages must be appealing to this general audience, and the information contained in the message should be clear and phrased in simple, non-technical, colloquial Arabic.

B. Format and Time of Broadcast

Time of broadcast can be very decisive in affecting the success of spots and special programs to reach the target audience. It is important to note that the most popular format both on radio and television is drama, a fact which can be exploited by the project in at least two ways. First, ORT messages, spots, and special programs would perhaps attract a larger audience if produced in the form of drama. Second, any spots, commercials, or special messages will reach more viewers and listeners if aired during, before, or immediately following soap operas, movies, or ether popular entertainment programs and shows.

C. Theme

All ORT messages communicated by the NCDD project should be designed to appeal to mothers, who should be described as caring, loving, and smart, and certainly not as negligible or ignorant. In communicating with doctors and other “elite” target groups, the theme should be the scientific or medical “revolution” resulting from ORT.

IV. ORGANIZATION OF CAMPAIGN ELEMENTS

In addition to person-to-person communication as described above, the project’s mass communication activities can be classified into four rather different elements which complement each other:

  1. News releases and public relations on behalf of the project. This campaign activity involves the publication and broadcast of feature stories and news highlighting project activities, the opening of rehydration centers, conferences and seminars sponsored by the project, etc. While this aspect of project communication activities may best be handled by the ministry of health information office, very close supervision by the NCDD project is essential.
  2. Integration of ORT messages into existing media programs. Each radio or television station has its own health programs as well as other much more popular programs. Both may be used to diffuse ORT messages. The press also has different health and family sections which typically discuss different health issues. The first order of business should be to educate reporters and producers about Oral Rehydration and motivate them to address the subject matter in their programs. Second, detailed arrangements should be made with selected programs, within a general framework, to integrate ORT into the subjects addressed in these programs. Different approaches will be required for the health and the general / popular programs. This aspect of the program communication effort must be undertaken directly by the project with the media personnel involved. The project should provide the content, approach, and means to pretest the material and evaluate its impact, the production being left to the media people as their responsibility in close coordination with the project. It should be mentioned here that as the audience of the specialized health programs, sections, and magazines is relatively much smaller, and is of a particular quality, emphasis should be more on popular programs and less on health programs, sections, or publications.
  3. Specially-produced programs. The project should start negotiations with one or two radio stations and make arrangements to produce and broadcast “Al Om Al Waaia” (The Aware Mother) program nationally. The program should be put on the radio during the peak of the diarrhea season, and should include competitions and prizes for listeners who follow the program regularly and can answer specific questions on the subject matter. The program would be publicized intensively through spot announcements few times a day which should be inserted before or immediately after other programs that are most popular among the target audience. While the same may be done on television, the cost could be prohibitive. An ideal arrangement would involve rerunning the program on additional radio stations, but such an arrangement may be quite difficult. For literate audiences, the same idea can be implemented, where print supplements or sections may be edited in direct cooperation with the project. While the NCDD project should subsidize the production of such programs or press sections, it should not by any means waste the project funds on buying newspaper space or radio air time for these specially produced programs. They are not to be confused with advertising.
  4. Social Marketing. By far, this will prove to be the most effective activity in reaching the target audience, different, but small segments of which are reached through the other communication campaign elements outlined above. Since the project does not have the means to produce communication material, this activity will have to be accomplished through the cooperation of three parties. First, the NCDD project must assume overall responsibility. Content development, pretest of ideas and of material at different stages of the production, approval of scripts and storyboards and evaluation of effect are typical NCDD project responsibilities. Second, radio and television officials should be involved at different stages, such that a sense of involvement develops among them, which would make the broadcasting of project messages more possible. These people or some of them at least, have good judgments of what does or does not work. Third, the actual filming and production should be contracted out to one or more of the public or private agencies specialized in quality production of audio, video, or print material. Such contractors, however, will have to be closely coached by the project, mainly because almost all possible contractors have little, if any, experience in social marketing communication, and have little experience in communication with the kind of audience the project seeks to reach.

V. Pretest, Evaluation, and Monitoring.

Two types of pretest of campaign material are advised, of course in addition to pretest among in-house experts. First, a pretest must be done with key experts in the technique being used (e.g., audio, video, photography, drama, etc.) Second, all material must be pretested among relatively small samples of the target audience. Both types of pretest may be repeated at different stages of the production. The NCDD project should assume the primary responsibility for pretesting.

Monitoring techniques will vary according to the kind of communication activity. For example, while the ministry of health information office could be responsible for sending copies of each of the news releases it manages to get printed on behalf of the project; other activities may require the specific attention of one or more persons on the NCDD project staff. Detailed monitoring schemes should be devised in conjunction with each activity.

Evaluation, both of the process and the impact should be undertaken both by the project itself and by outside contractors. Evaluation reports submitted by contractors on the project’s request may not substitute for the project conducting its own evaluations of different communication activities.

The Pilot Campaign 
Figure (2) The “Aware Mother” booklet

This three months pilot campaign was launched in Alexandria between August and October of 1983. The campaign relied heavily on radio, where a new show in the local Alexandria radio station devoted a daily 15-minute program for ORT. This “Aware Mother” (Al Om Al Waaia)radio program differed from typical health programs on Egyptian radio stations in at least two ways. First, the program employed different popular formats, especially drama, songs, prize competitions, and interviews with mothers. Second, the program and its material were based on audience research and included pretests of materials before broadcast.

In addition to radio, the campaign included the use of billboards, posters, stickers, flyers, as well as interpersonal communication, where a well known movie and TV star, Fouad El Mohandis, along with eminent pediatricians held ten rallies in selected sites all over Alexandria. The campaign also included the promotion of ORS in all Alexandria pharmacies.

The main messages in this pilot campaign focused on introducing the concept of dehydration, explaining its signs and seriousness, importance of continued nutrition and breastfeeding during diarrhea episodes, giving plenty of liquids, and taking the child to a hospital or health center to be given ORS, since ORS packets were not sufficiently available for home-use at that point. The campaign did not discuss mixing of ORS, since the NCDDP was in the process of changing the packet size from the then existing 27.5 grams to a smaller 5.5 gram packet. Furthermore, the project needed time in order to supply health centers all over the country with ORS packets, to avoid any shortages when demand is increased as a result of the campaign.

Fouad El Mohandis was the celebrity in the public rallies in Alexandria, as per the contract that NCDDP had concluded with an advertising agency right before I joined the project. He did quite well in the rallies, despite the fact that the agency was much disorganized and didn’t handle the events well enough. In one instance at the beginning of the rallies, he actually fainted and was almost suffocated by the crowds, because the agency under-estimated the size of the crowds that he would attract. Even though it was their job, I had to step in and request that he would be on an elevated stage rather than being on the same ground level with the crowds. Since the agency had no plans to build a stage. To save the day, I moved him to a first floor balcony where he could speak to the crowds who gathered right outside the building.

Television was a part of the pilot campaign, but was not used until the last week of January 1984, when a two-week TV campaign was launched, using three TV spots featuring the same celebrity, Fouad El Mohandis. This part of the pilot campaign had to lag behind the other communication components because using TV meant going national, since Alexandria did not have a local television station at that time.

This pilot TV campaign too did not include messages on the mixing of ORS, but focused instead on encouraging parents to take their children to health centers or hospitals. The reason was that the smaller packets of ORS had not yet been produced or made sufficiently available for home use. The campaign, however, emphasized the seriousness of dehydration, showed its signs, and stressed the need to continue feeding during diarrhea episodes.

Figure (3) 1st TV spot by Fouad El-Mohandis

Even though the contract with the advertising agency was approved by the ministry of health officials in August 1983, they suddenly became quite adamant in refusing to approve the appearance of Fouad El Mohandis in the spots. Their excuse was that he was an actor, and even worse, from their point of view, a comedian! We had to eventually make a compromise with them such that he would be introduced in the spot by a well-known pediatrician, Dr. Gameel Wali, who states in the beginning of the spot that he had explained the subject of dehydration to this well liked actor who would in turn rephrase that explanation in his own words! Those were the early days of using TV spots for health promotion, and the concept of using actors, let alone comedians to spread such messages was virtually unknown.

Following is a translation of the sound track of that very first TV spot in the campaign, which can be viewed here: https://youtu.be/7IW40sBu3OE

Dr. Gameel Waly, Pediatrician:

“Mr. Fouad El-Mohandis asked me about the dangers of dehydration (gafaf) that threatens our children nowadays. After I explained the subject to him, we will listen now to how he explains the dangers of dehydration in his nice way.”

Fouad El-Mohandis:

“Good evening to you, mother of the little one.

I have a few words for you                            

And my aim is for you to take care                

And keep your eyes on your beloved baby                

I want to speak with you about the dangers of child dehydration

Dehydration is caused by watery diarrhea or gastroenteritis                                                          

It makes the child, God forbid, like a squeezed orange or dried out sugar cane

His eyes are withered and sunken     

His skin is dry            

Always thirsty, weak and lethargic               

These are the signs of dehydration that is caused by diarrhea         

So what is the solution?                     

The solution is the oral rehydration solution!                                  

This solution compensates the child for all the liquids he lost                                             

And in a very short time                    

The child shines and becomes healthy again            

Oral Rehydration Solution is available at hospitals,             

Health units               

And pharmacies                     

Therefore

The solution is in the solution                       

And the solution is the solution!

The pilot campaign conveyed “the following basic messages: (1) Give plenty of liquids (especially soups and juices) and continue breastfeeding your child if he/she has diarrhea; (2) Watery diarrhea and gastro-enteritis cause dehydration which can lead to death of the child; (3) Recognize the signs of dehydration: weakness, vomiting, high temperature, loss of appetite, and sunken eyes; (4) Take your child immediately to a hospital which has a special unit to treat dehydration if you recognize any of the signs of dehydration; (5) Continue to feed your child if he/she has diarrhea; and (6) Advantages of ORS, where to obtain it, and illustration of its impact.”[7]

In May 1983 and before any communication effort was undertaken by NCDDP, a baseline survey of 2100 mothers was conducted in Alexandria. In December 1983, after the pilot campaign, but before the TV spots were aired, another survey of 525 mothers was also conducted in Alexandria. A third survey took place in March 1984, soon after the pilot TV campaign was launched. In all three surveys, key indicators of oral rehydration therapy (ORT), which includes giving ORS, continued feeding, giving liquids, and breastfeeding during diarrhea episodes, were measured, and a comparison of the results was crucial in shaping the project’s communication strategy and plans for years to come. Following are these key indicators[8] which have confirmed the validity and usefulness of the revised communication strategy and the theoretical framework which has been discussed earlier.

Table (1) Knowledge and Practice of Oral Rehydration Therapy in Alexandria 1983-1984

Knowledge/Behavior IndicatorMay 1983December 1983March 1984
Knowledge: When to give ORS1.512.451.4
Knowledge to continue breastfeeding3.021.764.6
Knowledge to continue feeding6.130.541.1
Knowledge to give liquids27.157.568.9
Knowledge to visit doctor/hospital33.494.793.1
Behavior: Ever use of ORS1.036.2

While the three months pilot campaign, without television, had a good impact on the knowledge of target mothers, television spots which ran for only two weeks had even a greater impact, particularly on “how to use” ORS and on behavior. The first lesson learnt from the pilot campaign, therefore, was the confirmation of the revised strategy premise that television would be more effective than any other media. As mentioned before, television viewership in Egypt had reached over 90% of the mothers in 1984.[9]

The National Campaign:

Figure (4) Farag Elkamel coaching campaign star Karima Mukhtar

A series of focus group discussions were conducted on samples of target mothers and also on physicians revealed the need to make another strategic change. We found that while mothers liked the pilot campaign star, Fouad El Mohandis, but also discovered that a sizable minority of physicians were critical of him, not because he said anything medically wrong, but because he was a “Comedian”! Even though mothers, the primary target audience, were pleased with him, we thought it was best to identify another “spokesperson” that would enjoy a more popular liking. The person identified through focus group studies was Karima Mukhtar, a movie and soap opera star who usually plays the role of a good loving mother. This choice has proved to be an excellent one for the campaign, except that she was reluctant to appear on TV commercials which she had not done before. I was fortunate that Moaatz, her son was a student of mine at Cairo University. He helped me convince her that this campaign was going to be good for her name, which turned out to be very true. She in fact succeeded in making the Egyptian audience trust her advice to the extent that many women would ask pharmacists to sell them Mrs. Karima’s packet “Bako el Set Karima” instead of saying the official name for the ORS packet.

Karima Mukhtar appeared in the national TV campaign that was launched in September 1984, after the smaller ORS packets had been produced and distributed to virtually all health centers and pharmacies in Egypt. In addition to key messages from the pilot campaign, this national one introduced the new product and included instructions on its proper mixing and management. It also included one television spot on the prevention of diarrhea. Having had the confirmation from the pilot campaign that television was the most appropriate public information channel in Egypt for the target mothers, most of whom are illiterate but own TV sets, this medium received more attention in the plan than others, and most of the budget was allocated to production and airing of TV spots. On the other hand, a small portion of the budget was allocated to other media. The sound track of the TV spots was used to air the spots on the radio. Additionally, one hundred 3 by 5 meter billboards were placed in key locations near major rehydration centers all over the country, and a poster was placed in most pharmacies and health centers.

Karima Mukhtar was replaced after two years with other talents including actors, singers, folk musicians, as well as ordinary parents and healthcare providers who provided testimonials that helped consolidate the campaign impact on knowledge and attitudes. This is a link to all TV spots (59) that have been produced and aired between 1983 and 1989: https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLxwmH-xqgi_ev7qMgEEiGxf0XbKBv5fV3

Knowledge, attitude, and practice surveys

National surveys[10] were conducted annually at the end of each diarrhoea season in a randomly chosen 1,100-household subset of the cluster samples and 400 households selected from low income clusters in Cairo. The study conducted after this first national campaign yielded very encouraging results, since it showed knowledge of ORS to have reached over 90 percent of mothers. Actual use of ORS after the campaign jumped to over 60 percent.[11] A series of annual campaigns followed this one. At the end of each campaign, both survey and focus group studies were conducted, which served to identify the campaign impact as well as new needs for additional messages.

The objective of the second campaign was to move beyond creating awareness of the danger of dehydration and the importance of oral rehydration, to teaching mothers specific skills, such as the use and management of ORS, proper nutrition, and the importance giving fluids during diarrhea. The third campaign was characterized by the appearance of real mothers and fathers in television messages. This series of commercials served to reinforce the information introduced in the previous campaigns especially that related to the administration of ORS. The fourth campaign addressed basic issues that had previously been postponed, such as the management of breastfeeding, personal and domestic hygiene, correct weaning practices, immunization against measles, and proper food preparation and cleanliness.

The media campaign mainly addressed the mother, especially in rural and poor urban areas, and in fact featured real mothers from different socioeconomic backgrounds. In addition, the campaign also emphasized the role of the father, grandmothers, doctors and pharmacists. Even children were also addressed, as it is known that, in Egypt, older children often assume responsibility for younger siblings.

Healthcare Providers

Contrary to the simple belief that everyone in Egypt, particularly healthcare providers would be on board to support oral rehydration in order to save the thousands of children who die every day because of dehydration, most of the doctors and pharmacists were initially against ORS for various reasons. Some opposed it due to ignorance and others because of opposing vested interests. We could not afford alienating healthcare providers, but we also had to change their beliefs, attitudes, and practices. This was quite a thin robe to walk on!

The main cause of the problem was that oral rehydration therapy was introduced in the curricula of medical schools at Egyptian universities only since 1983, so the vast majority of Egyptian physicians had not been therefore taught the ORT protocol. What they were taught was to give intravenous therapy, which was in fact too expensive and not available except in limited urban areas.

Furthermore, physicians excessively prescribed antibiotics and anti-diarrheal medications, which were also expensive and useless in preventing child dehydration that was the actual killer of children with diarrhea. On the other hand, pharmacists had a vested interest in recommending and selling those expensive and useless drugs, because their profit margin was dramatically much higher than ORS which was so much cheaper. Some negative comments on ORS were raised by some members of the pharmacists’ syndicate, but an extreme case of opposition to the campaign was that of a popular pediatrician in the Cairo district of Shobra, who was a pioneer in using intravenous solutions to treat dehydration. After the ORS media campaign began, he fought it so hard that he would stand on the balcony of his clinic and use a megaphone to advise passersby against using ORS.

A main objective of the communication campaign therefore was to inform physicians and pharmacists of the medical revolution that had taken place after the recent invention of oral rehydration solution, and to explain to them the benefits of using it. Furthermore, they had to be made aware that other drugs which they often prescribed were often useless in most cases of diarrhea.

Among the materials that were produced for physicians and pharmacists in the national campaign was an education film featuring the head of the medical syndicate, Dr. Mamdouh Gabr, who was also prominent pediatrician and former minister of health, with the heads of pediatrics departments in the leading Egyptian universities. Other materials included slides, booklets, treatment charts, and other training materials that were used in training workshops for healthcare providers. Both the Medical Syndicate and the Egyptian Pediatrics Society published newspaper advertisements in support of ORS, upon our appeal for help.

But this was not all. A secret weapon was deployed in the campaign to overcome the reluctance of healthcare providers to prescribe or advocate ORS. We benefitted from the great credibility that our campaign star has with mothers to pressure doctors in an indirect but very effective way. In a TV spot we let her say one of the most, if not the most important sentences in the entire campaign. She says to her neighbor: “take your daughter to the doctor, and he will prescribe ORS.” This one sentence has put so much pressure on doctors, and pharmacists as they are also called “doctors” in Egypt. They had to prescribe ORS or face the possible accusation by mothers that they weren’t “good” doctors, given the fact that Karima Mukhtar had more credibility with mothers than the minister of health himself, as one leading ministry of health admitted to me. Doctors had to cooperate with the campaign messages as they certainly didn’t wish to appear less knowledgeable or less caring than Karima Mukhtar. This particular TV spot can be viewed here: https://youtu.be/TrJlChZVwKw.

The Dilemma of Cups and Bottles
poster in pharmacies and health units

Between 1984 and 1990, over 60 television spots were designed, produced, and aired. These spots covered various issues such as defining dehydration, its signs and seriousness, how to prevent and treat it with ORS, how to mix and administer ORS, feeding during and after a diarrhea episode, prevention of diarrhea, rational use of other drugs and correct weaning practices. Each one of the TV spots was developed on the basis of research conducted before and after each annual media campaign, and was subjected to pretest among samples of the target audience.

We faced a real challenge with regards to the message on proper mixing of the ORS solution. This was due to the fact that the packet of ORS powder had to be dissolved in exactly 200cc of water, as it could be useless if dissolved in more water, and may actually harm the child if it was dissolved in much less water. The NCDDP commissioned a study to investigate whether or not there was a standard cup or glass in all households which could be used to measure the right amount of water. Unfortunately, there was none. We were indeed sweating over this dilemma, when I found the answer by mere chance, as I was watching a commercial on TV for one kind of soft drinks. The commercial was making the point that it was more economical to buy the one liter bottle because it holds as much as five small bottles, but is sold for the price of only four. This is when I shouted the famous scream: “I found it!” Given the fact that small soft drink bottles were available everywhere in Egypt, the message to use an empty one to measure the 200cc water needed for the ORS to be mixed correctly and safely has proved to be an essential and perhaps a life-saving one. At a later stage, the project produced 200cc plastic cups that were made available in the ministry of health rehydration centers. They were also supposed to be given away by pharmacists with each box of ORS, but they weren’t. This was unfortunate because the majority of caretakers of children used ORS at home, not at the ministry of health facilities. The soft drink bottle remains the only reliable measure to date, in view of the fact that those plastic cups aren’t produced anymore. 

Audience Segmentation and Media Planning

Television advertising has had several advantages over other traditional means of health education. Commercials are attractive, they reach the majority of the target population in seconds, and they are carefully worded such that precise use of words and expressions conveys a particular technical content. In addition, they are pretested to avoid any possible misunderstanding or unintended sub-messages, and they enable the program to place them during viewing times that are most suitable to the target audience. Since each television spot normally has one specific message, a particular spot can be aired more or less often than others, depending on the needs of the target audience. It can also be aired at particular times when specific segments of the population are known to be watching television. For example, we found out that different segments of the audience watched movies and series on TV differently as follows:[12]

Table (2): The Relationship between the Level of Education and Watching Movies and Series on TV

Educational LevelPercent Watching Movies & Series
  
Illiterate66
Read and Write55
High school42
College37

At the same time the distribution of diarrhea morbidity happens to have an almost identical pattern, where children of the less educated mothers have more diarrhea episodes. It made sense, therefore, to place the TV spots before television movies and series to reach the population segments that are most influenced by the problem.

Contrary to results of many other social marketing programs, and to the “knowledge Gap Hypothesis”[13], the less educated segments of the Egyptian population adopted this new innovation (ORS) even faster than the better educated groups, as illustrated by these figures for ORS use after the 1983 and 1984 campaigns.[14] The principles behind this remarkable result are to be found both in the creative strategy and media planning as well as the theoretical framework of the “Knowledge and Social Change” model.[15]

Table (3) The Relationship between the Level of Education and Ever Use of ORS

Educational LevelPercent Ever Used ORS
  
Illiterate57.6
Read and Write64.6
High school46.7
College52.6

In addition to factors mentioned above, and to the very low and affordable price of ORS, this pattern of media effects was achieved because language used in the TV spots was very simple, and included actual words and expressions used by average mothers, messages were short and focused which made comprehension easy regardless of the educational level, message formats were appealing to all levels of the target audience, especially the lower-status segments. Finally, television spots addressed the low status audiences with the same respect they addressed other segments, a pattern which is somewhat absent in direct doctor-patient communication in Egypt.

Message Appeals for Health Providers

The major appeal for physicians, pharmacists and nurses was that ORT is state-of-the-art medical care, or “the medical revolution of the 20th century.” This message was presented in print materials, seminars, educational videos. A booklet designed for physicians included the following statement on the cover page: “If the purpose of medicine is to save lives, what is the single most important discovery since the introduction of penicillin?” A second booklet for pharmacists used the same appeal and included the same statement. The same concept was used in a scientific film for physicians entitled “Scientific Breakthroughs in the Treatment of Acute Infantile Diarrhea”. Furthermore, the information provided in the booklet for physicians was translated into visuals, using a slide set which showed pictures of the same child before and after taking ORS. Physicians were able to see a demonstration of what ORS could do in a span of only four hours. 

Messages to nurses used a different appeal. Building on their characterization as “angels of mercy”, these messages appealed to their humanitarian orientation and image to promote ORS to save the lives of little children. For example, a booklet for nurses had this statement on its cover: “people often go to the angel of mercy for a precious advice. Help save the lives of children who have diarrhea by advising mothers to give ORS.”

Messages Appeals for Mothers

Since 1984, the campaign for mothers has used a mixture of emotion and information. While it was very tempting to use a fear appeal, since the subject matter literally involves life and death, it was decided that a fear appeal would hinder the learning process. The priority was to provide mothers with the essential information which they need to care for their children, including how to prevent diarrhea and dehydration, how to prepare ORS, and how to feed and wean their children correctly. A major assumption we made in planning the campaign was that mothers would act upon such information once they understood it. The overall appeal has been mothers’ love and caring for their children. Karima Mukhtar was selected to play the leading role in the 1984 and 1985 media campaigns has personalized the loving mother appeal quite effectively. Other celebrities whom we employed in subsequent campaigns followed the same pattern.

However a small dose of fear appeal was used lightly and selectively in contexts where resulting anxiety is immediately relieved in the same message. For example, one TV spot shows a woman who is frightened by dehydration, but the loving, experienced mother comforts her by saying that while dehydration could be fatal, it can be overcome and even prevented by giving the child ORS and liquids. A second TV spot showed the signs of dehydration but stated that it is preventable and happens only if the child is neglected and not given ORS. Messages emphasized that all mothers are capable of saving the lives of their children.

Campaign messages were all developed on the basis of research results. Expressions used in the TV spots to describe dehydration, diarrhea, the signs of dehydration and the way the child looks when he/she is ill and when he/she recovers, etc., were all taken from actual expressions used by mothers throughout Egypt. Furthermore, the content of the message also responded to research results. For example, the first three campaigns defined dehydration in terms of its signs (sunken eyes, dried out skin, weakness, etc.) While such tangible evidences of dehydration helped illustrate what dehydration “does”, they stopped short of explaining clearly what it is. Subsequent campaigns made the concept clearer through making analogies between a dehydrated child and a plant which was dried out because it was not watered. Another spot compared two children, one who took ORS and another who did not, to two flowers, one that looked so fresh because it was kept in water and another which became dried out because it was not. This shift in the presentation of dehydration from “what it does” to “what it is” came as a direct response to results of evaluation research which found that while mothers could state the signs of dehydration, they did not quite understand the concept well enough.

Can the Egyptian experience be replicated?

Characteristics of the Egyptian society, culture, and media system may resemble or differ from those of other countries experiencing similar problems related to ORT. For example, Egypt is extremely fortunate in that more than 90 percent of its population at the time the campaign started had regular access to television and more than 95 percent owned radio sets. With these same resources, however, many public education campaigns did not succeed in Egypt. While such resources are a great asset, how the ORT campaign used them was the primary contributing factor towards achieving the campaign results. In global terms, this is fortunate because it means that the Egyptian ORT program’s achievements can be replicated in other health issues and in other countries, as long as the same principles regarding media usage are followed. Some of the most important factors in planning and implementing this successful Egyptian campaign follow[16].    

  1. The campaign implemented a carefully designed communication strategy that included the use of the mass media, training, and market research. There was a clear theoretical framework and methodology that guided every step of the way for inducing the desired knowledge and behavioral change.
  2. Culturally relevant use of the media was of central concern. Every culture has its own patterns of communication, preferred artistic tastes, formats, idols, etc. Characteristics of the Egyptian culture were closely observed in the design and production of the media messages. For example, when Karima Mukhtar, a motherly, well-liked and respected actress was chosen to star in the TV campaign, the vocabulary she used, the way she dressed, and the accompanying visuals all helped the audience identify with her and heed her advice.  
  3. The program was successful in integrating the sociological and anthropological research findings into the creative development of the media messages. This input was made both before scriptwriting and at different stages where materials were pretested for technical accuracy and cultural relevance. Artists, producers, and other media talent aren’t normally used to such a methodology, so this was overcome by thorough supervision of all aspects of the media productions.
  4. The campaign was successful in securing the consent of medical authorities on the technical content of messages. The project could have bogged down in differences of opinion on the technical details. Considerable attention and effort were given to reconciling these differences of opinion and arriving at technically correct messages that were accepted by different medical authorities. No messages were presented without this technical review and approval.
  5. The mass media campaign was constantly coordinated with other elements of the program. For example, it was important that all research findings be carefully processed for their relevance to the media campaign. The presentation of mass media messages also had to be coordinated with the production and the actual availability of ORS in the health facilities and pharmacies, in order to avoid creating demand ahead of product availability. It was also essential to ensure that mass media messages are complemented with and supported by the content being provided in the training programs for healthcare providers.
Results and Impact on Mortality

Less than two years after the first national campaign was launched, the British Medical Journal wrote that “the lives of more than 100,000 children have been saved in Egypt in what may be the most successful health education program”[17] Another year later, The 1986 annual State of the World’s Children by Unicef included a chapter with the title “Egypt: Leading the World on ORT”[18]

As mentioned earlier, the NCDD had conducted a baseline survey in the city of Alexandria in 1983, before launching the pilot campaign. The project was also keen to conduct annual national surveys in the following years for two vital reasons: (1) to evaluate the impact of the communication campaign for the corresponding year, and (2) to provide the research input required for planning the subsequent one. For this reason, the project contracted with Dr. Nahed Kamel[19] from Alexandria University to conduct the baseline survey in 1983, and contracted with Social Planning, Analysis and Administration Consultants (SPAAC)[20] to conduct these national surveys in 1984, 1985, 1986 and 1988.

According to these surveys, knowledge and use of ORS have dramatically increased as a direct result of the communication campaigns between 1983 and 1988. While both knowledge and practice of oral rehydration were practically nonexistent in 1983(knowledge was 3% and use was 1.5%), the percentage of women who know of ORS increased to 94 percent in 1984 and to 98 percent in 1988. Use of ORS followed the same pattern in further confirmation of the validity of the model of “Knowledge and Social Change”[21] and jumped to 50 percent in 1984 and to 66 percent in 1988. Even more indicative of the power of television to teach a mass audience specific skills, the knowledge of correct ORS mixing has increased to 53% of those who knew ORS in 1984, and to 96 percent of all others who knew of ORS in 1988. The same results have been reported by M. El-Rafie and others.[22] These findings are presented in figure (5) below:

Figure (5) Knowledge and Use of ORS in Egypt 1983-1988
Impact on Infant and Child Mortality

Only 2 years after the project began, vital statistics and other data began to show the impact of this impressive increase in mothers’ knowledge and use of ORS. The British Medical Journal concluded in 1985 that “the lives of more than 100,000 children have been saved in Egypt in what may be the world’s most successful health education program”[23]. The journal also reported that “the project decided, in the face of opposition from doctors and others, to use the mass media to tell Egyptian people about oral rehydration treatment. Radio, television, and posters were used, and within 2 years 95% of Egyptian mothers knew about the treatment, 80% had used it to treat their child’s last episode of diarrhea and between 109,000 and 190,000 child deaths had been prevented. The campaign used actors, singers, comedians, doctors, drama, prizes, competitions, interviews with mothers, and for the first time messages were delivered in colloquial Egyptian rather than classical Arabic.”[24] The journal concluded that “the World Health organization has been so impressed with the results of the Egyptian campaign that it is encouraging other countries to adopt similar programs”[25]

The following year, a team of eight Egyptians and eleven international experts from the Ministry of Health, USAID, UNICEF, and the World Health Organization conducted a Project Review in June and July 1986. They wrote in their report that “consistent with findings of a number of studies reported by the project, the Review found impressive knowledge and use of ORT among mothers. Of 161 mothers interviewed during the review, 96% knew what a packet of ORS was used for, 82% said they used it and 71% knew some signs of dehydration. Of ORS users, 97% could correctly mix it”[26]. The review team also stated that “the greatly increased access to and knowledge of ORS have afforded mothers opportunities to prevent death due to dehydration in their children-an important accomplishment which has been achieved at a modest cost of a little more than one Egyptian pound for each mother gaining this benefit. It is also noteworthy that these impressive achievements have been largely made in the short time span of three and a half year. It is apparent that the above findings can be attributed in large part to a well planned and carefully implemented mass media campaign very largely channeled through television”[27]. This report also refers to another important result of the television campaign: “the project’s wise focus on the primary target audience, mothers, has resulted in creating a demand-driven system which has important positive implications for the sustainability of the project’s achievements”[28].

Upon the project completion in 1989, the Lancet published a final report which stated that “packets of Oral Rehydration Salts are now widely accessible; oral rehydration therapy is used correctly in most episodes of diarrhea; most mothers continue to feed infants and children during the child’s illness; and most physicians prescribe oral rehydration therapy. These changes in the management of acute diarrhea are associated with a sharp decrease in mortality from diarrhea, while death from other causes remains nearly constant”[29]. The report documents the impact on mortality on the basis of census data and vital statistics: “infant mortality rate due to diarrhea declined from 29.1 in 1983 to 12.3 in 1987, while non-diarrheal infant mortality rate declined during the same period by a very small fraction, from 35.6 in 1983 to 32.8 in 1987[30]. Furthermore, childhood mortality (for children aged 1-4 years) declined from 4.0 in 1983 to 2.3 in 1987 for diarrheal deaths, and from 6.0 in 1983 to 5.5 in 1987 for non-diarrheal deaths[31]. The following graph illustrates how diarrhea-related infant mortality rate declined much faster than non-diarrhea related mortality between 1983 and 1987.

Figure (6) Infant mortality in Egypt 1983-1987

It is easy to notice how the diarrhea related mortality rate has changed quite considerably during the life of the campaign, while the change in non-diarrheal mortality was minimal. The decline in diarrhea-related mortality is almost identical with the change in knowledge and use of ORS, which is shown earlier in figure (5), which suggests that these remarkable declines in mortality have been a direct result of increased knowledge and use of ORS, breastfeeding and giving liquids during diarrhea, which were the primary messages of the media campaign. This is perhaps the reason why Ruth Levine has concluded that “the most pivotal component of the program was the social marketing and mass media campaign.”[32]

Figure (7) Distribution of infant deaths registered in May-August, 1970-1986

An argument could perhaps be made that infant mortality had been on the decline before the campaign, and that what was reported as an impact during 1983-1989 is no less than a continuation of that trend. The following graph which was presented by El-Rafie and others has definitive answer to this possible argument. The graph shows the proportion of annual infant deaths during the peak diarrhea season (May to August), and illustrates how it stayed above 45% since 1970 until the end of 1983, after which it declined sharply. “More than half of the seasonality of mortality noted in 1983 had disappeared by 1987.”[33]

In absolute numbers, Levine estimates that “because of the reduction in diarrheal deaths between 1982 and 1989, 300,000 fewer children died.[34]

In even more precise figures, Peter Miller and Norbert Hirschhorn calculate that 316,612 children have been saved in Egypt between 1982 and 1989, of whom 202,113 are infants and 114,499 are children between the ages of 1 and 4.[35] They made these calculations as follows: for infant mortality, calculations based on registered births and infant diarrheal deaths; for children 1-4, calculations were based on official CAPMAS estimates of children aged 1-4 and on registered diarrhea deaths for those ages.[36]

It is reasonable to expect that many more hundreds of thousands of lives would be saved after 1989, as a result of this project and the media campaign. New epidemiological and demographic studies, as well as subsequent records of vital statistics and census data should carry the answer to this question. The campaign came to a halt after 1989 because funding of the project from USAID has reached its planned end. It goes without saying that various issues need not be neglected as a result, but in fact require a more sustained effort. This includes the prevention of diarrhea itself, better case management, improved diagnosis of dehydration and further reduction of unnecessary antibiotics and anti-diarrheal drugs also need.

While the effects of any communication campaign messages are not expected to be everlasting, however, findings of the Egyptian demographic and health surveys since the campaign ended are encouraging indeed. Towards the end of the project, the Egyptian Demographic and health Survey (EDHD) of 1988 reported that “almost all mothers of children under age 5 are aware of Oral Rehydration Therapy (ORT).[37] Three years after the project ended, the EDHS 1992 reported that “virtually all mothers know about ORS packets and 70 percent say that they have used the packets at some time.”[38] In 1995, the EDHS found that 98.2 of mothers knew of the use of ORS packets for treatment of diarrhea.[39] Ten years after the project and campaign ended, the 2000 EDHS reported that: “virtually all mothers (98 percent) are aware of the availability of packets of oral rehydration salts that can be used to prevent dehydration.”[40]

These research findings provide further anticipation that empowering mothers with the necessary knowledge and skills to treat their children and to protect them from death due to dehydration has already constituted a medical revolution, and that mothers will continue to convey the skills that they have acquired to the next generation of mothers. The communication campaign to combat child dehydration has indeed left its mark on Egyptian society; a mark that time will never erase as long as the Nile flows through the land.

Video Resources:

This video (in English) is a documentary on NCDDP and the ORT campaign in Egypt.
كيف نجحت حملة مكافحة الجفاف فى مصر
This video (in Arabic) is a documentary on NCDDP and the ORT campaign in Egypt.
All ORT campaign spots, Egypt (with English subtitles)
References

[1] Al-Ahram Newspaper, Cairo, Egypt, June 8, 1986, p. 13.

[2] The National Control of Diarrheal Diseases Project (NCDDP), Project Paper”, NCDDP, 1983.

[3] Farag Elkamel, Communication Strategy of the Egyptian ORT Communication Campaign, August 1983. https://www.academia.edu/41699754/Communication_Strategy_of_the_Egyptian_ORT_Communication_Campaign

[4] Ibid.

[5] Farag Elkamel, “Knowledge and Social Change: The Case of Family Planning”, the University of Chicago Department of Sociology, Ph.D. Dissertation, 1981.

[6] https://elkamel.wordpress.com/category/theory-methodology/

[7] Farag Elkamel and Norbert Hirshhorn, “Thirst for Information”, selected papers of the 1984 Annual Conference of the National Council for International Health, NCIH. June 11 – 13, 1984.

[8] Ibid.

[9] MEAG, “Evaluation of 1984 ORT campaigns”, Report submitted to NCDDP, Middle East Advisory Group, October 1984.

[10] El-Rafie, M. et. Al. Effect of diarrhoeal disease control on infant and childhood mortality in Egypt. The Lancet, Volume 335, Issue 8685, 10 February 1990, Pages 334-338

[11] Ibid.

[12] Ibid.

[13] G. Donhue, P. Tichnor, and C. Olien, “Mass Media Effects and the Knowledge Gap”, COMMINCATION RESEARCH, 1975. (Vol. 2), pp. 3-23.

[14] MEAG, Op. Cit

[15] Farag Elkamel, “Knowledge and Social Change: The Case of Family Planning”, the University of Chicago Department of Sociology, Ph.D. Dissertation, 1981.

[16] Farag Elkamel, “How the Egypt ORT Communication Campaign Succeeded”. ICORT II Proceedings, Washington D.C. December 10 – 13, 1985.

[17] THE BRITISH MEDICAL JOURNAL, VOL. 291, 2 NOV. 1985

[18] Unicef, The State of the World’s Children, 1986. P.28

[19] Nahed M. Kamel, The Morbidity and Mass Media Survey, Final Report (Cairo, Egypt: NCDDP, 1984).

[20] SPAAC, Evaluation of NCDDP National Campaign (KAP of Mothers) (Cairo, Egypt: NCDDP). Four reports on national surveys in Egypt, 1984, 1985, 1986, and 1988.

[21] Farag Elkamel, “Knowledge and Social Change: The Case of Family Planning”, the University of Chicago Department of Sociology, Ph.D. Dissertation, 1981.

[22] El-Rafie, M. et. Al, ibid.

[23] The British Medical Journal, (Vol. 291), November 1985. P.1249

[24] Ibid

[25] Ibid

[26] Draft Report of the Second Joint Ministry of Health / USAID / UNICEF / WHO / Review of the National Control of Diarrheal Diseases Project (NCDDP) in Egypt, June 15 – July 13, 1986.

[27] ibid

[28] ibid

[29] El-Rafie, M. et. Al ibid.

[30] Ibid, table 2, p.335

[31] Ibid

[32] Ruth Levine, Case Studies in Global Health: Millions Saved. Jones & Bartlett Publishers, 2007, p.61

[33] El-Rafie, M. et. Al. Op. Cit., p. 336

[34] Ruth Levine, Op. Cit, p. 57

[35] Peter Miller & Norbert Hirschhorn. “The effect of a national control of diarrheal diseases program on mortality: The case of Egypt,” Social Science & Medicine, Elsevier, vol. 40(10) May1995. P. 24

[36] Ibid.

[37] EDHS 1988, https://dhsprogram.com/pubs/pdf/FR14/FR14.pdf, p. xxxi

[38] EDHS 1992, https://dhsprogram.com/pubs/pdf/SR35/SR35.pdf, p.16

[39] EDHS 1995, https://dhsprogram.com/pubs/pdf/FR71/FR71.pdf, p. 176

[40] EDHS 2000, https://dhsprogram.com/pubs/pdf/FR117/FR117.pdf, p. 157

Family Planning Communication in Egypt: The Seven Years of Great Plenty and the other Years of Famine!

الأهرام المسائى 24-3-2021
youm 7-18-2-2021-front page headlines
Youm 7 Interview on18 Feb 2021_Page_5

حملات تنظيم الأسرة فى مصر:(1979-2018) السبع سنوات السمان والسنوات الأخرى العجاف

د. فرج الكامل
Introduction

Family planning campaigns in Egypt over approximately 40 years (1979-2018) are reviewed, discussed and analyzed in this article, which will provide an answer to the important question of why some of these campaigns succeeded while others didn’t. The article will uncover the role that competing theoretical and methodological approaches may have had in shaping various campaigns during this extended period of time. The role of television in causing the desired behavioral changes, and the impact on the population growth and on mother and child mortality will be discussed in some detail, as well as the cost-benefits of family planning in Egypt.

A picture is worth a thousand words, and the graph featured in figure (1) below may in fact summarize this entire article. The graph is constructed from longitudinal data that have been collected by various national and international organizations and published by the World Bank Development Indicators (2020)[1].

pop growth rate chart-1.png
Figure (1) Population Growth (Annual %), Egypt 1960-2015
Egypt’s Population Problem

The theory of demographic transition refers to a historical shift from high birth rates and high infant death rates in societies, to low birth rates and low death rates as these societies become more developed. This shift occurred in Western countries gradually with both rates declining simultaneously. But the process of demographic transition occurred on a different scale in developing countries, due to much faster declines in mortality rates with no subsequent declines in birth rates.[2] Because the decline in the mortality rate was much faster and wasn’t accompanied or even followed soon enough with a similar decline in the birth rate, developing countries experienced what came to be known as the “population explosion” since the second half of the 20th century.

As in many other developing countries, this transition began in Egypt with a sharp fall in mortality rates following the end of World War II, due to improvements in nutrition and access to safe water, sanitation and health services, as well as other socio-economic arenas such as education and housing.[3]  The result was entering a period of rapid population growth which continued for decades.

During the United Nations first and second global conferences on population and development in 1954 and 1965, experts warned that rapid population growth could exacerbate poverty and hinder development in countries with limited resources. This applied to Egypt where rapid population growth was beginning to put high pressure on the economy and environment and made the Egyptian government face serious challenges in providing for the basic needs of its citizens, including adequate housing, sanitation, health care, education, and employment.

By 1960, the crude birth rate of Egypt was almost 47 per 1,000 live births, and the annual population growth was 2.7%. In 1962, the government adopted a national charter that laid out the basic assumptions and guiding principles for Egypt, and identified rapid population growth as a threat to the economic betterment, stating that “population increase is the most dangerous obstacle that faces the Egyptian people in their drive toward raising the standard of production in their country in an effective and efficient way.”[4] In 1965, Egypt became the first country in the Arab world to launch an official family planning program. Despite the program’s early establishment, political support was inconsistent and fertility remained high until the 1980s.[5] In addition to introducing birth control services and methods to limit the family size, the family planning program also aimed at encouraging child spacing and discouraging early marriages.

More serious attention to family planning communication began in 1979, when the USAID cooperated with Egypt to launch the first national campaign through the newly established Information, Education and Communication Center (IEC) of the State Information Service (SIS). Over the course of the following 30 years, numerous campaigns were launched and different approaches were utilized. This article reviews the different phases in which these efforts were made and analyzes their varying approaches and relative impact on Egypt’s population growth rate.

A consistent methodology will be applied in discussing and analyzing these phases, where the population growth rate and the crude birth rate of the first year in each phase will be compared with the same indicators of the last year in the same phase. The difference between the two measures will be considered as an indication of performance during that phase, and additional research results will be used to interpret this performance.

Since some of the campaigns that are reviewed in this article were based on the author’s theoretical framework and methodology and also included his active involvement in the planning and development of their creative work, the utmost level of transparency and scientific integrity is observed in presenting their results and impact. The author will therefore refrain from using data from his own research studies, and will only use research data and findings that have been collected and published by other researchers and institutions in reporting the results and impact of all campaigns that are discussed here, whether they had followed the author’s approach or not.

The First SIS Family Planning Campaign (1979-1985)

A major item from that campaign was the poster featured in figure (2). The same poster was used in billboards and as a newspaper advertisement, as the campaign mostly used print media despite the high level of illiteracy. Posters were placed in Cairo, regardless of the fact that the majority of the target audience were elsewhere. The featured advertisement has this caption on top: “Look around you”. The subtitle says: “We have a population problem”, and more text adds: “we have three new children born every minute, 4,320 born every day, and 30,240 new born children every week.” After this introductory lesson in mathematics, and another set of gloomy statements, the poster warns that this rate of increase is scary and that it wipes out any potential for improvement in housing, education, medical care, etc. It then tells the Egyptian citizen “the solution is in your hand” and asks him to “start to solve the problem today”.

look-poster.1.jpg
Figure (2) Family Planning Poster (1979-1980 Campaign)

This print material was later supplemented by a four-minute-long television advertisement featuring popular singer Fatima Eid, with two upper Egyptian brothers, named Hasaneen and Mohamadeen; the first one is miserable because he has seven kids, while the other brother, who has only two is the happy one! The video however didn’t provide any indication of the means that one could use in order to avoid having that many children or that miserable fate.

Parlato et al. (1988) reported on a survey evaluation of this campaign and two sequel ones. He said: “between 1979 and 1986, SIS tried three different approaches to television advertising: the first through a popular song, the second through animation, and the third used a strong fear appeal. In addition to television advertising, SIS has continued to use posters, booklets, billboards, sponsored radio and TV programs, as well as interpersonal communication in the form of public rallies organized by the local offices of SIS. For most of this period, however, there were two conspicuous difficulties with message strategy for family planning: the lack of focused messages and a tendency to undervalue social science findings as a basis for message development.”[6] 

Donald Bogue (1983), a renowned sociologist and head of the organization that was contracted by USAID to assist the State Information Service with the first campaign, also became critical of how it was conceived and executed. He wrote: “The radio and television messages in the late 1970s and early 1980s were broadly educational, stressing the theme of excessive population growth as a national problem, but made little effort to relate this national problem to listeners’ and viewers’ day-to-day social and economic concerns. The messages also lacked any specificity concerning contraceptive methods, benefits of use, sources of supply, or possible problems”[7].

Longitudinal data which has become recently available (The World Bank Development Indicators, 2020)[8] indicate that there was no real impact on Egypt’s population growth rate during the period from 1980 to 1985. The rate of population growth was 2.319% in 1978, before the first campaign started, and continued to rise steadily throughout the life cycle of these three campaigns to reach 2.654% in 1985, which constitutes an actual increase of 14.4% in the population growth rate during that period. The crude birth rate (CBR) declined slightly by 3.6% during the same period.

The following table which is constructed from the World Bank Development Indicators (2020) shows the rate of annual growth of Egypt’s population right before, during, and right after the SIS series of campaigns from 1980 to 1985.

Table (1) Annual Population Growth and Birth Rate of Egypt: 1978-1985

Indicator / YearAnnual Population Growth Rate (%)Crude Birth Rate (per 1,000 people)
   
19782.31939.179
19792.37439.098
19802.43439.017
19812.48838.914
19822.53338.763
19832.57738.537
19842.62038.211
19852.65437.749
Family Planning Campaigns in Egypt from 1986 to 1992

During the period from 1986 to 1992, the author was responsible for planning, conceiving and producing almost all of the family planning campaigns in Egypt. This included four consecutive campaigns that were sponsored by USAID and the State Information Service (SIS), in addition to several contraceptive social marketing campaigns for Family of the Future (FOF), the Clinical Services Improvement Project (CSI) and the Health Insurance Organization (HIO).

Television campaigns which were developed during this time period shifted away from the general slogans of previous campaigns to more specific and carefully designed messages that were based on research findings, and designed to combat rumors and misinformation on specific contraceptives; explain how to correctly use them; and tackle wrong beliefs regarding early marriage, child spacing, as well as women’s responsibility for determining the baby’s gender, etc. During this phase, the first campaign was in 1986-1987 and was followed by three other campaigns in 1988, 1989, and 1990-1991. 

The 1986-1987 National Family Planning Campaign

This campaign consisted of a series of 15 TV spots, and came to be known as the “Zannana” or “the nag”. The significance of this campaign is that it was developed and aired after a period when all family planning advertising on TV was suspended in Egypt, because the leading advertising agency in the country had produced and aired a TV spot on condoms. The message was considered insensitive to the Egyptian culture, and two lawyers from Alexandria, Egypt, succeeded to get a court order in 1985 that forces the ministry of information to ban all family planning commercials on TV. The lawyers case claimed that such commercials were indecent and that the TV spot appeared to encourage unmarried youth to engage in sinful pre-marital sex. This was a typical example of how social marketing communication may fail if it didn’t understand and respect the local culture of the target audience. In this case, for example, the slogan which said that “the condom is”the man’s method for birth control” appeared to have missed one crucial word which would’ve avoided this situation. That word is “married!” It’s quite probable that had the slogan said “married man” instead of just “man”, the spot would not have been taken off the air, and the family planning campaign wouldn’t have been suspended.

The “Zannana” campaign was therefore the first series of TV spots to break through that ban. Interestingly enough, this campaign, which consisted of 15 TV spots, included a spot on condoms, which was fully accepted by the television station and the audience. Based on research results, the campaign was planned to address prevalent rumors and misinformation about family planning in general and contraceptive methods in particular. Sanaa Yunis, a comedian who often played the role of a silly and naive person, was selected to play the ill-informed mother-in-law who always volunteered wrong information, but was immediately confronted with corrections from a doctor, her son-in-law, or even her own daughter.

The strategic premise of this campaign was that women lack practical information regarding contraceptive use and often perceive the health risks of too many pregnancies to be less serious than that of contraceptives themselves. Health hazards of non-spaced pregnancies were addressed, and false rumors concerning contraception were dispelled. The need to use an appropriate method correctly was also emphasized. 

Figure (3) The zannana tells a bride that she must have plenty of children

The campaign was based on the conceptual approach described in the “Knowledge and Social Change”[9], which indicates the importance of identifying the target audience’s knowledge, attitudes, social norms, and media habits. It therefore started with a secondary analysis of available research findings, and conducted focus group discussions with health experts and target women from urban and rural areas. Concepts, scripts and videos were all pretested to make sure that messages were medically correct and that they will be understood and culturally accepted.

Pressing issues that were identified through research were presented in dramatic scenes where the Zannana would consistently volunteer wrong information and advice. For example, she tries to advise her daughter and son-in-law to have another child right away so that she can “play with”. In another spot, she advises her daughter to have plenty of children in order to “tie her husband down”. In another spot, also advises a bride in the neighborhood, on her wedding night, to have plenty of children, one after the other. She tells her older daughter in another spot not to use contraceptives as long as she is breastfeeding because she is “safe”. Another situation has the Zannana trying to arrange a marriage for her 16 year old niece. In another spot, she volunteers wrong information about the oral pill saying that it is not to be taken daily, but only when the woman has sex. All of these situations are of course carefully studied so that these rumors and misinformation are corrected and responded to right away and in convincing ways. 

An added worry was making sure that the humorous environment in the spots that are were planned to tackle rumors and misinformation which had long plagued the family planning situation in Egypt, would not be counterproductive, as there was a risk that the audience might in fact believe the misinformation instead of refusing it. This was an added reason to follow a strict systematic methodology in the development and production process.[10]

The Academy for Educational Development (AED) contracted an independent research company (Wafai and Associates) to evaluate the campaign. The table below illustrates the findings of that study which was conducted on a national study of 1800 households to evaluate the “Zannana” campaign.[11]

Table (2) Learning from the Zannana Campaign One Month After Campaign Launch  

  Indicator  %
  
Knows the content of at least one spot  98.0
Can repeat lines from the spots  74.0
Didn’t believe the “nag”  97.0

It is quite interesting, as shown in table (3) that this campaign  resulted in larger knowledge gains among the less educated segments of the population, which is precisely what a family planning program in Egypt should aim to achieve, since the  problem is often more serious among this sub-population. The following table shows how much different educational segments learned from this campaign.[12]

Table (3) Ability to Repeat Lines from Campaign by Educational Level  

  Educational Level  % Correct Knowledge  
Total74.0
  
Illiterate77.0
Read & Write79.0
Less Than High School76.0
Less Than College70.0
College71.0

The 15 spots aired several times a day for five months and public reaction was quite positive.

A more extensive evaluation study was conducted in 1988 (one year after the campaign launch) which measured the level of family planning knowledge, attitudes, and practices. The study showed a substantial increase of 79.9 percent in contraceptive use since the last documented figure of 1984.[13]

All of this campaign’s 15 TV spots can be viewed with English subtitles here: https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLxwmH-xqgi_cABa1jghW1KMepa11Xe9Zb

The 1988 National Family Planning Campaign:

This campaign consisted of 10 TV spots that focused on particular segments of the target audience, including workers, farmers, and low-income urban residents. The same theoretical framework and systematic methodology that had been used in the first campaign were applied here as well. The 1988 campaign focused on the concept of child spacing, the baby boy complex, suitable selection and correct use of contraceptive methods, early marriages, child labor and negligence, availability of different contraceptive methods, need to consult a doctor and to ignore rumors about contraceptives, and the concept of planning in general.

This campaign was evaluated through a national survey of 2,400 cases, and the study found that almost all respondents had seen the television spots. Even more importantly, the study[14] found no differences in viewership of these spots among the different educational levels, and viewership was similar in urban and rural areas. According to the study, the majority of viewers were able to repeat the messages of the campaign correctly and there were no urban-rural or educational level differences among respondents in this regard. The 10 spots of this campaign can be viewed (with English subtitles) in this link:  https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLxwmH-xqgi_eLxfyClyuvIs5V8aWQT8dj.

The 1989 National Family Planning Campaign
Figure (4) Karima Mukhtar in a child-spacing spot

Film and TV drama star Karima Mukhtar was selected for this campaign, after she had proved to be a great success in the ORT campaign that we had developed since 1984. She played female doctor in this series of 10 television spots, where she corrects misinformation and rumors, and conveys useful advice on the correct uses of contraceptives. The spots also address more complex issues such as fatalism, starting child spacing after the first child is born, as well as men’s involvement in and support of family planning decisions.

All 10 spots of this campaign can be viewed (with English subtitles) here: https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLxwmH-xqgi_cOme77OcJlXMLJc_fcBZMD

The 1990-1991 National Family Planning Campaign

Monitoring and evaluation feedback on the previous campaign was quite positive which enhanced the decision to develop this new series of spots with the same star. In this campaign, the “doctor” Karima Mukhtar leaves her office in the city and goes to meet women in a rural area, upon the request of its village chief. The new series of TV spots continued the focus on the correct selection and use of appropriate contraceptive methods, and included a spot on how men should treat their women with compassion; respect and dignity, not as rabbits that are intended to merely have an offspring. The last spot in the series had a clear call for everyone to do their part, including policy makers and other officials.

Figure (5) Karima Mukhtar with village women

All 12 spots of this campaign can be viewed (with English subtitles) here: https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLxwmH-xqgi_fz-TKPbTHOVhX2hgH_KTHj.

Most of the TV spots that were produced in the context of the four campaigns described above continued to be aired on national television channels throughout 1992-1993

Impact of the 1986-1992 Campaigns

Evaluation studies and national surveys which were carried out in Egypt as well as vital statistics for live births show that media campaigns have had a remarkable impact during this phase of seven years. Egypt’s birth rate took a sharp downward turn simultaneously with these campaigns from 1987 to 1991. In an interview with The Times, the Egyptian Minister of Population said: “the sharp increase in the rate of family planning practice from 38% in 1988 to 47% in 1992 could be attributed to the IEC program with convincing family planning messages, particularly to the effective use of television since the illiteracy rate is still high in Egypt”[15].

The graph shown in figure (6) summarizes the impact of Egypt’s family planning campaigns during this period. The graph, which is published in the UNFPA report, Population Situation Analysis, Egypt 2016[16] shows a considerable decline in Egypt’s Crude Birth Rate (CBR) during the period from 1986-1992, which reflects the impact of these campaigns. This magnitude of decrease in CBR has never occurred over any similar time period in Egypt’s modern history, and has a near perfect relationship with the increase in the use of contraceptives during the same period. According to El-bakly and Hess (1994)[17], “Television has contributed decisively to the rise in contraceptive prevalence. The 1992 Egyptian Demographic and Health Survey (EDHS-92) showed that 73% of men and 71% of women cited television as their first source of information about family planning.”

Figure (6): Egypt Crude Birth Rate, 1987-2015. Source-UNDP Population Situation Analysis, Egypt 2016, p.29

As table (4) indicates, during these seven years which witnessed the four national campaigns and other contraceptives social marketing campaigns described above, the rate of population growth decreased by 24.1% and the birth rate decreased by 18.9%.

Table (4) Annual Population Growth and Birth Rate of Egypt: 1986-1993

Indicator / YearAnnual Population Growth Rate (%)Crude Birth Rate (per 1,000 people)
   
19862.69137.118
19872.70936.325
19882.67135.393
19892.56934.352
19902.42733.249
19912.27232.141
19922.14031.080
19932.04330.110
Family Planning Campaigns in Egypt from 1993 to 2002

This author discontinued his work in family planning campaigns in Egypt after the 1990-1991 campaign described above.

Between 1993 and 2002, family services continued to develop, enhanced by the operation of various USAID-funded projects. In the meantime, various campaigns were launched during this new phase, including one starring the famous actor Ahmed Maher. He played the role of a father who had so many children; he became unable to provide for them, or even to remember all their names. He would conclude the TV spot with the statement “A man is not only held for his words, but also for the care of his family.”

Figure (7) Ahmed Maher in a TV spot

As catchy as this phrase was, the campaign fell again in the same trap of spreading untested and overly general messages.

Another campaign that appeared during this phase,  was an in-house production by the ministry of health, where again the focus was on limiting the number of children to only two, otherwise the husband will be driven away and may start to consider marrying another woman. This add can be viewed here: https://youtu.be/gesUpbXrfKE

Both campaigns didn’t address the real message needs of the target population, nor was there any attention given to the main issue of knowledge and the correct use of contraceptive methods.

Table (5) Annual Population Growth and Birth Rate of Egypt: 1994-2001

Indicator / YearAnnual Population Growth Rate (%)[18]Crude Birth Rate (per 1,000 people)[19]    
19942.00929.256
19952.00628.526
19962.01327.903
19972.00927.352
19981.99626.845
19991.96726.381
20001.93025.958
20011.90125.578

As table (5) indicates, the impact of these campaigns and others during this phase on the birth rate and population growth rate of Egypt was mild, as documented in census data and vital statistics. The rate of population growth decreased during this period by 5.4%, and the birth rate decreased by 12.6%. Some of this impact might even be attributed to the residuals of the campaigns in previous years.

Family Planning Communication During 2002-2009
The CHL Communication Program

Since 2002, USAID changed its approach of supporting “vertical” family planning communication programs in Egypt and started to channel its support through the “Communication for Healthy Living” (CHL) umbrella. An evaluation of this program was carried out in 2009 which raises some serious questions. Since this author was a member of the three-person international team which was selected by USAID to conduct the evaluation, and consistently with the rule we stated earlier regarding relying in this article only on data that have been gathered and published by other researchers and institutions, the author will abstain from using data that have been collected by the team during this mission, and will only use other published data. The final report on the “Communication for Healthy Living” (CHL) project, which was submitted in February 2009, is however available from USAID[20].

The CHL used a wide variety of channels to disseminate messages; including IEC printed materials, television spots and “Enter-educate” programs, radio, telephone, events, outreach and interpersonal communication. Together with SIS and MOHP, CHL launched a number of campaigns, e.g., “Sahetak Tharwetak” (Your Health, Your Wealth) public sector campaign and the “Isaal Istashir” (Ask, Consult) private sector campaign. It should also be acknowledged that significant improvements were attained during this phase in service provision; and there was an increase in the number of rehabilitated health facilities. There has also been an increase in the number of districts implementing the Integrated Management of Childhood Illness (IMCI) strategy from 87 in 2003 to 237 in 2008[21]. The USAID report indicates that these changes have been made by the government and are independent of the CHL project[22].

According to the Egypt Demographic and Health Surveys, exposure of currently married women to family planning messages sharply declined from 90.8% in 2005 to 66.8% in 2008[23]. This decline perhaps reflects the nearly thirty percentage points decline in the percentages of women who reported exposure to family planning messages on TV: from 88.5% in 2005 to 58.1% in 2008 [24].  Data from the Village Health Survey[25] also show that anti natal care messages reached less than half of the least educated group. The EHCS 2008[26] reports that 66% of women recalled the messages disseminated through CHL, but only 32% recalled what may be the most important message that of the danger signs during pregnancy. In addition to the drop in exposure to family planning messages, changes in the Total Fertility Rate (TFR) and Modern Contraceptive Prevalence Rate (MCPR) were minimal between 2003 and 2008. The Total Fertility Rate (TFR) decreased by a marginal 0.2% between 2003 and 2008. 

Several factors may account for these unexpected outcomes, but the author can only make a reference in this regard to the report submitted to USAID[27] as mentioned earlier.

Wakfa Masrya (An Egyptian Stand)

This campaign overlapped with CHL program as it was launched  in the Summer of 2008, when various ministries were requested by the ruling National Party of Mubarak to pool resources and for a new national campaign that was called “Wakfa Masrya” or an Egyptian Stand! This was a literal translation of Mubarak’s remarks who had said that we needed to have a stand against the population problem. The government’s communication officials translated his instructions quite literally!

Figure (8) The Wakfa Masrya Poster

The main campaign advertisement had the big title “Wakfa Masrya” or an Egyptian Stand, with a secondary title that says “If we use our brains”. Various issues were then listed with visuals in posters, lampposts and billboards. There were six issues (or promises if we use our brains):

  1. We would all get an education.
  2. We would all be well-fed.
  3. We would all be treated
  4. We would all have healthcare
  5. We would all have water to drink.
  6. We would all get jobs.

Because these were all government messages, they had to include what the government was spending to subsidize each of these various services. The ultimate catch was the slogan at the bottom of the poster which says: “before we have a new baby, we have to be sure that we can provide for him.”

Figure (9) The Wakfa Masrya outdoor sign

As mentioned above, individual outdoor signs were dedicated to each one of those six issues. An example is provided in figure (9).

So, what was wrong with that campaign? A short answer is: everything! Top-down communication, non-specific or actionable messages, putting the blame on the citizens, addressing the wrong audience, incorrect choice of media and wrong placement of the advertisements were only some of the problems. The campaign relied heavily on street banners, lampposts and billboards, which were mostly placed in well-off neighborhoods, including the streets around the presidential palace.

It is quite interesting to note here the resemblance in the approach between this campaign and that of the early 1980s as well as that of the 1994-2001 phases, which were discussed earlier. All of those campaigns didn’t seem to pay much attention to research-based message development, media selection, or audience segmentation and targeting, among others elements of good campaign development.

Dr. Dorria Sharafeldin, who was president of Egyptian TV at one point, wrote the following in “Almasry Alyoum” newspaper on 15/7/2008:[28] “Who engineered this campaign? Who choose that slogan? Who was it that scattered the messages on plenty of lampposts on bridges and neighborhoods that do not have any population problem? We need to know who did that in order to know who is in fact causing the population problem in Egypt.” She then goes on to say: “I have asked some of those who would be typical targets of such a campaign if they had noticed any new advertisements on the streets. Most of them said that they didn’t, and the few who did said that they thought that the signs were promoting a new TV show.”  Other critics pointed out that the visuals in the advertisements had absolutely nothing to do with reality. The buses that were featured in the ads were neat and with plenty of empty seats, the characters looked like advertising models, and even the loaf of bread was not at all similar to that which people can find anywhere!

No wonder that this campaign too, like the one of the early 1980s, became a mockery of the Egyptian people, who turned the campaign visuals and slogans into something else that more accurately reflected the more pressing issues which they believed to be the ones which the society was facing at the time. The following three examples show how Egyptians reacted to the campaign:

The most reliable indicator that we could use to evaluate the impact of family planning in Egypt during this phase is the same measure that was used to evaluate the previous phases, which is  the extent to which the birth rate and the population growth rate were affected. The following table documents both rates during the seven years of this phase[29]. It’s obvious from the table that there was a negative impact on Egypt’s population birth or population growth rates during the period. The rate of population growth increased by 0.9%, and the birth rate increased by 5.2%.

  Table (6) Annual Population Growth and Birth Rate of Egypt: 2002-2009  

Indicator / YearAnnual Population Growth Rate (%)[30]  Crude Birth Rate (per 1,000 people)[31]
20021.88125.258
20031.85925.015
20041.83124.864
20051.80624.849
20061.77225.024
20071.75225.393
20081.77925.930
20091.86426.584
Other Family Planning Campaigns
Figure (13) Akram Hosney (Abo Shanab)

As if impossible to learn from past mistakes, the same ineffective approach was repeated in another government-sponsored TV advertisement during a 2019 campaign staring Akram Hosney (Abo Shanab.) Like the Hasaneen and Mohamadeen music video of 1980, this one too is too long (4:27 minutes) and addresses Upper Egyptians with a general message that focuses on limiting family size. Comments of viewers indicate that they considered the videos as entertainment rather than educational or motivational material.

The video and comments by viewers are here: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=reZHd7w1MsE

Discussion and Conclusions

A report by UNFPA documents the changes in the use of contraceptive methods during the time span of 30 years which was discussed in this article. The report concludes that “the trends of current use of family planning methods during the period 1984-2008 clearly show that the major jump occurred during the period of 1984-1992 where the rate increased more than 50% from 30.3% in 1984 to 47.1% in 1992. During the period 1992-2000, the contraceptive prevalence rate increased by almost 19% from 47.1% in 1992 to 56.1% in 2000. However the national rate has been leveling off during the period 2003-2008 at around 59-60 percent.”[32]

These figures should raise another question on the quality of contraceptives use after 1993, since that increase in the percentages of contraceptive users was not reflected on the population growth or birth rates after 1993. Questions on the quality of use, spread of rumors, and contraceptive methods choices and other possible causes should be investigated.

The importance of contraceptive use in causing the desired impact on the population growth rate in Egypt has been investigated by Scott Moreland, who thoroughly examined factors that may have led to the decrease in fertility levels over 25 years from 1981 to 2005, and concluded that among these possible factors, changes in the use of contraception is the single most important factor responsible for fertility decline.[33]

It’s quite saddening that a quarter of a century after the completion of the “seven years of great plenty” from 1986 to 1992, subsequent campaigns didn’t yield any further progress in reducing the population growth or birth rates in Egypt. In 1986, when we launched the first national campaign, the growth rate was 2.7% which was reduced to 2.043% in 1993, after the completion of the campaign airing. By the same token, the birth rate, which was 37.12 in 1986, was also brought down to 30.11 by 1993. However, 25 years later, the situation remains the same as we left it. The annual growth rate of Egypt’s population in 2018 is 2.033, which is almost the same as it was in 1993, and the birth rate in 2014 is 31.0, which is even higher than the corresponding rate in 1993[34]!

Some causes of this paradox may have been explained in this review. However, further analysis and explanations by other researchers may still be needed.

An objective measure of the changeable impact of family planning and communication activities during the 30 years from 1979 to 2009 is illustrated in figure (1) which illustrates longitudinal data that had been compiled by various national and international agencies, and was published by the World Bank (2020).[35]

The graph clearly shows that the early 1980-1985 campaigns had no substantial impact on the population growth of Egypt, which has been explained earlier in our discussion of that campaign. On the other hand, the graph quite clearly shows that the period from 1987-1993 witnessed a most remarkable rate of decrease in the population growth rate, a change that was unprecedented at the time, and remains unmatched. Finally, the graph shows that family planning campaigns have had little or no impact on the population growth rate of Egypt during the period from 1993 to 2009.

Accordingly, the following four phases can be clearly drawn from the discussion and data presented in this article. It should be noted that each one of distinctive four phases listed below includes eight years, however the first year in the relevant phase is considered as the baseline against which progress during the following seven years is consistently measured.

  1. The first seven years of famine (1978-1985). This period started with the first SIS campaign, followed by two other campaigns by the same organization. The rate of population growth actually increased by 14.4% and the birth rate decreased by 3.6% during this phase.
  2. The seven years of great plenty (1986-1993). The period witnessed four national campaigns and several contraceptives social marketing campaigns. The rate of population growth decreased by 24.1% and the birth rate decreased by 18.9% during this period.
  3. The seven years of mild impact (1994-2001). During this period, various campaigns were carried out by various organizations including the Ministry of Health, and the Ministry of Social Affairs. The rate of population growth decreased by 5.4% and the birth rate decreased by 12.6% during this phase.
  4. The second seven years of famine (2002-2009). The dominant activities in family planning communication during this period were carried out by the CHL program. The rate of population growth in fact increased by 0.9% and the birth rate also increased by 5.2.0% during this period.

The date presented in figure (18)[36] illustrates the differences in annual population growth rate, as expressed in the percentage of change between the first and the last year of that phase. It is because of this pattern, which is clearly visible in the graph, that we are calling these phases as the first seven years of famine, the seven years of great plenty, the seven years of slow motion, and the second seven years of famine!

pop growth chart-4 phases.png
Figure (14) Percentage Change in the Population Growth Rate, Egypt 1978-2009
Cost-Benefit and Impact on Mother and Child Mortality

The benefits from the family planning program and its communication campaigns, especially those that succeeded have had a major impact on Egypt. Reducing the birth rate was achieved at a total cost of LE 2,402 million that were spent on family planning between 1980 and 2005. This amount, however “was more than offset by the LE 45,838 million estimated cost savings in child health, education, and food subsidies. These cost savings have allowed Egypt to maintain and improve the quality of public services in these sectors and ultimately the quality of life of Egyptians. Undoubtedly, as other studies have shown, other sectors, such as general health, housing, employment, and the economy, have also benefited from the family planning program”[37]

The strong influence of child spacing on childhood mortality has been well documented. The 1988 Demographic and Health Survey results shows that the most significant differentials in both infant and child mortality are associated with the length of the preceding birth interval. Child mortality is almost three times higher when the interval between the child and his next older sibling is under two years than for intervals of two to three years or more. Infant mortality decreases from 153 deaths per thousand births for birth intervals of less than two years to around 58 per thousand for birth intervals of two-three years. In addition, mortality is 31% higher among children born to mothers who are less than 20 years old[38]. These differentials suggest that mortality risks for Egyptian children are substantially reduced as a result of the key messages in the communication campaigns which have resonated with the target audience.

Figure (15) Impact of Birth Spacing and Mother’s Age on Child Mortality

Finally, assessment of the impact of fertility decline in Egypt on child and maternal mortality reveals that the benefits of family planning in Egypt till 2005 have been substantial, resulting in a population that is smaller by 12 million; a lower infant mortality rate, resulting in more than three million fewer infant deaths during 1980-2005, a lower under-5 child mortality rate, resulting in about six million fewer early-childhood deaths during the same period; and fewer maternal deaths, with 17,000 mothers’ lives saved over those 25 years.[39]

References:

[1] World Bank, World Development Indicators. https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SP.POP.GROW?contextual=max&end=2018&locations=EG&start=1960&view=chart

[2] J. Van Bavel, The world population explosion: causes, backgrounds and projections for the future. Facts Views Vis Obgyn. 2013; 5(4): 281–291. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3987379/

[3] Alyaa Awad and Ayman Zohry, The End of Egypt Population Growth in the 21st Century: Challenges and Aspirations  The 35th Annual Conference On Population and  Development Issues  Current Situation & Aspirations. Cairo Demographic center, 20 – 22 December 2005, p.2

[4] Makhlouf, Hesham H., ed. 2003. Population of Egypt in the Twentieth Century. Cairo: Cairo Demographic Center.

[5] Radovich E, el-Shitany A, Sholkamy H, Benova L (2018) Rising up: Fertility trends in Egypt before and after the revolution. PLoS ONE 13(1): e0190148.https://doi.org/10.1371/journal. pone.0190148

[6] Parlato et al. 1988. Communication Makes a Difference: Final report on the Egyptian Population Project. AED, Washington, D.C

[7] Bogue, Donald J. “How to Evaluate a Communications Campaign for Family Planning: A Demonstration Based on Data from the SIS Program in Egypt, 1980–82.” Research Report 6, Carolina Population Center, Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1983.

[8] World Bank, World Development Indicators, op. cit.

[9] Elkamel, Farag. Knowledge and Social Change: The Case of Family Planning.  PhD Dissertation, Department of Sociology, University of Chicago: 1981.

[10] Elkamel, Farag. Communication Strategies and Programs: A Systematic Approach, UNICEF MENA Regional Office, 1986.

[11] Parlato et al. 1988. Communication Makes a Difference: Final report on the Egyptian Population Project. AED, Washington, D.C

[12] Ibid

[13] Ibid

[14] Parlato et al, op. cit.

[15] N. Rakia, We will solve the problem: An interview with Population and Family

Welfare Minister Prof. Maher Mahran. Integration. 1994 Sep; (41):4-7.

[16] UNFPA 2016. Population Situation Analysis, Egypt

[17] El-bakly S., Hess R.W. “Mass Media Makes a Difference,” Integration, 1994 Sep; (41):13-5.

[18]World Bank, World Development Indicators, ibid.

[19]World Bank, World Development Indicators, ibid.

[20] The full and detailed report is available from USAID, Egypt

[21] USAID/Egypt. Population and Health Performance Monitoring Plan, January 2009

[22] Ibid.

[23] CHL internal document, “Exposure to Family Planning Messages (2005-2008)”

[24] Egyptian Demographic and Health Survey (EDHS) 2008

[25] The Village Health Survey 2007: Menya and Fayoum

[26] El-Zanaty, Fatma et. al. EGYPT HEALTH COMMUNICATION SURVEY, 2008.

[27] The full and detailed report is available from USAID, Egypt

[28] https://to.almasryalyoum.com/article2.aspx?ArticleID=113312

[29]https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SP.POP.GROW?contextual=default&end=2018&locations=EG&start=1960&view=chart

[30]The World Bank, World Development Indicators, https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SP.POP.GROW?contextual=max&end=2018&locations=EG&start=1960&view=chart

[31]The World Bank, World Development Indicators,  https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SP.DYN.CBRT.IN?locations=EG

[32] Policies to address fertility Plateau in Egypt Final Report, Social Research Center The American University in Cairo January 2012

[33] Scott Moreland, Egypt’s Population Program-Assessing 25 Years of Family Planning. USAID, 2006

[34] The World Bank, World Development Indicators, ibid.

[35] The World Bank, World Development Indicators, https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SP.POP.GROW?locations=EG

[36] The World Bank, World Development Indicators, Op.Cit.

[37] Ibid.

[38] The Egypt Demographic and Health Survey, 1988 and Full Report, DHS, 1988, p.133. https://www.dhsprogram.com/pubs/pdf/SR6/SR6.pdf

[39] Ibid.

Combating Hepatitis C in Egypt

Viral Hepatitis has been one of the world’s most ‎pressing health problems. It affects hundreds of millions of people worldwide, causing acute and chronic liver disease and killing close to 1.5 million people every year, mostly from hepatitis B and C. These infections can be prevented, but most people don’t know how.

Many Egyptians have been infected with hepatitis C as a result of inadequately sterilized needles during mass campaigns to treat Schistosomiasis which started in 1960s and continued through the early 1980s. Afterwards, the virus continued to spread through infected blood and relevant items.

By 2014, Egypt had one of the highest global burdens of hepatitis C virus infections in the world. It was estimated then that 4.4% of the population 1-59 years old and 7% of the population between 15 and 59 years are chronically infected. A new national strategy needed to be developed and implemented by national and international parties to meet this major challenge.

Source: EGYPT HEALTH ISSUES SURVEY 2015, p.41  https://dhsprogram.com/pubs/pdf/FR313/FR313.pdf

As senior communication adviser to the World Health Organization (WHO) in Egypt between 2014 and 2016, I contributed the following:

  • Wrote the Communication Plan for Hepatitis C Awareness and prevention.
  • Supervised the development and production of a documentary film on the HCV problem in Egypt.
  • Designed and supervised the implementation of three KAP surveys in Egypt during 2015 on: (1) the general public, (2) hepatitis C patients, and (3) healthcare providers.
  • Analyzed the data from the three surveys and concluded recommendations for the media strategy, communication messages, targeting, and appropriate media selection.
  • Concluded the Priority Messages for the First Wave of Hepatitis C TV Spots in Egypt.
  • Developed the first Egyptian national campaign on hepatitis C awareness and in 2016-2017, which included five television spots, a poster, and a pamphlet.
  • The involvement of in the national effort to combat HCV continued after I left WHO, as I was nominated by Cairo University to help the Ministry of Health and Population as the senior communication adviser for the national drive to treat all infected persons in Egypt, which was launched in 2018 and continued for 7 months, from October 2018 to April 2019. As I recommended to the ministry, the campaign should never assume that the problem has completely disappeared. There is a very strong need to continue educating the public about prevention, alerting high risk groups to get a checkup, and upgrading the infection control knowledge, skills, and practices of healthcare providers. This is the link to this national drive: http://www.stophcv.eg/

The Communication Strategy & Plan for Hepatitis C Awareness and Prevention in Egypt

Overall Strategy Guidelines

This implementation plan addresses the role that communication can play in the prevention of Viral Hepatitis in Egypt and describes the sequence of events that will result in the desired change. It also describes a logical progress from the broad goals to objectives, accomplishments or outcomes and then to very concrete actions and activities.  The plan includes the following:

  • Specific and measurable objectives, indicators, and activities within a specific time frame
  • Defined action steps with accountability, deadlines and resources needed
  • Links to the national Action Plan and to the Communication Strategy.

When put into use, this plan should be a dynamic tool. Target dates may need to be adapted, and actual results may be different than anticipated. This document is therefore a tool to document progress as well. 

Because the implementation plan is detailed with specific activities, and since the resources needed may be beyond the capabilities of one single entity, partner organizations can choose to be responsible for sponsoring specific appropriate sections or activities, which are consistent with their organization’s strategic plans.  Doing so will help to document their contributions to this collaborative endeavor and to track their efforts internally.

Another important use of this detailed implementation plan is its utility in process evaluation. When the campaign is evaluated, a thorough investigation must be undertaken to determine which activities have been implemented and which were not, and how the implementation itself took place.  As this plan is approved, the country can move into actual implementation where partners would use it as a foundation for implementation, monitoring, evaluation, and coordination.

The Plan of Action for the Prevention, Care & Treatment of Viral Hepatitis, Egypt 2014-2018 is the main background document that constitutes the source of what is considered in this implementation plan as goals, objectives, performance measures or indicators, and activities.

Goal: In this implementation plan, the overall goal is to reduce or eliminate new infections of HCV and to encourage currently infected persons to seek immediate treatment.

Objectives:

  • Improve the general public’s knowledge and Behaviors and their understanding of HCV, its seriousness, care, treatment, and prevention.
  • Help eliminate stigmatizing people infected with HCV.
  • Improve knowledge, attitudes and practice of positive behaviors of infected ‎individuals and their family members regarding ‎diet, exercise, medical follow-up, prevention, and ‎seeking treatment.‎
  • Increase correct knowledge and practice of prevention measures among healthcare providers, in public and private, formal and informal sectors.
  • Enhance the enabling environment (namely decision makers and the media) through the constant supply of correct information and motivational messages.

Audience segmentation

  • The general public
  • Individuals living with HCV and their families
  • Healthcare providers
  • The media, opinion leaders and decision makers

Summary of recommended key approaches for target segments:

The General Public:

  1. Baseline and follow-up KAP and media habits surveys as well as Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) utilized in message development and pretesting.
  2. TV & Radio public service announcements
  3. TV & Radio talk shows, popular/health/women/children’s programs
  4. Special events including World Hepatitis day.
  5. Stickers and pamphlets at P.O.S, public transportation, and workplaces.
  6. Community mobilization in schools, universities, mosques, churches, NGOs, clubs, and local businesses.
  7. Newspaper coverage of HCV news and events.

Persons with HCV:

  1. Baseline and follow-up KAP and media habits surveys as well as Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) utilized in message development and pretesting.
  2. The internet and social media (most popular Egyptian websites and social media, in addition to websites for NCCVH, the MOHP, the national program, and WHO.)
  3. Upgrade, publicize and utilize the HCV hotline
  4. SMS to mobile phones (The national control program has a database which includes more than one million mobile phone numbers for all those who applied through the NCCVH website for the new treatment.)
  5. TV spots featuring celebrities and champions who have had the HCV treatment
  6. A series of video magazines for patients in the waiting halls of liver institute and similar health providers

Healthcare Providers:

  1. Establish a database for healthcare providers
  2. Baseline and follow-up KAP and media habits surveys as well as Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) utilized in message development and pretesting.
  3. Leaflets for healthcare providers specially those dealing with blood and injection.
  4. A special mass-mailed letter with specific actionable instructions from the Minister or other senior MOHP leadership to all those involved in injection or blood.
  5. Support outreach and mobilization of HCP in 5270 primary healthcare units and 450 hospitals within 5 years through supporting TOT and peer education efforts conducted by the MOHP.
  6. Produce one educational film that clarifies the specific steps HCP should follow for infection control (IC).
  7. Digital mass campaigns through SMS and the internet with essential information and instructions.

Media, Decision Makers and Other Opinion Leaders:

  1. Content analysis of media coverage of HCV.
  2. Press releases, press kits, lobbying services and story pitching to the journalists and media editors.
  3. Special events and news conferences to keep the media and decision makers involved.
  4. High-level advocacy activities including meetings and a regular newsletter to decision makers, particularly the parliamentary subcommittee on health and owners of large businesses to promote corporate social responsibility (CSR).

Highlights of the Strategy & Implementation Plan

Detailed activities, timeline, budget, expected results and responsibilities:

A special template was used to detail the above mentioned aspects of the implementation plan for each of the four objectives specified in the strategy. As can be noticed from the table of contents shown above, the plan was very detailed (44 pages). A picture of the template head is featured below:

Short and long-time indicators for all objectives:

Communication Messages

Detailed lists of messages and their supporting facts were drafted in the strategy and implementation plan. It was stressed, however that the lists were not final and that final message lists and contents are “To be revised on the basis of the baseline and follow-up 1 surveys“.

Notice that the messages are drafted in consistency with the theory and methodology outlined elsewhere in this site. For more details, please see: Theory & Methodology

A detailed feature on the baseline study and its results is here (in English): Hepatitis C Knowledge, Attitudes, and Practices in Egypt and is here (in Arabic): Hepatitis C Knowledge, Attitudes, and Practices in Egypt (Arabic). A description of the campaign and how it was developed on the basis of the baseline study is available here: It’s either us or virus C!

نموذج المعرفة والتغيير الاجتماعى: الأسس العلمية وحالات تطبيقية – د. فرج الكامل

The model was first presented in Farag Elkamel, “Knowledge and Social Change: The Case of Family Planning.” Ph.D. Dissertation, The University of Chicago Department of Sociology, 1981.

It was also published in Arabic in:

دكتور فرج الكامل: تأثير وسائل الاتصال – الأسس النفسية والاجتماعية. دار الفكر العربى 1985

Website for more information on the model and methodology: https://elkamel.wordpress.com/

YouTube channel for professional model applications: https://www.youtube.com/Farag Elkamel

______________________________________________________

مقدمة

نقطة البداية الأساسية ـ أو البديهية الأساسية ـ فى النموذج هى أن المعرفة تعد أساس السلوك الإنساني. وبالنسبة للغالبية العظمى من القضايا والأشياء، فان معظم الناس يعرفون القليل ـ أو لا يعرفون شيئا ـ عن هذه القضايا أو الأشياء أو كيفية التصرف حيالها. ومن مسلمات النموذج أيضا أن الإنسان يسلك مسلكا خاصا دون غيره فى الحياة بناء على كمية ونوع المعرفة التى لديه.

المعرفة، الإتصال، والوضع الإجتماعى ـ الإقتصادى للفرد

المدخل الحالى يفترض أن المعرفة التى لدينا عن الأشياء أو الأشخاص تتكون عن طريق اشتراكنا فى عملية الإتصال، سواء كان الإتصال مواجهيا أو جماهيريا. ولما كنا نفترض أن المعرفة هى أساس السلوك الإنساني، فإننا نستطيع القول بأن السلوك يتم التأثير عليه عن طريق الإتصال. ولكن الإتصال ـ من ناحية أخرى ـ يرتبط بعدد من العوامل الإقتصادية والإجتماعية التى تحدد نوعه ومداه. من هنا، فان النموذج يطرح عددا من التساؤلات التى تعد الإجابة عليها أساسية لفهم دور الإعلام فى التغيير والتنمية الإجتماعية:

المعرفة والسلوك

إذا ما اتفقنا على الحقيقة الأساسية التى مؤداها أن المعرفة يتم تحصيلها عن طريق الإتصال، فإننا نستطيع أن نكتشف ما إذا كانت المعرفة بشيء أو بفكرة أو بشخص ما تؤثر على السلوك نحو هذه الشيء أو الفكرة أو الشخص.

هذه العلاقة بين المعرفة والسلوك مبنية على الاعتقاد الراسخ بأن الذين لا يقومون بأى سلوك نحو شيء ما غالبا ما يفتقرون إلى القدرة على معرفة أو دراسة هذا الشيء وإمكانية السلوك نحوه. وبالتالى فان الفرد لا يستطيع أن يكون إعتقادات أو نوايا سلوكية ليقوم بسلوك معين نحو شيء يجهله .

وطبقا لهذا المدخل، فان الإختلافات فى المعرفة بين الأفراد ترجع إلى عاملين أساسيين: الأول هو الإختلافات فى درجات ونوعيات التعرض للإتصال، والثانى هو الاختلاف فى الأوضاع الإجتماعية والإقتصادية. وعلاوة على ذلك، فان درجات ونوعيات التعرض للإتصال ترتبط بدورها بالأوضاع الإجتماعية والإقتصادية للفرد. وبالنسبة للسلوك نحو شيء أو قضية ما، فإننا نستطيع أن نجد أن:

ومن هنا، فإننا نستطيع القول بأن السلوك يتأثر بالمعرفة، التى تتأثر بدورها بالمتغيرات الإتصالية والمتغيرات الإجتماعية ـ الإقتصادية من ناحية، وبالتفاعل بين المتغيرات الإتصالية والمتغيرات الإجتماعية والإقتصادية من الناحية الأخرى.

العوامل الوسيطة

برغم الأهمية القصوى للمعرفة فى تحديد السلوك، إلا أننا لا يجب أن نتوقع علاقة مباشرة بين المتغيرين. ففى كثير من الأحيان توجد هناك أسباب ـ أو متغيرات ـ تحول دون تحول المعرفة إلى سلوك فعلى، من العوامل الوسيطة التى يحددها النموذج:

والشيء المهم الذى تجدر الإشارة إليه هنا هو أن الفئتين الأخيرتين من المتغيرات الوسيطة ـ المتغيرات القيمية والاتجاهيةـ تتأثران إلى حد كبير بالمتغيرات الإتصالية التى تحدثنا عنها ـ وهى التى تتصل بكمية ونوعية التعرض للإتصال. ومن ناحية أخرى فان العوامل أو المتغيرات المساعدة ترتبط إلى حد كبير بالمتغيرات الإقتصادية والإجتماعية.

وكان أول اختبار عملى لهذا النموذج فى عام 1981 عندما طبقه المؤلف على قضية تنظيم الأسرة فى مصر.

وقد كان الفرض العلمى الأساسى للدراسة عن تنظيم الأسرة هو أن الشخص الذى يعيش فى مناطق حضرية، المتعلم، المرتفع الدخل، والذى ينتمى إلى ذوى الياقات البيضاء، لا يتوقع أن يكون أكثر استخداما لتنظيم الأسرة أكثر من الشخص الريفى، الأمى، الفقير، الذى يعمل فلاحا أو عاملا، إلا إذا كان الشخص الأول أكثر معرفة بوسائل تنظيم الأسرة من الشخص الثانى. أى أن العوامل الإجتماعية والإقتصادية فى حد ذاتها ليست هى التى تجعل الفرد يسلك سلوكا معينا. بل إن ما يؤدى بالفرد إلى السلوك بشكل معين دون غيره هو أن تلك العوامل الإجتماعية والإقتصادية تؤدى بالفرد إلى اكتساب المعرفة بشكل يختلف طبقا لاختلاف تلك الظروف الإجتماعية والإقتصادية.

وما قلناه هنا ينطبق تماما على المتغيرات الإتصالية. فليس المهم هو الإشتراك فى التعرض للإتصال، إذا كان هذا الإشتراك ليس من النوع الذى يؤدى إلى زيادة المعرفة. وقد جاءت النتائج مؤكدة للفروض العلمية المبنية على النموذج، ووجد المؤلف أن التفاعل بين العوامل الإجتماعية والإقتصادية وبين المتغيرات الاتصالية يؤدى إلى التأثير على مستوى المعرفة لدى الفرد. فالطبقات الفقيرة والأميون والريفيون والفلاحون يستمعون فى الإذاعة إلى برامج يغلب عليها الطابع الترفيهى، فى حين يستمع المتعلمون والذين يعيشون فى المناطق الحضرية إلى برامج يغلب عليها أكثر الطابع المعلومى. هذا بالإضافة بالطبع إلى عدم تعرض الأميين أو الفقراء أو الريفيين إلى أى من وسائل الإعلام بنفس الدرجة التى يتعرض بها الأغنياء أو المتعلمون أو سكان المدن لهذه الوسائل.

وهذا النموذج ينبه إلى أن المهم ليس وجود برامج أو حملات إعلامية فى حد ذاتها، وإنما المهم هو كيف تتم هذه الحملات وكيف تراعى هذا الارتباط بين المعرفة ـ الإتصال ـ العوامل الإجتماعية والإقتصادية ـ والسلوك. ومراعاة هذا الارتباط بين عناصر النموذج يهدف فى نهاية الأمر إلى إحداث التنمية الإجتماعية بشكل متوازن، وحيث هى مطلوبة بشكل أكثر إلحاحا. وفى الواقع، فإننا نشبه ما يحدث فى كثير من الحملات الإعلامية آلتي تتم فى غيبة من الوعى بهذا التفاعل بين تلك العناصر بما يحدث ـ على سبيل المثال ـ حينما ندعم بعض السلع التموينية التى ينتهى الأمر بها أن تكون متوافرة لدى القادرين أكثر من توافرها لدى ذوى الحاجة الماسة إليها. وباختصار شديد فان المعرفة هى رغيف الخبز الأساسى الذى يجب أن نجعله متاحا للفقراء والأميين والريفيين ـ من أجل إحداث التنمية الإجتماعية والمتكافئة.

لقد ساد الاعتقاد لفترة طويلة فى بداية تطور الدراسات الإعلامية بقدرة الإعلام على عمل المعجزات، وتطورت نظريات سميت فيما بعد بنظريات ”الرصاصة“، لاعتقادها بالتأثير المباشر والحتمى للإعلام. وكرد فعل لهذا التبسيط الشديد لدور الإعلام، تطورت عدة نظريات وأفكار تؤمن بأن الجمهور ”عنيد“ ولا يتأثر كثيرا بالإعلام، وأنه يعتمد كثيرا على ”ميكانيزمات الدفاع عن النفس“ وخصوصا العمليات الانتقائية مثل التعرض الانتقائى والإدراك الانتقائى والتذكر الانتقائى لمضمون الإعلام.

وسادت إعتقادات بأن فشل الإعلام فى إدخال الأفكار الحديثة وفى تغيير المفاهيم الخاطئة إنما يرجع لعناد الجمهور نفسه، وتمسكه بالاتجاهات والآراء القديمة. ولكن هذا الاتجاه بدأ هو الآخر فى التوارى تدريجيا، وبدأ اتجاه ثالث فى الظهور، وساعد على ذلك عدة أمور أهمها حقيقتان: الأولى هى اكتشاف أهمية الانتقاء المفروض للإعلام والثانية هى وجود فجوة فى المعرفة والسلوك تنتج عن التعرض لوسائل الإعلام.

وهاتان الحقيقتان مرتبطتان إلى حد كبير، ذلك أن وسائل الإعلام تلعب دورا خطيرا فى خلق فجوة المعرفة وذلك عن طريق ”تعريض“ فئات محددة من الجمهور للمعلومات دون غيرها من فئات المجتمع. وهناك أشكال عديدة تؤثر وسائل الإعلام عن طريها فى إيجاد هذه الفجوة والإبقاء عليها، ومنها شكل الرسالة الإعلامية، ومستواها اللغوى، وتوقيت إذاعتها أو مكان نشرها.

فجوة المعرفة

تطور الفرض العلمى عن ”فجوة المعرفة على يد تيتشنر Tichenor وزملائه عندما وجدوا أنه ”كما زادت كثافة المعلومات فى وسائل الإعلام فى نظام إجتماعى معين، كلما زاد اكتساب الفئات الإجتماعية ذات المستويات المرتفعة اقتصاديا وإجتماعيا للمعلومات بشكل يفوق بكثير اكتساب الفئات الإجتماعية الأخرى لهذه المعلومات، مما يؤدى إلى زيادة اتساع الفجوة فى المعرفة بين هذه الفئات المختلفة“ (تيتشنر، 1981).

ويمكن قياس فجوة المعرفة بطريقتين: الأولى فى لحظة زمنية محددة، والثانية خلال فترة زمنية ممتدة. وقد وجد تيتشنر وزملاؤه أنه فى كلتا الحالتين فان الإختلافات فى مستويات المعرفة توازى الإختلافات فى مستويات التعليم. وقد وجد باحثون آخرون أن هناك عوامل أخرى ترتبط بفجوة المعرفة، مثل الأمية والعنصر والديانة والوظيفة والمستوى الإقتصادى

وقد حدد الباحثون فى مجال الإعلام عوامل عديدة تساعد على تكوين فجوة المعرفة، ومن هذه العوامل:

وبالإضافة إلى هذه العوامل، فان من الأسباب التى تساعد على زيادة فجوة المعرفة، وخصوصا فى الدول النامية، هو إيمان الكثيرين من القائمين على شئون الإتصال فى تلك الدول بالعمل من خلال عدد محدود ممن يسمون” قادة الرأى“. ذلك أن الكثيرين قد تأثروا بما يدعى ”انتشار المعلومات على مرحلتين“، فى الوقت الذى وجد فيه باحثون عديدون أن القليل جدا من المعلومات ينتقل إلى الجمهور العريض من خلال قادة الرأى هؤلاء، بل وجدت بعض الأبحاث أن ما قام قادة الرأى بتوصيله إلى الجمهور كان مشوها إلى حد كبير.

ولا يقتصر تأثير فجوة المعرفة على إحداث فجوة مماثلة فى السلوك، بل يتعدى ذلك إلى طبيعة النظام الإجتماعى وسلامته، ذلك أنه فى الوقت الذى تصل فيه المعلومات بشكل سريع إلى فئة قليلة من المجتمع تستفيد من هذه المعلومات فى تدعيم قوتها اقتصاديا وسياسيا وإجتماعيا، فان الذين لا يتمتعون بهذه الميزة يدفعون الثمن ويزداد ضعفهم النسبى فى المجتمع. وتتمثل خطورة هذا الوضع فى إحداث حالة من الإحباط والحرمان النسبى والفشل بين الفئات المحرومة فى المجتمع، مما قد يؤدى إلى حدوث العنف أو الثورة.

التفاعل بين المعرفة والإتصال والوضع الإجتماعى الإقتصادى

مفهوم ”المعرفة“ يختلف منهجيا عن مفاهيم أخرى شبيهة، مثل ”الوعى“ أو ”الإعتقاد“. أما الاختلاف بين المعرفة والوعى فانه يتمثل فى كون الوعى شكلا واحدا من أشكال ثلاثة أساسية للمعرفة. كذلك فان ”المعرفة“ تختلف عن ”الإعتقاد“ فى كون المعرفة تخضع للحكم عليها بالخطأ أو الصواب على أساس موضوعى مجرد، فى حين أن الإعتقادات لا يمكن أن تخضع لذلك. ومفهوم ”المعرفة“ كما يستخدم هنا قريب إلى حد كبير من مفهومها عند روجرز وشوميكر (Rogers and Shoemaker, 1971) ، حيث حددا ثلاثة أشكال للمعرفة:

ويمكن النظر إلى هذه الأنماط الثلاثة للمعرفة على أنها مراحل مختلفة، تقع مرحلة “الوعى” فى أدناها، وتعتبر مرحلة “معرفة المبادىء” أكثرها رقيا. ومن البديهى أن المرحلة الأولى وحدها لا تكفى لكى يقوم الفرد بسلوك معين على أساسها إزاء الشيء موضع المعرفة، بل يجب أن يتحقق المستوى الثانى على الأقل، أى “معرفة الكيفية” قبل أن يكون للمعرفة تأثير ملموس على السلوك.

والمعرفة عامل مستقل وتابع فى نفس الوقت. ذلك أن المعرفة عامل مستقل يؤثر على السلوك، ولكنها فى نفس الوقت عامل تابع يتأثر بالإتصال كما يتأثر بالوضع الإجتماعى الإقتصادى للفرد.

وبالإضافة إلى تأثير المعرفة بكل من الإتصال والعوامل الإجتماعية والإقتصادية، فان هناك تأثيرا متبادلا بين هذين العاملين. وهكذا فان التفاعل والتأثير المتبادل بين المعرفة والإتصال والوضع الإجتماعى- الإقتصادى يؤثر على المعرفة ويسبب فجوة فيها بين الفئات المختلفة.

ولا يقتصر تأثير العلاقات بين هذه العوامل على إحداث فجوة المعرفة، بل يتعدى ذلك إلى إحداث فجوة فى السلوك، والسبب الأساسى لذلك هو العلاقة الوثيقة بين المعرفة والسلوك. ومن البديهى أن العلاقة بين المعرفة والسلوك تتأثر أحيانا بعوامل أخرى، أى أن الفرد قد تكون لديه المعرفة ولكنه لا يتصرف على أساسها. ويمكن تسمية هذه العوامل التى تؤثر على العلاقة بين المعرفة والسلوك بالعوامل الوسيطة، وأهم هذه العوامل هى:

ومن الضرورى دراسة مدى تأثير كل من هذه العوامل على إمكانية سلوك الفرد، والعمل على التغلب على العقبات التى يمثلها كل منها. وتجدر الإشارة إلى أن الإعلام يستطيع بالإضافة إلى التأثير على عنصر المعرفة أن تؤثر أيضا على الاتجاه وعلى إدراك العرف الإجتماعى السائد، ولكنه لا يستطيع التغلب على العقبات المرتبطة بالعوامل الديموجرافية أو العوامل البديهية.

التغيير الإجتماعى فى النموذج

لقد عرفنا مفهوم “المعرفة” بأنه أى معلومات يمكن الحكم عليها بالخطأ أو الصواب. ولكن هذا التعريف ليس تعريفا جامدا فيما يتعلق بأى فكرة أو معلومة محددة، ذلك أن ماهو صواب فى مكان معين قد يكون خطأ فى مكان آخر، وماهو صحيح اليوم قد يثبت خطؤه غدا. فعلى سبيل المثال، كان علاج مرض الجفاف عن طريق الحقن هو الطريقة الفعالة حتى وقت قريب، عندما تم اكتشاف أن إضافة الملح والسكر بنسب محددة يزيد الامتصاص فى الأمعاء مئات المرات، مما أدى إلى اكتشاف أن محلول الإرواء عن طريق الفم أكثر فعالية من طريقة الحقن بالوريد. ومن ثم فان المعلومة التى كانت صحيحة من عدة سنوات ليست صحيحة اليوم. ولكن طريقة العلاج الجديدة ظلت لعدة سنوات معروفة لعدد محدود جدا من العاملين بالمجال الصحى وعامة الشعب، وكانت هناك فجوة كبيرة بين كبار الأطباء من ناحية وبقية الأطباء من ناحية أخرى، وبين المتعلمين وغير المتعلمين. وعلى مستوى مختلف، فان هناك أيضا فجوة فى المعرفة بين المجتمعات المختلفة.

وهكذا فان فجوة المعرفة تنشأ لأن فئات معينة فى مجتمع بعينه تكتسب المعرفة أسرع من غيرها من الفئات، وكلما زادت المعلومات فى مجتمع ما كلما تعددت فجوات المعرفة فى ذلك المجتمع.  وما يزيد الطين بلة، أن المجتمع الذى نعيش فيه مجتمع سريع التطور، وأن المعلومات يمكن أن تتغير بسرعة فائقة مما يتسبب فى وصول معلومات إلى بعض طبقات المجتمع بعد أن تكون قد أصبحت معلومات غير صحيحة، فى الوقت الذى تكون فيه فئات أخرى قد اكتسبت معلومات جديدة مختلفة. ويؤدى ذلك النظام إلى ازدياد هوة الفجوة فى المعرفة بين فئات المجتمع المختلفة، والى وجود فجوات أخرى بين هذه الفئات نتجت عن فجوة المعرفة هذه.

الخلاصة هى أن المعلومات تتغير بسرعة، ولكن هذا التغيير لا يصل بنفس السرعة لكافة فئات المجتمع، ومن ثم فان فجوة المعرفة تتزايد باستمرار فى الوقت الذى ترتبط فيه المعرفة بعوامل أخرى تؤثر على المستوى الإجتماعى والاقتصادى للفرد. وتجدر الإشارة هنا إلى أن هذا النموذج، والذى تطور فى مصر كإحدى الدول النامية، يختلف عن النماذج الأخرى فى كونه يفترض أن التقدم أو التغير الإجتماعى ليس بالضرورة تغيرا نحو تحقيق النظام الإجتماعى الموجود فى المجتمعات الغربية، وهو ما تفترضه نماذج أخرى محددة مثل نماذج ليرنر وروجرز وغيرهما.

وجد معظم علماء الإجتماع المهتمين بالدراسات السكانية ومشكلة تنظيم الأسرة علاقة إحصائية إيجابية بين سلوك تنظيم الأسرة والوضع الإجتماعى والاقتصادى للفرد، مثل التحضر والدخل والتعليم، الخ. وفى الواقع، فان العلاقة بين تنظيم الأسرة والعوامل الإجتماعية والإقتصادية هى علاقة ذات اتجاهين، بمعنى أن كلا من هذين المتغيرين يؤثر فى الآخر، ذلك أنه كلما تحسن الوضع الإجتماعى والاقتصادى كلما زادت ممارسة تنظيم الأسرة، وكلما زادت ممارسة تنظيم الأسرة تحسن الوضع الإجتماعى والاقتصادى للأسرة. ولسنوات طويلة احتدم الخلاف بين فريقين من علماء الإجتماع والسكان، يؤمن أحدهما بأن المشكلة السكانية سوف تحل نفسها بنفسها وذلك عندما يتحسن الوضع الإجتماعى والاقتصادى، ويؤمن الفريق الآخر بأن المشكلة السكانية لابد من حلها أولا حتى تستطيع جهود التنمية أن تثمر فى تحسين الوضع الإجتماعى والاقتصادى.

وفى الواقع فان هذين المدخلين اللذين سيطرا على دراسات السكان وتنظيم الأسرة لفترة طويلة يجعلان من العلاقة بين الظروف الإجتماعية والإقتصادية من ناحية، وتنظيم الأسرة من ناحية أخرى، ما يشبه العلاقة بين البيضة والدجاجة، حيث أنه من الصعب تحديد أيهما يسبق الآخر.

ولكن ما يهمنا هنا هو كيفية التدخل فى هذه العلاقة، والدور الذى يستطيع الإعلام أن يقوم به، بدلا من الجدل العقيم حول تلك العلاقة التبادلية. فالمهم ليس هو إثبات وجود علاقة فى اتجاه ما دون الآخر، ولكن ما يهمنا هو البحث عن الميكانيزم الذى عن طريقه يؤثر الوضع الإجتماعى والاقتصادى فى السلوك الانجابى، ولنترك العلاقة الأخرى لعلماء الاقتصاد كى يبحثوا كيفية تأثير السلوك الإنجابي على الوضع الإقتصادى والإجتماعى.

وبالنسبة لتأثير العوامل الإجتماعية والإقتصادية على السلوك الإنجابي، فقد اكتفى الديموجرافيون بإثبات وجود معامل ارتباط  بين المتغيرين، دون أن يهتموا كثيرا بأسباب و كيفية حدوث ذلك الارتباط، ولم يستطيعوا، على سبيل المثال، تفسير حدوث ارتباط إيجابي بين الدخل وتنظيم الأسرة فى معظم المجتمعات.ويقدم نموذج المعرفة والتغيير الإجتماعى تفسيرا لتلك العلاقة، حيث تمثل المعرفة الميكانيزم الذى من خلاله تقوم العوامل الإجتماعية والإقتصادية المختلفة بالتأثير على السلوك. فالانتقال إلى الحضر، وزيادة التصنيع فى المجتمع يؤديان إلى كثافة السكان فى مساحات جغرافية صغيرة، مما يزيد من فرص الإتصال  الشخصى والجماهيرى، ويزيد من فرص التعليم والتدريب. كذلك فان مستوى التعليم والدخل يعملان على زيادة إمكانيات الحصول على المعلومات من وسائل الأعلام وغيرها من المصادر المستحدثة.

وهكذا فان التفاعل بين العوامل الإجتماعية والإقتصادية من ناحية، وعوامل الإتصال من ناحية أخرى، يفرز درجات متفاوتة من المعرفة لدى الفرد، وهو ما يؤثر على سلوكه تجاه الأشياء والأفراد الآخرين فى البيئة التى يعيش فيها. ومن ثم، فان أهمية العوامل الإجتماعية والإقتصادية فى تحديد السلوك الإنجابي ترتبط بدور هذه العوامل فى التأثير على مستوى المعرفة لدى الفرد، فيما يتعلق بتنظيم الأسرة ووسائله المختلفة. وبالطبع فان التأثير على المعرفة يتم أيضا من خلال التفاعل بين العوامل الإجتماعية والإقتصادية وعوامل الإتصال.

وتتبقى هناك إشكاليتان نظريتان إضافيتان إذا ما أردنا التأثير علىى المعرفة، وبالتبعية على االسلوك.  الأولى، وفقا لما ذكره إفرت روجرز فى نظريته عن انتشار المستحدثات، تدعى بأن وسائل الاتصال الجماهيرى تفيد فقط فى نشر المعرفة، بينما يكون الاتصال المباشرهو القادرعلى الإقناع وتغييرالسلوك.

اما الإشكالية الثانية، فهى قوله ايضا بأن الحملات الإعلامية تؤدى إلى إحداث أو زيادة فجوة فى المعرفة والسلوك، بحيث تستفيد منها الشرائح الاجتماعية والاقصادية “العليا” أكثر من الشرائح الدنيا.

ولكن نموذج “المعرفة والتغيير الاجتماعى” تغلب ايضا على هاتين الاشكاليتين، كما تغلب على اشالية عدم قدرة الديموجرافيين على تحديد الميكانزم الذى من خلاله تؤثرالعوامل الاجتماعيه ـ الاقتصادية على السلووك الانجابى .

ذلك انه وفقا لنموذج “المعرفة والتغيير الاجتماعى”. فان الاشكالية الحقيقية هى التخطيط والاستخدام السئ لوسائل الاتصل الجماهيرى ، وليسس قصور او محدودية قدرات هذه الوسائل فى حد ذاتها، وهو ما سوف نقوم باثباته فى الاختبارات البحثية والتطبيقية للنموذج والتى نعرضها فيما يلي.

ولكى نستطيع التثبت من صحة هذا النموذج العلمى، فان أحد الفروض العلمية التى يمكن اختبارها يقول بأن مستوى المعرفة لدى الفرد يعتبر أكثر أهمية من المستوى الإجتماعى والاقتصادى له فى تحديد سلوكه. إن تفسير العلاقة التى وجدها الديموجرافيون بين العوامل الإجتماعية والإقتصادية من ناحية، والسلوك الإنجابي من ناحية أخرى، يكمن فى حقيقة أن مستوى المعرفة يصبح أكثر ارتفاعا بين الفئات ذات المستوى المرتفع اقتصاديا وإجتماعيا عنه بين الفئات الأخرى. لذلك فإننا نتوقع أن الفرد ذا المستوى الإجتماعى والاقتصادى المرتفع لن يكون أكثر استعدادا لممارسة تنظيم الأسرة من الفرد ذى المستوى الإجتماعى والاقتصادى المنخفض، إلا إذا كان الأول يتمتع بمستوى من المعرفة يفوق الثانى.

اختبار نموذج المعرفة والتغيير الإجتماعى

الاختبار الأول للنموذج تم نشره فى عام 1981، ولمزيد من اختبار فروض النموذج قام المؤلف بتحليل بيانات ستة أبحاث إجتماعية2 تم إجراؤها فى المجتمع المصرى بين أعوام 1975 و 1982، وان كانت معظم النتائج مترتبة على بحثين أحدهما أجرى فى عام 1980 قبل الحملة الإعلامية والثانى أجرى فى 1982 بعد عامين من بداية تلك الحملة[i].

وقد أسفرت نتائج الدراسة الأولى  عن وجود علاقة وثيقة بين الوضع الإجتماعى والاقتصادى والتعرض لوسائل الإعلام. فبالنسبة للراديو فقد وجدت الدراسة أن 15 فى المائة من مجموع أفراد العينة (2000 أسرة يمثلون جميع سكان الجمهورية من المتزوجين) لا يملكون أجهزة راديو، غير أن هذه النسبة ترتفع إلى 33 فى المائة من ذوى الدخول المنخفضة والى 23 فى المائة من سكان الريف. وبالنسبة للتليفزيون فقد وجدت الدراسة أن 52 فى المائة من العينة يمتلكون أجهزة تليفزيون، ولكن هذه النسبة تنخفض إلى 19 فى المائة فقط من ذوى الدخل المنخفض، والى 27 فى المائة من سكان الريف، والى 42 فى المائة من ذوى المستويات التعليمية المنخفضة. وتزداد الفروق بين الفئات الإجتماعية المختلفة فيما يتعلق بقراءة الصحف والمجلات، فبينما نجد أن 12 فى المائة فقط من ذوى الدخل المنخفض يقرأون الصحف بانتظام، فان 67 فى المائة من ذوى الدخول المرتفعة يقرأون الصحف. وفى الوقت الذى تصل فيه نسبة من يقرأون الصحف من سكان الريف إلى 22 فى المائة فان 68 فى المائة من سكان الحضر يقرأونها.

وهناك أيضا فروق كبيرة بين الفئات الإجتماعية المختلفة فيما يتعلق بالانتظام فى قراءة الصحف، حيث نجد أن نسبة الذين يقرأون الصحف بشكل يومى من بين سكان المدن وذوى الدخول والمستويات التعليمية المرتفعة تفوق بكثير نسبة من ينتمون إلى الريف والى المستويات الإقتصادية والتعليمية المنخفضة. ومن ناحية أخرى، فقد قام المؤلف بتصنيف برامج ومواد الإذاعة والتليفزيون إلى فئتين من حيث المضمون الإعلامي: برامج ذات مستوى معلوماتى مرتفع، وأخرى ذات مستوى معلوماتى منخفض، وتوصل إلى أن الفئات الإجتماعية ذات المستويات الإقتصادية والتعليمية المرتفعة تتعرض أكثر من الفئات الأخرى للبرامج ذات المستوى المرتفع من المعلومات، وينطبق ذلك على برامج الراديو والتليفزيون على السواء. وبصفة عامة فان نسبة الذين يفضلون برامج التليفزيون الغنية بالمعلومات تعد نسبة منخفضة جدا إذا قورنت بمثيلتها فى الراديو، مما يشير إلى أن التليفزيون يمثل أساسا وسيلة ترفيهية بالنسبة للغالبية العظمى من المشاهدين فى مصر.

حالتان تطبيقيتان لنموذج المعرفة والتغيير الإجتماعى

نستعرض هنا حالتين تطبيقيتين لنموذج المعرفة والتغيير الإجتماعى. الحالة الأولى فشل الإعلام فيها فى إحداث أى تأثير فعال، وأدى إلى إحداث فجوة فى المعرفة أو إلى زيادة هوة الفجوة التى كانت موجودة بالفعل، كل ذلك جاء تأكيدا لما توقعته الفروض العلمية المستخلصة من النموذج. أما الحالة الثانية، فقد أحدث فيها الإعلام تأثيرا هائلا، وأدى إلى تضييق فجوة المعرفة بشكل حاسم، وكان ذلك أيضا تأكيدا ثانيا للمبادىء التى يقوم عليها النموذج.

الحالة الأولى: تفسير أسباب فشل حملة تنظيم الأسرة: 1980-1982

النتائج السابقة تثبت صحة  النموذج من حيث قدرته على توقع السلوك والعوامل التى تحدده. وبالإضافة إلى ذلك، فان النموذج يمكن اختباره أيضا من حيث قدرته على توقع نجاح أو فشل الحملات الإعلامية. ولذلك قام المؤلف بتحليل بيانات الدراسة التى أجريت أيضا على عينة تمثل سكان الجمهورية من المتزوجين فى سنة 1982 واشترك فى إجرائها الجهاز المركزى للتعبئة العامة والإحصاء، وهيئة الاستعلامات ومركز التنمية الإجتماعية. والسؤال الرئيسى الذى أردنا البحث عن إجابة له هو: هل أتت الحملة الإعلامية عن تنظيم الأسرة التى تمت فى الفترة من 1980 إلى 1982 إلى إحداث أو توسيع فجوة المعرفة والسلوك بين فئات المجتمع المختلفة أم لا؟ لقد ركزت تلك الحملة على نشر أربع رسائل أو “شعارات” أربعة هى: الشعار الجديد لتنظيم الأسرة.

وبالرغم من أن هذه الحملة استمرت لمدة سنتين فان نتائج الدراسة التى أجريت فى 1982 تشير إلى أن نسبة ضخمة من الجمهور لم تتعرض لأى من تلك الرسائل الأربع، وتصل هذه النسبة إلى 44 فى المائة من السكان (1). وكما يتوقع النموذج، فان هذه النسبة تختلف باختلاف الفئات الإجتماعية والإقتصادية. وهكذا، فإنها ترتفع إلى 64 فى المائة من الأميين، 62 فى المائة من سكان الريف، و63 فى المائة من ذوى الدخول المنخفضة. وهكذا فان الحملة الإعلامية عن تنظيم الأسرة، والتى استمرت لمدة سنتين، قد فشلت فى توصيل أية معلومات للغالبية العظمى من الجمهور المستهدف، وأدت إلى إيجاد فجوة كبيرة فى المعرفة بين فئات المجتمع، ويوضح الجدول التالى النسب المئوية للذين وصلتهم كل من الرسائل الأربع من بين فئات المجتمع المختلفة.

يبين الجدول (3) أن هناك إختلافات كبيرة فى مستويات المعرفة بعناصر الحملة الإعلامية بين الفئات الإجتماعية المختلفة. غير أن فجوة المعرفة لم تكن هى الفجوة الوحيدة التى حدثت فى خلال تلك الفترة، بل حدثت أيضا فجوة فى السلوك، ويمكن أن يكون ذلك راجعا، بشكل جزئى على الأقل، لفجوة المعرفة التى أحدثتها الحملة. وعندما نعزل تأثير العوامل الإجتماعية والإقتصادية وغيرها، فإننا نجد أن الحملة الإعلامية قد ساعدت بشكل ضعيف في زيادة نسبة ممارسة تنظيم الأسرة. إلا أن التحليل الدقيق لهذه الزيادة يبين أنها لم تحدث فى الفئات الإجتماعية التى تمثل المشكلة الحقيقية فى مصر، ولا غرابة فى ذلك، فهذه الفئات كانت أقل الفئات تعرضا للرسائل الإعلامية للحملة فى خلال السنتين التى استغرقتهما.

والنتيجة الحتمية إذن هى زيادة فجوة السلوك بين فئات المجتمع المختلفة، حيث أصبح الفارق أكبر بين من يمارسون تنظيم الأسرة من المتعلمين وغير المتعلمين، ومن سكان الحضر وسكان الريف، وبين ذوى الدخول المرتفعة وذوى الدخول المنخفضة، كما يتضح ذلك من جدول رقم 3.

لم تكن فجوة المعرفة والسلوك التى نتجت عن الحملة الإعلامية لتنظيم الأسرة والتى استمرت لمدة سنتين مفاجأة، بل تجىء كنتيجة حتمية لعدم الأخذ بعين الاعتبار ما جاء فى شرح نموذج المعرفة والإتصال والوضع الإجتماعى والاقتصادى وأثر ذلك التفاعل على السلوك. وما زاد الطين بلة أن تلك الحملة ارتكبت أخطاء أخرى مما أدى إلى تفاقم الأسباب التى أدت فى النهاية إلى النتائج سالفة الذكر:

ولابد من حدوث فجوة المعرفة والسلوك كنتيجة حتمية للإعلام التنموى المكثف إلا إذا راعينا فى التخطيط لهذه البرامج عوامل متعددة، نذكر منها على سبيل المثال:

الحالة الثانية: تمكين الحملة القومية لمكافحة الجفاف من عوامل النجاح

كانت الحملة القومية لمكافحة مرض الجفاف والتى بدأت فى عام 1983 تطبيقا عمليا قام به المؤلف لنموذج المعرفة والتغيير الإجتماعى، وتلك هى المرة الأولى التى تنظم فيها حملة إعلامية على المستوى القومى يتم التخطيط لها على أساس هذا النموذج العلمى.

وقد بدأت الحملة الإعلامية بشكل تجريبى فى الإسكندرية لمدة ثلاثى أشهر (أغسطس وسبتمبر وأكتوبر 1983) وذلك باستخدام الإذاعة المحلية لمدينة الإسكندرية بالإضافة إلى عناصر أخرى سيتم تفصيلها فيما بعد. وفى يناير 1984 تطورت الحملة إلى حملة قومية عندما تم استخدام التليفزيون.

قبل الحملة الإعلامية تم إجراء دراسة للتعرف على معلومات واتجاهات وسلوكيات الجمهور المستهدف (ويتكون من أمهات الأطفال الذين تقل أعمارهم عن ثلاث سنوات)، واتضح من الدراسة أن نسبة الذين لديهم معلومات صحيحة عن علاج الجفاف عن طريق الفم لا تزيد عن واحد ونصف فى المائة. بعد الحملة الإعلامية، قامت منظمة الصحة العالمية بإجراء دراسة على مستوى الجمهورية فى أبريل 1984 اتضح من نتائجها أن 71 فى المائة من عينة البحث يعلمون أن هناك علاجا جديدا للجفاف هو محلول معالجة الجفاف بالفم. الأهم من ذلك هو أن نفس الدراسة وجدت أن 40 فى المائة من الأمهات قاموا بالفعل باستخدام محلول معالجة الجفاف، بعد أن كان الرقم واحدا فى المائة فقط من الأمهات طبقا لنتائج الدراسة التى أجريت قبل الحملة الإعلامية.

لقد قامت الحملة الإعلامية بتوعية وتعليم الأمهات بمفهوم الجفاف وكيفية التغلب عليه من أجل إنقاذ أكثر من مائة وخمسين ألف طفل كانوا يموتون سنويا فى مصر بسبب الجفاف. فبالإضافة إلى الحملة التمهيدية التى بدأت على المستوى القومي فى يناير 1984، فقد تم تنفيذ حملة ثانية فى سبتمبر 1984 هدفها تعليم الأمهات كيفية استخدام محلول معالجة الجفاف بالإضافة إلى الطرق السليمة للتغذية وغيرها من الإجراءات الوقائية. ويهمنا هنا أن نعرف كيف نجحت هذه الحملة الإعلامية فى تحقيق أهدافها، والاستراتيجية الإعلامية التى قامت عليها.

الاستراتيجية الإعلامية للحملة ضد الجفاف

لقد كان من الضرورى، بناء على نموذج المعرفة والتغيير الإجتماعى، أن تأخذ الاستراتيجية الإعلامية للحملة ضد الجفاف حقيقتين بعين الاعتبار: الحقيقة الأولى هى العلاقة القوية بين العوامل الإجتماعية والإقتصادية والعوامل الإعلامية، أما الحقيقة الثانية فهى نوع ومستوى المعلومات لدى الجمهور المستهدف عن أسباب وعلاج الجفاف. فعلى سبيل المثال، كان من الضرورى عدم الاعتماد على الصحافة المكتوبة، فى ضوء ارتفاع نسبة الأمية بين الجمهور المستهدف (الأمهات). أيضا، فان غالبية هذا الجمهور يفضلون الأفلام والمسلسلات التليفزيونية أكثر من أية مواد تليفزيونية أخرى. ويمكن الاستفادة من هذه الحقيقة بطريقتين: الأولى أن الرسالة الإعلامية يمكن أن تكون أكثر تأثيرا إذا صيغت فى شكل درامى، والثانية ضرورة إذاعة إعلانات التوعية فى الفترات الإعلانية التى تسبق إذاعة الأفلام أو المسلسلات. وبالإضافة إلى ذلك، فان خصائص الجمهور المستهدف تستوجب ضرورة توصيل الرسالة باستخدام اللهجة العامية، والبعد عن الاصطلاحات العلمية، واستخدام نفس الكلمات والأوصاف التى تستخدمها الأم العادية فى منزلها. وقد تركزت الرسائل الإعلامية للحملة حول الأنواع الثلاثة للمعرفة التى سبق ذكرها وهى:

عناصر الحملة الإعلامية

تركزت الحملة التمهيدية التى نفذت فى 1983 وأوائل 1984 على توصيل ست رسائل أساسية هى: إعطاء الطفل سوائل بكميات كبيرة أثناء إصابته بالإسهال.

وقد اعتمدت الحملة المحلية فى الإسكندرية على الإذاعة بالإضافة إلى الإتصال الشخصى. كذلك استخدمت الحملة الملصقات والكتيبات والنشرات الدورية لتوصيل المعلومات إلى الأطباء والصيادلة والممرضات. أما الحملة القومية فقد اعتمدت أساسا على إعلانين اثنين تتراوح مدة كل منهما بين دقيقة ودقيقة ونصف، وتمت إذاعة كل منهما لمدة 14 مرة فقط فى خلال مدة الحملة التى استغرقت أربعة أسابيع.

أما الحملة القومية الثانية والتى بدأت فى سبتمبر 1984 فقد أضافت عنصرين هامين إلى عناصر الحملة السابقة، الأول هو كيفية الوقاية من الإسهال، والثانى هو كيفية إذابة المحلول وإعطائه الطفل. واعتمدت هذه الحملة أساسا على ستة إعلانات تليفزيونية تراوحت مدة كل منها بين 45 ثانية ودقيقة واحدة، وتمت إذاعة هذه الإعلانات بمعدل مرة واحدة فى اليوم لكل إعلان لمدة شهرين. كذلك صاحب هذه الإعلانات استخدام البرامج الصحية بالإذاعة والتليفزيون فى تغطية جوانب المشكلة، كما اشتملت الحملة على نشر مقالات وموضوعات صحفية بشكل دورى فى مجلتى طبيبك الخاص وحواء.

نتائج الحملة

لعل من أهم النتائج التى أسفرت عنها الحملة الإعلامية هى تأكيد حقيقة احتياج الجمهور إلى معلومات تقدم إليه بشكل جيد عن مشاكله واحتياجاته فهناك ما يمكن أن نسميه بحالة من “العطش” الشديد للمعلومات لدى الجمهور، ومن الممكن أن يتغير سلوك الجمهور إذا قدمت له تلك المعلومات.

و يبين الجدول التالى مدى تأثير الحملة الإعلامية على المعرفة والسلوك. بناء على الدراسات التى أجريت قبل الحملة وبعدها. ويتضح من الجدول أن تأثير الحملة الإعلامية كان كبيرا للغاية. وأن الزيادة فى المعرفة قد تبعها أيضا تغيير فى السلوك.

وقد تبين من نتائج تقييم الحملة أيضا أن التليفزيون كان أكثر الوسائل تأثيرا. حيث ذكرت الغالبية العظمى من أفراد العينة أنه كان المصدر الرئيسى لمعلوماتهم.

على أن أكثر نتائج الدراسة أهمية من وجهة نظر التغيير الإجتماعى ودور الإعلام فيه هى وجود مؤشرات واضحة للاعتماد بشكل متناقص على استقاء المعلومات من الأقارب وغيرهم كلما زادت المعلومات فى وسائل الإعلام عن موضوع من الموضوعات. فعلى سبيل المثال، بعد الحملة الإعلامية الأولى ارتفعت نسبة الذين قالوا أن معلوماتهم عن الجفاف مأخوذة من التليفزيون، وانخفضت نسبة الذين قالوا أن معلوماتهم مأخوذة عن طريق الإتصال  الشخصى، كما يتضح من الجدول التالى.

يتضح من هذه النتائج أن وسائل الإعلام، وخصوصا التليفزيون، يمكن أن تقوم بدور كبير فى تغيير المعرفة والسلوك، وأنه كلما استخدمت هذه الوسائل بشكل جيد كلما قل الاعتماد على المصادر غير الصحيحة للمعلومات، وقل تأثير الأفراد المحيطين بالفرد على معلوماته وقراراته.

وبصفة عامة، فقد نجح الإعلام عن مشكلة الجفاف لأنه بنى على أسس علمية تمت مراعاتها فى تخطيط الحملة وتنفيذها على السواء، ومن العوامل التى ساعدت على نجاح تلك الحملة مايلى:

كانت الرسالة الإعلامية موحدة فى جميع وسائل الإعلام من إذاعة وتليفزيون ومواد مطبوعة، ومن ثم فقد أدت كل هذه الوسائل دورها فى  تدعيم وتأكيد ما تقوله الوسائل الأخرى، دون إحداث بلبلة إعلامية.

تم تحديد عناصر المعرفة الضرورية للقيام بالسلوك الجديد المطلوب، وتم بناء الرسائل الإعلامية حول هذه العناصر. وكذلك فان الأشكال الإعلامية اختلفت، ولكن المضمون المعلومى للرسائل كان واحدا فى التليفزيون والإذاعة والصحافة وغيرها.

استخدمت الحملة الإعلامية عن الجفاف لغة عامية سهلة تستطيع جميع فئات الجمهور أن تفهمها، وكان ذلك عنصرا أساسيا فى عدم إحداث فجوة معرفية أو سلوكية كنتيجة للحملة.

كيف نجحت الحملة القومية لمكافحة الجفاف فى عدم إحداث فجوة فى المعرفة أو السلوك؟

لقد تم تطبيق مبادىء النموذج الذى تم عرضه فى الفصول السابقة عند تخطيط وتنفيذ الحملة القومية لمكافحة مرض الجفاف فى مصر. وفى خلال فترة لا تتعدى سنة واحدة (من سبتمبر 1983 إلى سبتمبر 1984) ارتفع مستوى المعرفى من مستواه المنخفض جدا قبل الحملة (5,1% كان لديهم وعى بوجود أملاح معالجة الجفاف) إلى 96% بعد الحملة القومية. كذلك ارتفعت نسبة الذين استخدموا العلاج الجديد من أقل من 1% فى سبتمبر 1983 إلى أكثر من 57% بعد ذلك بعام واحد.

إن جدول رقم (7) فى الصفحة التالية يكشف عن حقيقة فى غاية الأهمية: إن الحملة القومية لمكافحة مرض الجفاف قد أوصلت المعلومات إلى جميع الفئات الإجتماعية بنفس الدرجة تقريبا، فسكان الريف والحضر، والمتعلمون والأميون على حد سواء أصبحوا يعرفون نفس المعلومات بعد الحملة الإعلامية.

والفارق الوحيد بين فئات الجمهور المختلفة يتعلق بالاستخدام بين الريف والحضر، وهو فارق يجب أن نسعد به، لأنه يبين أن نسبة الذين استعملوا العلاج الجديد فى الريف تفوق نسبة الذين استعملوه من سكان الحضر، وذلك بالضبط هو ما يجب أن يحدث فى ضوء انتشار المرض فى الريف بنسبة أكثر من انتشاره فى الحضر.

وهناك أسباب عديدة لنجاح هذه الحملة فى عدم إحداث فجوة فى المعرفة أو السلوك كسابقاتها من الحملات الإعلامية فى مجال التنمية الإجتماعية، ولعل من هذه الأسباب استخدام لغة سهلة يفهمها جميع أفراد الجمهور، واستخدام شخصية محببة إلى جميع الفئات الإجتماعية والإقتصادية، كذلك استخدام الأشكال الفنية التى تجذب الجمهور بكافة طبقاته.

وجدير بالذكر أن إذاعة أفلام التوعية بالتليفزيون قد وضع عادات المشاهدة للجمهور فى عين الاعتبار، وتعمد المسئولون عن جدولة إذاعة هذه الأفلام وضعها قبل المسلسلات والأفلام المصرية، وهى مواد تقبل على مشاهدتها جميع فئات الجمهور، وان كان الأقل تعليما وسكان الريف أكثر إقبالا على مشاهدتها من غيرهم، مما أتاح لهم فرصة مشاهدة هذه الأفلام أكثر من غيرهم من الفئات الأكثر حظا من التعليم والمستوى الإقتصادى فى المجتمع.

إن استخدام وسائل الإتصال فى التأثير على معرفة وسلوك الجمهور يجب أن يتم بعد دراسة متأنية لكافة المتغيرات التى حددناها فى نموذج المعرفة والتغيير الإجتماعى، ويجب ألا يغيب عن ذهن المسئول عن استخدام الإتصال أنه أيضا يقوم بدور هام فى الإصلاح الإجتماعى وتوصيل المعرفة لمن هم أكثر حاجة إليها من غيرهم، وليس لمن هم أقرب أو أكثر فهما أو أسهل إقناعا.


[1] هذه الأبحاث الستة هى

  1. National Fertility Survey (1975)
  2. Rural Fertility Survey (1979)
  3. Egyptian Fertility Survey (1980)
  4. The Contraceptive Prevalence Survey (1980)
  5. The Family Planning Communication Baseline Survey (1980)
  6. The Family Planning Communication Follow-up Survey (1982)

Methodology: Developing Communication Strategies and Programs: A Systematic Approach

I have been using the methodology which was published by UNICEF under the title: “Developing Communication Strategies and Programs: A Systematic Approach”. This publication was made in English, French and Arabic by the Unicef Middle East and North Africa (MENA) regional office. In 2010, I revised this publication and published a second edition under the title “Development Communication.” Both versions of this step-wise process will be displayed below.

Developing Communication Strategies and Programs: A Systematic Approach

In December 1985, I was presenting a paper called “How the Egypt ORT Communication Campaign Succeeded” at the International Conference on Oral Rehydration Therapy (ICORT II), which was held in Washington D.C. Attending the conference was Victor Soler Sala, who was the director of the Unicef Middle East and North Africa (MENA) regional office. Victor spoke with me after my presentation about his wish to spread the methodology which I used in Egypt ORT campaign to the rest of the Middle East and North Africa. We agreed that I would visit the organization’s regional headquarters in Amman to discuss the matter.

After I developed the first draft of this methodology, I tested it during a regional workshop for Unicef program and communication officers from all the countries in the region. The revised version was then published by MENA in English, Arabic, and French. The methodology was adopted by Unicef ever since, and of course I have been using it in all of my work, both in Egypt and other countries.

The 1st edition (1986) – English

Reversing the Knowledge Gap: Teaching Egyptian Mothers About Oral Rehydration

By: Farag Elkamel, PhD

June 1991

Background:

Until 1983, Egypt annually lost about 150,000 children due to dehydration[1]. This accounted for half the deaths of children under five[2]. This tragedy can be averted by treatment with a simple mixture of salt, sugar, and water. This mixture is called Oral Rehydration Solution (ORS). The National Control of Diarrheal Diseases Project (NCDDP) began in 1983 as a social marketing project with the objective of producing, distributing, and promoting ORS as part of Oral Rehydration Therapy (ORT) in order to reduce infant mortality caused by dehydration. However, when the project began, it faced two main challenges:

  1. The majority of physicians did not believe in treatment with ORS, but depended upon Intravenous solution instead.
  2. Most mothers didn’t even know what dehydration was, and used incorrect methods to treat diarrhea.

Until 1983, the Arabic word (Gafaf) referred to drought. Since then, the mass education campaign for ORT has made it mean bodily dehydration. The concept of dehydration became so well known due to television advertising, “that school children, when asked in their final exams in 1986, to write an essay on the drought, wrote instead on child dehydration”[3].

Since the beginning of the program in 1983, the project’s communication strategy expected that television advertising “will prove to be the most effective activity in reaching the primary target audience”[4]  which consisted primarily of mothers of children below five. This expectation was based on the fact that television sets existed in over 90 percent of Egyptian households, and T.V. was watched especially more regularly by the rural and economically less advantaged segments of the target audience, the majority of whom are also illiterate, and cannot be reached through print media.

The Pilot Campaign 

This expectation was proven to be true after launching a three months pilot campaign in Alexandria, where several mass media and interpersonal communication channels were used between August and October of 1983. The campaign utilized radio, where local Alexandria Radio devoted a daily 15-minute program for ORT. This radio program included songs, dramas, contests, and interviews with mothers, doctors, and other service providers. In addition to radio, the campaign included the use of billboards, posters, flyers, as well as interpersonal communication, where a well known movie and T.V star, Fouad El Mohandis, along with eminent pediatricians held ten rallies in selected sites all over Alexandria. The campaign also included the promotion of ORS in all Alexandria pharmacies. The main messages in this pilot campaign focused on introducing the concept of dehydration, explaining its signs and seriousness, continued nutrition, including breastfeeding, during diarrhea episodes, giving plenty of liquids, and taking the child to a hospital or health center to be given ORS, since ORS packets were not widely available for home-use at that point. The campaign did not discuss mixing of ORS, since the NCDDP was in the process of changing the packet size from the then existing 27.5 grams to a smaller 5.5 gram packet. Television was a part of this pilot campaign, but was not used until the last week of January 1984, when a two-week pilot TV campaign was launched, using two TV spots featuring the same celebrity, Fouad El Mohandis, and a well known pediatrician, Dr. Gameel Wali.  This part of the pilot campaign had to lag behind the other components because using TV meant going national, since Alexandria did not have a local television channel at that time. On the other hand, the project needed time in order to supply health centers all over the country with ORS packets to avoid any shortages when demand is increased as a result of the campaign.  This pilot TV campaign, too, did not explain the mixing of ORS, but encouraged parents to take their children to health centers or hospitals. The campaign, however, emphasized the seriousness of dehydration, showed its signs, and stressed the need to continue feeding during diarrhea episodes.

In May 1983 and before any communication effort was undertaken, a baseline survey of 2,100 mothers was conducted in Alexandria. In December 1983, after the pilot campaign, but before the TV spots were aired, another survey of 525 mothers was also conducted in Alexandria. A third survey took place in March 1984, after the pilot TV campaign was launched. In all three surveys, key indicators were measured, and a comparison of the results was crucial in shaping the project’s communication plans for years to come. Following are these key indicators[5]:

Table (1): Knowledge and Use of ORS in Egypt between 1983 and 1984

May 1983December 1983March 1984
Knowledge Indicator
When to give ORS1.512.451.4
Continue bresatfeeding3.021.764.6
Give food6.130.541.1
Give liquids27.157.568.9
See a doctor/hospital33.494.793.1
Ever use of ORS1.0not measured36.2

While the pilot campaign which lasted for three months without television had a good impact on knowledge and attitudes of target mothers, television spots which ran later for only two weeks had even much more impressive results. The first lesson learnt from the pilot campaign was that television was more effective than all other media. A series of focus group discussions were conducted on samples of target mothers and also on physicians revealed the need to make another strategic change. We found that while mothers liked the campaign star, Fouad El Mohandis, numerous physicians were critical of him, not because he said anything medically wrong, but because he was a “Comedian”, even though mothers, the primary target audience, were quite pleased with him. We thought, therefore, that it may be better to identify another “spokesperson” that would enjoy a more popular liking among mothers as well as healthcare providers. The person identified through focus group discussions was Karima Mokhtar, a movie and soap opera star who usually plays the role of a loving mother. This choice proved to be an excellent one for the media campaign.

The National Campaign:

Karima Mukhtar became, therefore, the star of the first truly national media campaign which was launched in September 1984, after the smaller ORS packets had been produced and distributed to virtually all health centers and pharmacies in Egypt. In addition to key messages from the pilot campaign, this national campaign included six television spots that introduced the new product and included instructions on its proper mixing and management. It also included one television spot on prevention of diarrhea.

Having learnt from the pilot campaign that television was the most appropriate public information source in Egypt for the target mothers, most of whom are illiterate but own T.V sets, this medium received more attention than others. The sound track of the T.V spots was used to air the spots on the radio. Additionally, one hundred 3 by 5 meter billboards were erected in key locations all over the country, and a poster was placed in most pharmacies and health centers.

The national campaign utilized print materials, but quite selectively. It sponsored two pages in a monthly popular health journal “Tabibak El Khas” which reached health professionals, and one page in the most popular women’s weekly magazine “Hawaa”.  In addition, pamphlets were developed for and distributed to physicians, nurses and pharmacists.

An evaluation study conducted after this first national campaign yielded very encouraging results, since it showed knowledge of ORS to have reached over 90 percent of mothers. Actual use of ORS after the campaign also jumped to over 60 percent[6].

Between 1984 and 1991, over 50 television spots were designed, produced, and aired. They covered various issues such as defining dehydration, its signs and seriousness, how to prevent and treat it with ORS, how to mix and administer ORS, feeding during and after a diarrhea episode, prevention of diarrhea, rational use of other drugs, and correct weaning practices. Each one of the TV spots was developed on the basis of research conducted before and after each annual media campaign, and was subjected to pretest among samples of the target audience.   

Television advertising may have several advantages over other traditional means of health education. Commercials are attractive, they reach the majority of the target population in seconds, and they are carefully worded such that precise use of words and expressions conveys a specific message. Furthermore, they are pretested to avoid any misunderstanding or unintended sub-messages, and last but not least, they can be placed them during prime time viewing for the primary target audience.

Since each television spot normally has one specific message, a particular spot can be aired more or less often than others, depending on the needs of the target audience, as identified in follow-up research. It can also be aired at particular times when specific segments of the population are known to be watching television. For example, we found out that viewership of T.V. movies and series was quite different among different segments of the audience as follows[7]:

Table (2): Relationship between Educational Level and TV Viewing Preferences in Egypt

Educational Level Percent Watching Movies & TV Series
Illiterate                                                66
Read and Write                         55
High school                                          42        
College                                     37

We realized that the distribution of diarrhea morbidity had the exact same pattern at that time, where children of the less educated mothers had more diarrhea episodes.  It made sense, therefore, to place the T.V spots right before television movies and series in order to reach the population segments that are most influenced by the problem. Contrary to results of many other social marketing programs, and to the “Knowledge Gap Hypothesis”[8], we were able to bridge the knowledge gap, so that the less educated segments of the Egyptian population adopted this new innovation (ORS) even faster than the better educated groups, as illustrated by these figures for ORS use after the 1983 and 1984 campaigns[9].

Table (3): Relationship between Education and Use of ORS in Egypt

Educational Level Percent Ever Used ORS
Illiterate                                                57.6
Read and Write                         64.6
High school                                          46.7        
College                                     52.6

In addition to media planning aspects as mentioned above, and to the affordable price of ORS, this pattern of media effects was achieved because the language used in T.V spots was intentionally quite simple, and included actual words and expressions used by average rural and illiterate mothers. Furthermore, messages were short and focused, which made comprehension much easier regardless of the educational level. Message formats were also appealing to all levels of the target audience, especially the lower socioeconomic status segments of the population.  Finally, television spots addressed the lower socioeconomic status audiences with the same respect they addressed other segments, a pattern which is believed to be different in direct doctor-patient communication in Egypt.

Message Appeals for Health Providers[10]

The major appeal for physicians, pharmacists and nurses was that ORT is state-of-the-art in medical care, or “the medical revolution of the 20th century.” This message was presented in print materials, seminars, and in a videotape featuring a roundtable discussion moderated by the head of the physicians’ syndicate with four eminent pediatricians who are the chairpersons of the pediatrics departments in the four top universities in Egypt. A booklet designed for physicians included the following statement on the cover page: “If the purpose of medicine is to save lives, what is the single most important discovery since the introduction of penicillin?”  A second booklet for pharmacists used the same appeal. The same concept was used in an educational/training film targeting physicians entitled “Scientific Breakthroughs in the Treatment of Acute Infantile Diarrhea”. Furthermore, physicians were able to see a demonstration of what ORS could do in a span of only four hours as the information provided in the booklet for physicians was translated into visuals, using a slide set which showed pictures of the same child before and after taking ORS.

Messages to nurses used a different appeal. Building on their characterization as “Angels of Mercy”, messages appealed to their humanitarian orientation and image to encourage them to promote ORS in order to save the lives of little children. For example, a booklet for nurses had this statement on its cover: “people often go to the angel of mercy for a precious advice. Help save the lives of children who have diarrhea by advising mothers to give ORS.”

Message Appeals for Mothers

Since 1984, the campaign for mothers used a mixture of emotional and informational appeals. While it was very tempting to use a fear appeal, since the subject matter literally involves life and death, it was decided that a fear appeal would hinder the learning process. The priority was to provide mothers with the essential information which they need to care for their children, including how to prevent diarrhea and dehydration, how to prepare ORS, and how to feed and wean their children correctly. A major assumption which we made in planning the campaign was that mothers would act upon such information once they understood it. The overall emotional appeal throughout the campaign was mothers’ love and caring for their children. Karima Mukhtar, who was selected to play the leading role in the 1984 and 1985 media campaigns, has personalized the loving mother appeal quite effectively.

On the other hand, a fear appeal was used very lightly and selectively in contexts where anxiety is immediately relieved in the same message. For example, one TV spot shows a woman who is frightened by dehydration, but the loving and experienced mother comforts her by saying that while dehydration could be fatal, it can be overcome and even prevented by giving the child ORS and plenty of liquids. A second TV spot showed the dreadful signs of dehydration but stated that it is preventable and happens only if the child is not given plenty of liquids and ORS. Messages emphasized that all mothers can give ORS and liquids. Since the first national campaign in 1984, the media messages were developed on the basis of research results. Expressions used in the TV spots to describe dehydration, diarrhea, the signs of dehydration and the way the child looks when he/she is ill were all taken from actual expressions used by mothers throughout Egypt. Furthermore, the content of the messages also responded to research results. For example, the first three campaigns defined dehydration in terms of its signs (sunken eyes, dried out skin, weakness, etc.) While such tangible evidences of dehydration helped illustrate what dehydration “does”, they stopped short of explaining clearly what it is. Subsequent campaigns made the concept clearer through making analogies between a dehydrated child and a plant which was dried out because it was not watered. Another spot compared two children, one who took ORS and another who did not, to two flowers, one that looked so fresh because it was kept in water and another which became dried out because it was not. This shift in the definition of dehydration from “what it does” to “what it is” came as a direct response to results of evaluation research which found that while mothers could state the signs of dehydration, they still did not quite understand the concept well enough.

Public Reactions

Public reaction to the ORT media campaign can be assessed in a number of ways, some of which are formal, such as periodical evaluation surveys and focus group discussions, and some are less formal such as press coverage, including letters to the editor. Overall, the reaction of the primary target audience was most positive. Mothers have consistently stated their liking of the messages and the characters which personalized them. The credibility of the campaign was very high: almost all mothers surveyed believed the campaign messages. On the other hand, a few physicians and pharmacists made some waves in the first couple of years, and they almost hurt the campaign when their negative opinions of ORS appeared in the press. The one argument which was most often mentioned by those critics was the need for antibiotics to treat diarrhea. A few voices even warned that ORS could kill children. An extreme case was that of a popular pediatrician who was a pioneer in using Intravenous Solutions to treat dehydration. After the ORS media campaign began, he fought it so hard that he would stand in the balcony of his private clinic and use a loud speaker to ask passersby not to use ORS.

A counter campaign was launched by the campaign to refute those allegations and document the benefits of ORS. Eminent scientists and Ministry of Health officials were encouraged to make supportive statements. The Physicians’ Syndicate and the “Egyptian Pediatrics Society” placed paid advertisements in the major daily newspapers, supporting oral rehydration and refuting the opposition claims. This effort and the satisfaction of mothers with ORS helped the campaign face the few but loud opposition voices during its first two years. It is interesting to note that while the campaign itself did not resort to fear appeal to motivate mothers to use ORS, the opposition tried to use that appeal to discourage mothers from using it, by saying that too much ORS could kill children and that it would not treat diarrhea without antibiotics, which a typical argument of the old school.

Why Did the Campaign Succeed?

Characteristics of the Egyptian society, culture, and media system may resemble or differ from those of other countries experiencing similar problems related to ORT. For example, Egypt is extremely fortunate in that more than 90 percent of its population has regular access to television and more than 95percent own radio sets. With these same resources, however, many public education campaigns did not succeed in Egypt in the past. While such resources are a great asset, how the ORT campaign used them was the primary contributing factor towards achieving the campaign results. In global terms, this is fortunate because it means that the Egyptian ORT program’s achievements can be replicated in other countries as long as the same principles regarding media usage are followed.

Some of the most important factors in planning and implementing the successful Egyptian program follow[11]:

  1. The campaign carefully developed a communication strategy that included the use of the mass media, training, and market research. There was a clear vision of the role mass media play in inducing knowledge and behavioral change[12].
  2. Culturally relevant use of the media was of central concern. Every culture has its own patterns of communication, preferred artistic tastes, formats, idols, etc.  Characteristics of the Egyptian culture were closely observed in the design and production of the media messages. For example, when a motherly, well-liked and respected actress was chosen to star in the ORT messages on television, the vocabulary she used, the way she dressed, and the accompanying visuals all made the audience identify with her and heed her advice.  
  3. The program was successful in integrating the sociological and anthropological research findings into the creative development of the media messages. This input was made both before scriptwriting and at different stages where materials were pretested for technical accuracy and cultural relevance. Artists, producers, and other media talent are seldom aware of the importance of careful research for preparing effective communications. This was overcome by thorough orientation, briefing and supervision of all aspects of the media productions.
  4. Closely related was the careful coordination of all aspects of the complex process of developing and implementing a media campaign. Good coordination of these multiple steps and inputs, so that different pieces complemented and enhanced each other, was a key factor. For example, there was the need to coordinate the different elements in the same messages, such as content, vocabulary, visuals, and effects. Similarly, the different formats of the same message had to be coordinated in order to make the best impact. Furthermore, different messages had to be properly coordinated and phased.
  5. The campaign was successful in securing the consent of medical authorities on the technical content of all messages; otherwise the campaign could have bogged down in differences of opinion on technical details. Considerable attention and effort were given to reconciling these differences of opinion and arriving at technically correct messages that were accepted by different medical authorities. No Messages were presented without this technical review and approval. The mass media campaign was only one element of the overall campaign to reduce diarrheal disease and associated mortality. There was constant attention to coordinating the media campaign with other activities. For example, it was important that all research findings be carefully processed for their relevance to the media campaign. The presentation of mass media messages had to be coordinated with production and the actual availability of ORS in health facilities and pharmacies, in order to avoid creating demand ahead of ability to supply the product.

Results

In June and July 1986, a team of eight Egyptians and eleven international experts from USAID, UNICEF, and the World Health Organization conducted a Project Review and concluded that “consistent with findings of a number of studies reported by the project, the review found impressive knowledge and use of ORT among mothers. Of 161 mothers interviewed during the review, 96% knew what a packet of ORS was used for, 82% said they used it and 71% knew some signs of dehydration. Of the users, 97% could correctly mix ORS”[13]. The review also concluded that “the greatly increased access to and knowledge of ORS have afforded mothers opportunities to prevent death due to dehydration in their children – an important accomplishment which has been achieved at a modest cost of a little more than L.E. 1 for each mother gaining this benefit. It is also noteworthy that these impressive achievements have been largely made in the short time span of three and a half year. It is apparent that the above findings can be attributed in large part to a well planned and carefully implemented mass media campaign that was mainly channeled through television”[14]. This report also refers to another important result of the campaign: “the project’s wise focus on the primary target audience, mothers, has resulted in creating a demand-driven system which has important positive implications for the sustainability of the project’s achievements”[15].

Before this review took place, and only 2 years after the campaign began, the British Medical Journal concluded that “the lives of more than  100,000  children  have been  saved  in Egypt in what may be  the  world’s most  successful  health  education program”[16]. The journal also reports that “the project decided, in the face of opposition from doctors and others, to use the mass media to tell the Egyptian people about oral rehydration treatment. Radio, television, and posters were used, and within 2 years 95% of Egyptian mothers knew about the treatment, 80% had used it to treat their child’s last episode of diarrhea and between 109,000 and 190,000 child deaths had been prevented. The campaign used actors, singers, comedians, doctors, drama, prizes, competitions, interviews with mothers, and for the first time messages were delivered in colloquial Egyptian rather than classical Arabic”[17]. The journal concluded that “the World Health Organization has been so impressed with the results of the Egyptian campaign that it is encouraging other countries to adopt similar programs”[18]

Figure (1) below illustrates the impact of the campaign on knowledge of ORS, knowledge of Mixing ORS and Use or ORS between 1983 and 1988[19].

Table (4): Knowledge and Use of ORS in Egypt between 1983 and 1988

Knowledge & Use of ORS Year
1983 1985 1986 1988 1988
Knowledge of ORS 3 94 98 99 98
Knowledge of correct mixing Zero 53 73 81 96
Use of ORS 1.5 50 64 68 66

The LANCET reports on the impact of this increased knowledge and use of ORS that “packets of Oral Rehydration Salts are now widely accessible; oral rehydration therapy is used correctly in most episodes of diarrhea; most mothers continue to feed infants and children during the child’s illness; and most physicians prescribe oral rehydration therapy. These changes in the management of acute diarrhea are associated with a sharp decrease in mortality from diarrhea, while death from other causes remains nearly constant”.[20]

According to the LANCET, infant mortality rate due to diarrhea declined from 29.1 in 1983 to 12.3 in 1987, while non-diarrheal infant mortality rate declined during the same period by a very small fraction, from 35.6 in 1983 to 32.8 in 1987[21]. Furthermore, childhood mortality (for children aged 1-4 years) declined from 4.0 in 1983 to 2.3 in 1987 for diarrheal deaths, and from 6.0 in 1983 to 5.5 in 1987 for non-diarrheal deaths[22].These remarkable declines in infant and child mortality have been a direct result of increased knowledge and use of ORS, breastfeeding and giving liquids during diarrhea, which were the primary messages of the media campaign.

Lessons Learned

  1. Media campaigns for development don’t necessarily result in creating or increasing the knowledge gap. This campaign has proved that there are ways to prevent this from happening, and even reverse existing gaps!
  2. Mass media can teach new skills which lead to behavioral change. Unfortunately, some communication academics who haven’t had field experiences are still in doubt and promote inaccurate premises to their students and other scholars!
  3. While a comprehensive media strategy is essential, it is also important to be flexible and revise it, based on feedback from monitoring and evaluation research.
  4. A multi-pronged approach is necessary. For example both health providers and mothers are two different segments which need to be reached, educated and convinced, almost simultaneously. Reaching them both requires using different messages and different media for each. As simple as this fact is, many messages to the Egyptian public on family planning that are disseminated in the media are the wrong ones and should be targeting decision makers instead!
  5. Development campaigns must be careful not to raise false expectations. For example, messages should be specific about what ORS can and cannot do. Before the campaign begins, planners should be sure that ORS packets are available, accessible and affordable. 
  6. The content of health messages for the general public should be approved by medical authorities. However, the choice of creative aspects and formats should be influenced only by the preferences of the target audience, given that such formats are not offensive to anyone.
  7. Communication specialists should avoid putting too much information into each TV spot, as this tends to reduce the audience’s ability to learn anything at all.  

[1] The British Medical Journal, (Vol: 291), November 1985. P.1249.

[2]The National Control of Diarrheal Diseases Project (NCDDP), Project Paper, NCDDP, 1983.

[3] Al-Ahram Newspaper, Cairo, Egypt, June 8, 1986, p. 13

[4] F. Elkamel, “The NCDDP Communication Strategy”, NCDDP Document, August 1983.

[5] Farag Elkamel and Norbert Hirshhorn, “Thirst for Information”, selected papers of the 1984 Annual Conference of the National Council for International Health, NCIH, June 11 – 13, 1984.

[6] (1) MEAG, “Evaluation of 1984 ORT campaigns”, Report submitted to NCDDP, Middle East Advisory Group, October 1984.

[7] MEAG, “Evaluation of 1984 ORT campaigns”, Report submitted to NCDDP, Middle East Advisory Group, October 1984.

[8] G. Donhue, P. Tichnor, and C. Olien, “Mass Media Effects and the Knowledge Gap”, COMMINCATION RESEARCH, 1975 (vol: 2) pp. 3-23.

[9] MEAG, Ibid.

[10] Farag Elkamel, “Developing Specific Message Appeals for the Egypt ORT Media Campaign”, unpublished paper, 1990.

[11] Farag Elkamel, “How the Egypt ORT Communication Campaign Succeeded”.  ICORT II Proceedings, Washington D.C.  December 10 – 13, 1985.

[12] F. Elkamel, “The NCDDP Communication Strategy”, NCDDP Document, August 1983.

[13] Draft Report of the Second Joint Ministry of Health / USAID / UNICEF / WHO / Review of the National Control of Diarrheal Diseases Project (NCDDP) in Egypt, June 15 – July 13, 1986.

[14] Ibid

[15] Ibid

[16] The British Medical Journal, op.cit.

[17] Ibid

[18] Ibid

[19] F. Elkamel, “Communications Strategies to Sustain ORT Impact.” Proceeding of the Third International Conference on Oral Rehydration Therapy, USAID, Washington DC, December 14-16, 1988.

[20] M. El-Rafie, W.A. Hassouna, N. Hirschhorn, S. Loza, P. Miller, A. Nagaty, S. Naser, S. Riyad, “Effects of Diarrheal Disease Control on Infant Mortality in Egypt”. The LANCET, (vol: 335), no 8685, pp. 334 – 338, Feb.1 1990.

[21] Ibid, table 2, p.335

[22] Ibid 

Thirst For Information: Development Communication in Oral Rehydration Therapy

THIRST FOR INFORMATION: DEVELOPMENT COMMUNICATION

IN ORAL REHYDRATION THERAPY

A Paper Presented to the National Council for International Health

11th Annual International Health Conference

June 11-13, 1984

By:

Farag Elkamel, Ph.D.,

Mass Media Advisor, JSI

and

Norbert Hirschhorn, M.D.

Chief Technical Advisor, JSI

The research reported here has been supported by the Office

of Health, USAID, Under Contract AID/263-0137, The National

Control of Diarrheal Diseases Project

NTRODUCTION

Egypt’s National Control of Diarrheal Diseases Project (NCDDP) launched a 3-month local mass media campaign in Alexandria during August-October 1983, and a one-month national television campaign in January/February 1984. Our baseline survey from Alexandria of Egypt in May 1983 showed that only 1.5 percent of the population in that mostly urban governorate knew anything about Oral Rehydration Therapy (ORT). A WHO survey on immunization and primary care, conducted in Egypt in April 1984 found that 70.8 percent of a national sample knew about Oral Rehydration Salts (ORS) and 40 percent had actually used them. The WHO document states that “television was frequently cited as the source of information” on ORS. Our own follow-up survey conducted in February 1984 yielded comparable information.

In this paper we will review the theoretical model and the communication strategy behind the ORT campaign, a description of the pilot campaign and its results. In the last section we will outline some reasons we believe are largely responsible for the sharp increase in knowledge and practice related to ORT after only a short campaign.

I. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK [1]AND SUPPORTING EVIDENCE

Communication is a powerful mechanism for inducing social change through the diffusion of knowledge and information. A host of intervening processes and factors influence the kind and extent of this diffusion. It is frequently found that knowledge levels about specific topics vary among different segments of the population, or even among societies, to take a more global view. Differences in behavior among socioeconomic groups are in fact often due less to differing propensity for change than to differential access to appropriate information concerning a given topic.

When hypotheses generated from this theoretical framework were tested on national survey data conducted in 1980 in Egypt, it was found that the low SES individuals were more likely to practice family planning than high SES individuals, provided that the former had better knowledge of contraceptives than the latter.

For people to act upon the knowledge they have, certain additional conditions must of course be met. Behavior should be of usefulness to the person, and it should be within his or her capacity to carry out. The behavior should also be condoned by significant others in the individual’s community.

It is our premise that people in Egypt are thirsty for information which helps them to deal with problems that affect them deeply. In 1983, over 150,000 Egyptian babies died from diarrhea and dehydration. Yet, our 1983 baseline survey showed that only 1.5 percent of the sample in a major urban area had heard of Oral Rehydration Solutions (ORS). After the mass media pilot campaign, a follow-up survey conducted by the NCDDP showed that over 87 percent of those surveyed knew of the existence of ORS.

Furthermore, 36 percent reported acting upon this newly acquired information[2]. It is also very interesting to note that when asked an open-ended question on what they like most in the ORT Communication messages, the one response mothers mentioned most often (40 percent) was that advice and information were being given to mothers about care of their children.

II. COMMUNICATION STRATEGY

Given the theoretical framework outlined above, the ORT communication strategy had to address two issues: the strong relationship between socioeconomic status and communication factors, especially media habits of the target audience; and existing information levels on management of diarrhea and dehydration. Thus the high illiteracy rate among women (almost 80 percent) precludes any significant reliance on print media. On the other hand, the specific media habits of Egyptian women indicate very strong preference for watching television serials and movies and very little attention to talk shows or health programs. Radio listening habits are quite similar. One interesting finding came out of audience surveys: television drama is the only popular TV material favored equally by different socioeconomic status segments of the population. This implies two things: one, ORT communications would be more effective if they were presented as drama, and two, ORT television commercials should be aired before television drama series or Egyptian movies. Characteristics of the main target audience necessitate that information be conveyed in simple, non-technical, colloquial Egyptian, using terms and descriptions familiar to average mothers. Message content focused on providing mothers with (1) an awareness of the seriousness of diarrhea and dehydration, (2) knowledge of how to manage the disease correctly, and (3) an understanding of the principles behind oral rehydration therapy.

III. PILOT CAMPAIGN AND RESULTS

The NCDDP implemented a regional mass communications campaign in the governorate of Alexandria during August, September, and October, 1983, followed by a one-month national television campaign during January/February 1984. The content of both campaigns focused on the following basic messages: (1) Give plenty of liquids (especially soups and juices) and continue breastfeeding your child if he/she has diarrhea; (2) Watery diarrhea and gastroenteritis cause dehydration which can lead to death of the child; (3) Recognize the signs of dehydration: weakness, vomiting, high temperature, loss of appetite, and sunken eyes; (4) Take your child immediately to a hospital which has a special unit to treat dehydration if you recognize any of the signs of dehydration (names of particular hospitals given); (5) Continue to feed your child if he/she has diarrhea; and (6) Advantages of ORS, where to obtain it, and illustration of its impact [3].

The three-month regional Alexandria campaign relied heavily on radio as the main medium for reaching the general audience, but also used person-to-person communication, both for the general public and for health professionals. Print materials were also used to reach both types of audiences.

The one-month national campaign used television as its sole medium. Two commercials were aired, each having the same content, but utilizing a different approach and format. Commercial A features one of Egypt’s leading entertainers, a comedian, interviewing a University of Cairo pediatrician, and commercial B featured the same entertainer introducing testimonials by four mothers regarding the usefulness of ORS. Both commercials featured shots of dehydrated children illustrating specific signs of dehydration (sunken eyes, irritability, loss of skin elasticity, loss of appetite, and thirst)[4].

RESULTS:

We mentioned in the introduction that a WHO review team found in April 1984 that 70.8 percent of a national sample knew about ORS, and that 40 percent of the sample had already used it. The same team also reported that television was mentioned “frequently” as the source of information on ORS. This independent investigation supports the findings of two evaluation surveys conducted by the NCDDP in Alexandria, one after the close of the three-month campaign and the other after the one-month television campaign. When findings of these two surveys are contrasted with findings of the baseline survey conducted in Alexandria before the start of any organized communication campaign, it becomes very clear that people were; in fact, “thirsty” for information, and once they had the information, a large proportion of them actually acted upon it. The following table illustrates.

Table 1 on the following page shows the very strong impact of mass media on increasing knowledge and practice of ORT in Egypt. It is also obvious from the table that television can be credited for the largest share of this increase (23 percent listened to the radio program while 93 percent watched the TV commercials). In fact, when respondents were asked about the sources of their information on ORS, for example, 58.3 percent cited television as compared to 5.5 percent who mentioned radio (including all radio stations) and 0.8 percent who mentioned newspapers and magazines. Similarly, while 24 percent mentioned TV as the source of information on management of diarrhea, 8 percent mentioned radio and 1.5 percent mentioned press. The same pattern is repeated with respect to importance of continuing breastfeeding during diarrhea, where 71 percent mentioned TV as their source of information, compared to 6 percent who stated radio and 1.3 percent who mentioned newspapers and magazines. This superior role of television in making the campaign achieve its objectives is amplified by the findings of another study sponsored by the NCDDP, with the objective of measuring the “day-after” recall of the two television commercials. The study found that 91 and 97 percents of two samples of low-income Cairo mothers recalled watching the ORT commercials the day before they were interviewed. More important yet, the ORT commercials were recalled (in response to an open-ended question) far better than all consumer product commercials. Once again, the public’s thirst for health information is illustrated. Data from rural Upper Egypt also show similar trends.

Finally, we have evidence from our data that there is a trend to rely less on information channels, such as older women and relatives, as the mass media convey information on health issues. For example, as television became an important source of information after the one-month national campaign, the percentages of respondents who mentioned their mothers or relatives as sources of information declined. With respect to management of diarrhea, recognizing signs of dehydration, and management of dehydration the proportion mentioning TV as a source of information rose from 9.5 to 23.8 percent, from 15.5 to 69.7 percent, and from 4.2 to 58.3 percent, respectively. On the other hand, those mentioning their mothers or relatives as sources of information on the same three items declined from 68 to 53 percent, from 36 to 22 percent, and from 20.4 to 15.4 percent, respectively. This is a tentative finding and needs further investigation on a more long-term basis.

IV. DISCUSSION

Infant mortality is high in Egypt; half of it is due to diarrhea and dehydration. Information on dehydration and its treatment has never been available to the majority of the population; the campaign described here was the first in the country. Before the campaign, baseline results show that only 32 percent of the sample had heard of dehydration, and only a very insignificant number of mothers (1.5 percent) had ever heard of ORS.

The pilot campaign introduced awareness of diarrhea, dehydration, and ORS in new and innovative ways. As a program for health, The Aware Mother (Al_Om Al Waaia) radio program differed from other health programs on Egyptian radio stations in a number of ways. First, the program used colloquial Egyptian instead of the classical Arabic usually used in other health programs. Second, the program employed different popular formats, especially drama, songs, prize competitions, and interviews with mothers. Third, the program and its material were based on ethnographic research and included pretests of materials before broadcast.

Television commercials, which had a much stronger impact than the radio program, were also quite innovative. For the first time in Egypt, a comedian/entertainer is shown on television in a commercial for a health issue. For the first time too, a university professor appears in a television commercial. It should be emphasized that the comedian selected for these commercials is also a social commentator and is known for his children’s TV shows.

Elite physicians and decision-makers were against the use of an actor, especially a comedian, and were of the opinion that people would not trust him. They believed that only a health professional, not an actor, would give medical information.

The powerful impact of the Egyptian ORT communication campaign on Knowledge and behavior is very encouraging. It illustrates the fact that dehydration is much more serious when people are thirsty for information than it is when people know what dehydration is and how to deal with it.

We have tried to learn from the experiences of others in planning and implementing this pilot campaign. Some of the key factors we paid particular attention to were:

  1. Message Consistency: The same basic messages were conveyed in different formats and via different channels. The NCDDP acted as a “data bank” of sorts for various media people, and acted to reconcile different approaches. What this boiled down to was that the audience did not receive contradictory information.
  2. Emphasis on Knowledge: The project identified key facts about the subject matter that are necessary for the new behavior (utilization of ORT) to take place. These facts were then conveyed directly and repeatedly to the target audience. Formats differed, but their informational content was virtually identical.
  3. Product Name: The name used for the ORS product was selected through research to ensure that it would be understood and liked by prospective clients: ORS is one of very few pharmaceutical products in Egypt that has an Arabic name that can be understood and remembered by the audience.
  4. Language and Vocabulary: In Egypt, there are at least two levels of the Arabic language, one that only literates can use, and “colloquial Egyptian” which can be used and understood by everyone. The pilot ORT campaign purposely used the latter, which meant that any member of the target audience had an equal chance to understand the message.

[1] The theoretical framework discussed here is based on Elkamel’s model for Knowledge and Social Change. For more information please see: https://elkamel.wordpress.com/category/theory-methodology/

[2] It should be noted that this is a percentage of the total sample and not just of mothers whose children had diarrhea or dehydration after knowing about ORS.

[3] Stressed more in the national campaign

[4] A parallel campaign for health professionals has also been in progress since the fall of 1983, but its description and evaluation are beyond the scope of this paper.


This is a photocopy of the original article:

The Obstinate Communicator: How Development Communication May Create and Increase Knowledge and Practice Gaps

THE OBSTINATE COMMUNICATOR:

How Development Communication

May Create and Increase Knowledge and Practice Gaps

By: Farag Elkamel, PhD

Presented at the Conference on Communication, Mass Media, and Development

Northwestern University

October 13-15, 1983

Abstract: https://www.popline.org/node/416077

The audience has for long been characterized as too “obstinate” to accept new ideas or dissonant information. Communication has failed to change people, according to many communication researchers, because people’s existing attitudes and opinions prevented them from exposure to new ones (e.g., Klapper 1960; Bauer 1964). Especially for students of social change who conceive of it as “modernization” depending ultimately on attitude change (e.g., Lerner 1958; Inkeles 19743; Fishbein and Ajzen 1975), the failure of communication to induce change could always be blamed on the stubbornness of the audience and its resistance to change.

However, evidence of “de facto” selectivity and the growing literature on the communication effects gap illustrate two crucial facts; First, de facto selectivity in exposure to the media may in fact be more serious than psychological selectivity based on existing opinions and attitudes (e.g., Sears and Freedman 1967). Second, “knowledge” may indeed relate directly to behavior, especially in third world countries where information is one of the rarest commodities.

The media play an important role in creating and maintaining the communication effects gap by selectively “exposing” particular segments of the population to information. Message format, wording, and time of broadcast are but a few ways communicators can select the kind of audience that will be exposed to the message.

THE KNOWLEDGE GAP HYPOTHESIS

Tichenor and his associates formulated the knowledge gap hypothesis by observing that “as the infusion of mass media information into a social system increases, segments of the population with higher socioeconomic status tend to acquire this information at a faster rate than lower status segments, so that the gap in knowledge between these segments tends to increase rather than decrease (Tichenor et al., 1981). The knowledge gap can be measured both at a given point in time and over time. In both situations, education levels are hypothesized to parallel knowledge differences (Tichenor et al., 1981; Samelson 1959; Budd et al., 1966.)

Other communication researchers have expanded the application of the knowledge gap hypothesis to include other variables (Rogers 1974; Shingi and Mody 1976; Robinson 1981; Werner 1975; Galloway 1974); such as literacy, race, ethnicity, religion, occupation, income, and the adoption of innovations, and to include other media (Shingi and Mody 1976).

Several factors have been identified as contributing to the creation and widening of the knowledge gap: (1) level of communication skills; (2) amount of stored information, or level of already existing knowledge; (4) relevant social contact (i.e., sphere of everyday activity, number of reference groups and interpersonal contacts); (4) selective exposure, acceptance, and retention of information; (5) nature of the media system that delivers information; and (6) the insufficiently short media coverage of most issues.

Yet another important cause of the knowledge gap, particularly in developing countries, is the development approach of diffusing knowledge by working through a few opinion leaders, Bearing in mind that the two-step-flow of information is of central importance to this development strategy, several researchers have found that not much knowledge is being filtered through opinion leaders, and much of what is filtered is greatly distorted. (Roling et al., 1976; Sinha and Mehta 1972).

The effect of induced knowledge gaps may even be more disheartening to those concerned with development. As early adopters of an innovation advance, late adopters continue to lag behind, the gap between them continually increasing. Feelings of frustration, relative deprivation, and failure may grow on the part of the late adopters, potentially fueling social unrest and radical change.

KNOWLEDGE, SOCIOECONOMIC STATUS, COMMUNICATION, AND BEHAVIOR:

AN INTRODUCTION TO A SOCIAL CHANGE MODEL

Knowledge must first be distinguished from other concepts, especially “awareness” and “beliefs”, while “knowledge” implies more than just awareness, it is distinguished from beliefs in that it can objectively be classified as true or false, whereas beliefs are subjective in nature and don’t conform to such classification. Knowledge is, therefore, defined as information which is necessary for individuals’ decision making with regard to an object.

As Rogers and Shoemaker (1971) conceive, three types of knowledge may be differentiated: “awareness-knowledge” which is information about the existence of an object, “how-to-knowledge” which consists of information necessary to use the object, and “principles-knowledge” which deals with the basic facts or principles underlying the object.

These three types of knowledge can also be conceived as three different levels which are hierarchical in that principles-knowledge presumes both how-to and awareness knowledge, and how-to-knowledge presumes awareness-knowledge. Quite clearly, the second level of knowledge must be reached in order for knowledge to have any functional use or effect on behavior.

Knowledge, as defined above, is an independent variable affecting behavior. However, it is also a dependent variable affected by socioeconomic status and by communication. The model gets more complicated when it is realized that both communication and socioeconomic status are themselves related to each other, and that the relationship has further influences on knowledge. It is from the interrelationships of knowledge, communication, and socioeconomic status that the knowledge gap is created.

Since knowledge affects behavior, the knowledge gap causes a behavior gap as well, Knowledge, of course, is not always acted upon, but it is equally true that the amount and type of knowledge one has greatly influence behavior. Factors which interfere with the causal link between knowledge and behavior are termed intervening variables. At least four types of intervening variables are known to affect the relationship between knowledge and behavior: demographic, convenience, normative, and attitudinal variables. It is interesting to note that while demographic and convenience variables are not easy targets for the communicator to overcome, communication can play an important role in overcoming attitudinal and normative obstacles.

Figure 1 illustrates a typology that aids in the understanding of the relationship between knowledge and behavior. In this typology, when intervening variables are weak type I and type IV should contain the majority of frequencies, and vice versa. Type III, on the other hand, poses the greatest challenge to change advocates, since it implies the workings of the intervening variables such that knowledge is not acted upon.

FIGURE (1): The relationship between knowledge and behavior

Knowledge has been defined as information that can be classified as true or false. Furthermore, over time what was once false knowledge can become true knowledge, and what was once true knowledge can become false knowledge. For example, at one time intravenous therapy was the best known treatment for dehydration, while today this is false knowledge that the effectiveness of Oral Rehydration Therapy has been established. Knowledge gaps occur because segments of society acquire new knowledge at different rates, so as the store of knowledge in the world expands, the knowledge gap expands with it. Moreover, the veracity or falsity of knowledge may be different for any two sets of circumstances at any point in time.

The implications are profound for the model posited. Change in the classification of knowledge as true or false from past to present is likely to occur at different rates for different segments of the population, even within one society. Of course, even when things change, some people are still unaware of the change and continue to act as before. This occurs along socioeconomic lines, and is explained in terms of the interaction among components of the model and the differential influences of intervening variables.

AN ILLUSTRATIVE CASE STUDY

Almost all students of population have found positive relationships between fertility behavior and socioeconomic factors such as urbanization, education, and income. For any serious and practical social change program which includes as one of its objectives the increase in contraceptive use, socioeconomic factors cannot be changed in the short run. Nevertheless, the issue of changing socioeconomic factors in fertility programs has not yet been resolved; it has been found that fertility rates will not decline before socioeconomic factors improve, while socioeconomic factors will not improve before high fertility rates are controlled. As a result of the debate between the prioritization of socioeconomic factors or fertility rates, thought on the effect of communication campaigns for reducing fertility has polarized. One side advocates family planning programs which have strong communication components.

With this view, fertility reduction is to take place after communication programs lead to the adoption of family planning methods. The other side sees no importance in communication for the reduction in fertility because “the population will take care of itself if it is taken care of”; Factors such as education and urbanization are of central importance in programs sponsored by this side (Davis 1963).

What is lacking in these two views is the identification of a mechanism which underlies the several socioeconomic variables which demographers found to relate to fertility behavior. A more rewarding endeavor which is suggested by this framework is to investigate the mechanisms by which socioeconomic factors influence fertility behavior, mechanisms which are common to all of these socioeconomic factors. In this framework, knowledge is a mechanism produced by all the socioeconomic factors, urbanization and industrialization bring masses of people to live in geographically limited areas where they have access to mass media, education, and training opportunities. Both education and income can also be seen as leading to particular media habits and to special life styles that result in increasing knowledge and information levels.

The posited model of interaction between socioeconomic status, knowledge, communication, and behavior offers a mechanism produced commonly by all socioeconomic factors, and reconciles the ideas and convictions of the two sides of the fertility issue. Other things being equal, socioeconomic conditions are important determinants of fertility behavior in so far as they contribute to increasing knowledge, both directly and indirectly, through influencing communication habits of the individual, which in turn affects levels of knowledge and information. Thus, if the urban environment does not provide better access to communication, or better acquisition of knowledge, the importance of urbanization in affecting fertility control will be severely reduced. This argument applies to other socioeconomic factors as well. Therefore, the urban, rich, educated, and white-collar person will have much better knowledge about family planning and its methods than a rural, poor, illiterate, and blue-collar person. And the former will not be expected to practice family planning more unless he has better knowledge about it than the latter.

DATA AND FINDINGS

Most of the data used to test the foregoing model are from two surveys administered in Egypt in 1980 and 1982; the Communication Baseline Survey (CBS) and the Follow-up Survey (FS). The CBS was based on a representative national probability sample of 2000 currently married men and women under 45 years old. The (FS) differed somewhat in the sample design. Ever married women less than 50 years old were interviewed resulting in a higher proportion of women in the sample and also resulting in a lower educational level since women, in Egypt as in many other countries, have lower educational levels than men especially in the older age categories. Nevertheless, valuable comparisons can be made between these two surveys in spite of the necessary caution in this task.

Findings of four other surveys are also used. These surveys are: the National Fertility Survey (1975), the Rural Fertility Survey (1979), the Egyptian Fertility Survey (1980), and the Contraceptive Prevalence Survey (1980). The most important differences among these surveys involve the rural-urban distribution, the Upper Egypt-Lower Egypt distribution, the definition of contraceptive used in the surveys, in addition to differences in demographic and socioeconomic characteristics of their respective samples. The reported levels of contraceptives use are affected by all of these differences, and are, therefore, not consistent.

These differences, nevertheless, only render more support to the foregoing analysis, since the relationships hypothesized in the posited model are supported by the findings of all of these surveys, despite all the differences among them.

A. SOCIOECONOMIC STATUS, COMMUNICATION, AND KNOWLEDGE

A clear differentiation exists in mass media access and in type of content exposed to along socioeconomic lines. In 1980, 15 percent of Egyptian households did not own radio sets. However, 33 percent of the low income, 23 percent of the rural, and 19 percent of the low education respondents reported lack of radio ownership. Also, while 52 percent of all Egyptian households owned television sets in 1980, the communication Baseline Survey reported that only 19 percent of the low income, 27 percent of the rural, and 42 percent of the low education respondents owned television sets.

The pattern of access to print media is similar. While only 12 percent of the low income respondents regularly read newspapers, 76 percent of the high income respondents read newspapers. Only 22 percent of the rural respondents read newspapers, compared to 68 percent of the urban respondents, In addition, the regularity of reading is lower in lower status groups and among rural residents.

The percents attending to more informational radio and television programs are shown in Table 1. Consistently across all status groups, the higher status group attends more to more informational programs than does the lower status groups. This applies both to television and to radio.

To measure the relationship between knowledge and socioeconomic status, an index of knowledge was constructed including such factors as number of contraceptive methods a person knows, knowledge of where the methods may be obtained, and knowledge of the correct use and effects of each method. The correlation coefficients of the relationships between this index and different aspects of socioeconomic status ranged between 0645 and 0450. With the same index of knowledge, the link between knowledge and communication is established. The relationship between knowledge and access to mass media has a correlation coefficient of 0.69, and moderately high correlation coefficients exist between knowledge and participation in family planning person-to-person communication (Elkamel 1981).

B. DETERMINANTS OF BEHAVIOR

The explanatory power of knowledge as contrasted with other factors has been tested using Discriminant analysis. Other factors in the equation include attitude, socioeconomic status, convenience (availability of contraceptives and affordability), and whether the respondent already has children, which is taken here to be a social norm in Egypt that couples want to have at least one child after marriage before using any contraceptives.

The relative importance of each of the variables posited in the model is clear in table 2. Attitude is a weak predictor of behavior, as is convenience. Also, the explanatory power of socioeconomic status becomes almost negligible once other variables from the model are included, Knowledge proves to be the most powerful predictor of behavior, along with the intervening variable “social norms.”

THE COMMUNICATION EFFECTS GAP

Did the Egyptian family planning communication campaign create knowledge or behavior gaps? Over the two year period between the two surveys, four messages were stressed in the national communication campaign: (1) the new family planning symbol; (2) the slogan “Look around you–Egypt has a population problem; (3) the slogan “small families live better”; and (4) the slogan “the choice is yours”.

The Follow up Survey conducted two years after the campaign had begun reveals the skewed diffusion of these messages among the different population groups in Egypt, as is shown in Table 3. Even though the campaign was national, Sizeable portions of the population (44 percent) did not receive any of the four messages mentioned above (SIS, CAPMAS, and SDC, 1982, pe174). This percentage, however, declines to less than one percent among those who completed university education, 15 percent in metropolitan areas, and 18 percent of the high income group. On the other hand, the percentage increases to 64 percent among illiterates, 62 percent in rural areas, and 63 percent of the low income group. What is clear is that the campaign had missed most of the target audience, particularly those who needed information the most. Obviously the campaign created a knowledge gap.

The communication effects gap that developed was not, however, confined to knowledge alone. The Follow-up study also shows significant differences among different segments of the population in terms of behavior change which can at least partially be attributed to the communication campaign.

Controlling for such factors as education, region, and availability, the communication campaign made a “strong and positive effect” on family planning practices (SIS, CAPMAS, and SDC, 1982, p.238). This positive effect, however, was consistently more favorable to the better off segments of the population, resulting in a widening of the existing behavior gaps, as illustrated in Table 4.

CLOSING THE GAP

Much can be learned about communication in developing countries from the experience of the two-year family planning communication campaign launched in Egypt. Several errors were made in that project. Family planning advertisements were regularly placed in Egypt’s daily Al Ahram, considered as the elite newspaper of the country. Advertisements were also placed in the English language daily that is read almost exclusively by foreigners. Radio and television messages were written in classical Arabic. Television commercials were placed between the news in English and the foreign series.

For communication campaigns directed toward development issues, several recommendations can be made to avoid causing knowledge or practice gaps (1) know the target audience, particularly their media habits. Without knowing the characteristics of the audience, little progress can be made toward reaching the audience with either media or messages; (2) focus communication messages on the target audience, not on the political decision makers or development funding agencies; and (3) keep the communication messages at a level easily understood by the target audience, Technical terms, fancy messages, and symbolism constitute obstacles to communication in development.

REFERENCES

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History.” Population Index, 29(4): 345-366.

ELKAMSL, FARAG (1981) Knowledge and Social Change: The Case of Family Planning. Unpublished PhD, Dissertation. University of Chicago: Chicago, Illinois.

ERSKINE, H. (1962) “The Polls: The Informed Public.”  Public Opinion Quarterly, vol. 26.

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FESTINGER, LEON (1957) A Theory of Cognitive Dissonance. Evanston, Illinois: Row, Peterson.

FISHBEIN, M. AND ICEK AJZEN (1975) Belief, Attitude, Intention, and Behavior: An Introduction to Theory and Research. Urbana, Illinois: Addison-Wesley Publishing Company.

GALLOWAY, Js Je (1974) Sub-structural Rates of Change, and Adoption and Knowledge Gaps in the Diffusion of Innovations. Ph.D. Dissertation, Michigan State University.

GANS, HERBERT J. (1975) Popular Culture and High Culture. New York: Basic Books.

INKELES, ALEX AND DAVID H. SMITH (1974) Becoming Modern. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press.

ISSA, MAHMOUD S.A. (1980) “Modernization and the Fertility Transition: Egypt 1975.”

African Demography Program Working Paper Number 3, Population Studies Center, University of Pennsylvania.

KEY, V. O. (1961) Public Opinion and American Democracy. New York: Knopf.

KLAPPER, J. Te (1960) The Effects of Mass Communication. Glencoe, IL: Free Press.

LANE, Re BE. AND DAVID SHEARS (1964) Public Opinion. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall.

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Middle East. New York: Free Press.

NEWCOMB, THEODORE M. (1953) An Approach to the Study of Communicative Acts,”

Psychological Review, 60 (6): 393-04.

OGBURN, WILLIAM F, (1961) “The Hypothesis of Cultural Lag. PP, 1270-1273 in Talcott Parsons et al. (eds.), Theories of Society. New York: Free Press,

OSGOOD, CHARLES E, AND PERCY H. TANNENBAUM (1955) “The Principle of Congruity in the Prediction of Attitude Change,” Psychological Review, 62(1):.42~55.

ROBINSON, JOHN (1967) “World Affairs and Media Exposure,” Journalism Quarterly, 44(spring): 23-31.

ROBINSON, JOHN (1981) “Mass Communication and Information Diffusion” Pp. 348~362 in Morris Janowitz and Paul M. Hirsch, Reader in Public Opinion and Mass Communication. New York: Free Press.

ROBINSON, JOHN and Paul M. Hirsch (1969) “It’s the Sound that Does it.” Psychology Today: 42-95.

ROGERS, EVERETT (1973) Communication Strategies for Family Planning, New York: Free Press,

ROGERS, EVERETT (1976) “Communication and Development: The Passing of the Dominant Paradigm.” Pp. 121-132 in Communication and Development: Critical Perspectives. Sage Publications.

ROGERS, EVERETT and F, SHOEMAKER (1971) Communication of Innovations: A Cross-Cultural Approach, New York: Free Press.

ROLING, NIELS G., JOSEPH ASCROFT, AND FRED WA CHEGE. (1976) “The Diffusion of Innovations and the Issue of Equity in Rural Development” Pp. 63-78 in Everett Rogers (ed.) Communication and Development: Critical Perspectives. Sage Publications.

ROSENBERG, MILTON (1960) “An Analysis of Affective-Cognitive Consistency.” Pp. 15-64 in Carl Hoveland and Milton Rosenberg (eds.), Attitude Organization and Change, New Haven: Yale University Press.

SAMUELSON, MERRIL E. R. F. CARTER, AND LEE RUGGELS (1963) “Education, Available Time, and Mass Media Use,” Journalism Quarterly, vol. 40, pp. 491-496.

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Calif. Institute for Communication Research.

SEARS, DAVID AND JONATHAN FREEDMAN (1967) “Selective Exposure to Information: A Critical Review.” Public Opinion Quarterly, vol. 315 pp. 194-214.

SHINGI, PARKASH M, AWD BELIAMODY (1976) “The Communication Effects Gap: A Field Experiment on Television and Agricultural Ignorance in India.” Pp. 79-98 in Everett Rogers (ed.), Communication and Development: Sage Publications.

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Television Advertising for National Development

Published in: “Communication Processes: Alternative Channels and Strategies for Development Support” -Selected papers prepared for a seminar held in Nairobi, Kenya, November 14-16, 1990, Edited by Kwame Boafo and Nancy George, IDRC-MR274e November 1991.

Television Advertising for National Development

Communication Strategy of the Egypt Oral Rehydration Treatment (ORT) Project

This is the strategy which the Egypt project adopted from start to end (1983-1989), and was instrumental in its well-documented success. I am pleased to share it here in the hope that it will be useful to other colleagues when they embark on developing communication startegies for similar challenges.

THE NATIONAL CONTROL OF DIARRHEAL DISEASE PROJECT

THE COMMUNICATION STRATEGY

Prepared by: Farag Elkamel, PhD

August 1983

I. OBJECTIVES

To teach, persuade, and change the behaviors of (a) all mothers of children under five, and (b) other specific target groups, especially health personnel, mass media reporters, and decision makers, with regard to the management of diarrhea and dehydration. In order to attain these objectives, these audiences must be infirmed in both efficient and effective ways. Information which must reach these audiences can be classified into three types of knowledge;

A. AWARENESS-KNOWLEDGE
  1. Diarrhea is a disease which can lead to more serious ones.
  2. Two kinds of diarrhea are known to exist. The serious one is watery diarrhea or “eshal zayy el mayyia,” which is usually accompanied by vomiting and gastroenteritis or “nazla maawia.”
  3. Diarrhea can lead to dehydration “gafaf” which is very serious and can lead to death.
  4. There are different degrees of “gafaf.” “Gafaf” is easier to treat in its early stages.
  5. Only serious “gafaf” needs special treatment in hospitals and health centers. Mild cases can be treated by mothers at home.
  6. You will be able to recognize it if your child has gafaf. The child will vomit, will have sunken eyes, dry skin, no appetite, and will be weak.
B. HOW-TO-KNOWLEDGE
  1. Complications of diarrhea can be prevented if the child is given plenty of liquids during diarrhea.
  2. Food and/or breast milk must continue during diarrhea to give the child strength.
  3. Examples of liquids to give the child during diarrhea are soups, juices, or soft drinks. Examples of food to give are vegetables, fruit, and rice.
  4. Children who have watery diarrhea “eshal zayy el mayyia” must take ORS “Mahloul Moaalget el Gafaf (MMG).” You can buy this “Mahloul” from the pharmacy for a few piasters, or even get it free from hospitals and MCH centers.
  5. You must dissolve the MMG solution right; otherwise it will not be effective. To be sure, read the instructions on the box and ask your doctor, pharmacist, or nurse to tell you how to dissolve the solution right.
  6. Give your child the solution slowly and gradually, not in large quantities at once. Give at least two full spoons every five minutes.
  7. Gafaf can be very serious. If your child is constantly vomiting and looks very dehydrated, it must be taken to a doctor or hospital at once.
C. PRINCIPLES-KNOWLEDGE
  1. Diarrhea may be caused by viruses, bacteria, parasites, etc. Factors that make it prevail include poor personal hygiene, poor food preparation, contaminated water, and flies.
  2. Dehydration is the loss of body fluids and essential salts and minerals. This happens because of acute diarrhea. Unless restored, this loss of body fluids, salts, and minerals seriously affects the fragile body of the child, resulting, perhaps, in death.
  3. NMG will restore the child’s appetite to eat; and food and milk will strengthen the child. MMG, food, and liquids restore the lost body fluids, salts, and minerals, thereby protecting child against dehydration.
  4. Certain kinds of food will also help stop diarrhea faster, in addition, of course, to strengthening the fragile body of the child.
  5. When your child has diarrhea, your first worry should be to prevent dehydration, not to stop diarrhea. Diarrhea will eventually stop, but depending on what you do, your child may or may not get gafaf, which is your child’s number one enemy.
  6. Severe dehydration can negatively affect the health of a child, his growth, and his mental development. A good and loving mother therefore never lets her child get dehydrated.

II. CHANNELS OF COMMUNICATION

Characteristics of the main target audience (mothers of children under five) are pretty well known. The majority are illiterate and live in low-income urban areas. Only wise and planned use of communication will enable them to get the project messages outlined above. There is enough evidence from different media surveys conducted in Egypt to prove that only innovative social marketing techniques would succeed in reaching the target audience.

Print media, as well as health programs on radio and television should be used very lightly and with extreme caution, because they reach a small, and a particular segment of the target audience. Advertising in the print media should be kept at an absolute minimum, if at all. Interpersonal communication should be utilized in teaching doctors, pharmacists, social workers, as well as other health personnel.

The following social marketing activities should be carried out either directly by the project or through competitive bidding according to specific Requests for Proposals (RFP’s) issued by the NCDD Project:

  1. Development and production of audio-visual aids and other training materials for doctors, pharmacists, and other health personnel.
  2. Development and production of radio and television spots and special programs for the main target audience.
  3. Development and production of booklets, posters, pamphlets, billboards, etc.
  4. Planning and organization of national and regional conferences for doctors, pharmacists, and other health related decision makers and national and community leaders.
  5. Design and execution of special person-to-person communication campaigns with particular groups and in problem areas.
  6. Development, production, and distribution of certain point-of-sale and promotional items.
  7. Securing and producing testimonials advocating ORT by prominent doctors and famous personalities.

III. GUIDELINES FOR SOCIAL MARKETING

A. Message Design.

Characteristics of the main target audience will have to be observed in designing social marketing communication. Messages must be appealing to this general audience, and the information contained in the message should be clear and phrased in simple, non-technical, colloquial Arabic.

B. Format and Time of Broadcast

Time of broadcast can be very decisive in affecting the success of spots and special programs to reach the target audience. It is important to note that the most popular format both on radio and television is drama, a fact which can be exploited by the project in at least two ways. First, ORT messages, spots, and special programs would perhaps attract a larger audience if produced in the form of drama. Second, any spots, commercials, or special messages will reach more viewers and listeners if aired during, before, or immediately following soap operas, movies, or ether popular entertainment programs and shows.

C. Theme

All ORT messages communicated by the NCDD project should be designed to appeal to mothers, who should be described as caring, loving, and smart, and certainly not as negligible or ignorant. In communicating with doctors and other “elite” target groups, the theme should be the scientific or medical “revolution” resulting from ORT.

IV. ORGANIZATION OF CAMPAIGN ELEMENTS

In addition to person-to-person communication as described above, the project’s mass communication activities can be classified into four rather different elements which complement each other:

  1. News releases and public relations on behalf of the project. This campaign activity involves the publication and broadcast of feature stories and news highlighting project activities, the opening of rehydration centers, conferences and seminars sponsored by the project, etc. While this aspect of project communication activities may best be handled by the ministry of health information office, very close supervision by the NCDD project is essential.
  2. Integration of ORT messages into existing media programs. Each radio or television station has its own health programs as well as other much more popular programs. Both may be used to diffuse ORT messages. The press also has different health and family sections which typically discuss different health issues. The first order of business should be to educate reporters and producers about Oral Rehydration and motivate them to address the subject matter in their programs. Second, detailed arrangements should be made with selected programs, within a general framework, to integrate ORT into the subjects addressed in these programs. Different approaches will be required for the health and the general / popular programs. This aspect of the program communication effort must be undertaken directly by the project with the media personnel involved. The project should provide the content, approach, and means to pretest the material and evaluate its impact, the production being left to the media people as their responsibility in close coordination with the project. It should be mentioned here that as the audience of the specialized health programs, sections, and magazines is relatively much smaller, and is of a particular quality, emphasis should be more on popular programs and less on health programs, sections, or publications.
  3. Specially-produced programs. The project should start negotiations with one or two radio stations and make arrangements to produce and broadcast “Al Om Al Waaia” (The Aware Mother) program nationally. The program should be put on the radio during the peak of the diarrhea season, and should include competitions and prizes for listeners who follow the program regularly and can answer specific questions on the subject matter. The program would be publicized intensively through spot announcements few times a day which should be inserted before or immediately after other programs that are most popular among the target audience. While the same may be done on television, the cost could be prohibitive. An ideal arrangement would involve rerunning the program on additional radio stations, but such an arrangement may be quite difficult. For literate audiences, the same idea can be implemented, where print supplements or sections may be edited in direct cooperation with the project. While the NCDD project should subsidize the production of such programs or press sections, it should not by any means waste the project funds on buying newspaper space or radio air time for these specially produced programs. They are not to be confused with advertising.
  4. Social Marketing. By far, this will prove to be the most effective activity in reaching the target audience, different, but small segments of which are reached through the other communication campaign elements outlined above. Since the project does not have the means to produce communication material, this activity will have to be accomplished through the cooperation of three parties. First, the NCDD project must assume overall responsibility. Content development, pretest of ideas and of material at different stages of the production, approval of scripts and storyboards and evaluation of effect are typical NCDD project responsibilities. Second, radio and television officials should be involved at different stages, such that a sense of involvement develops among them, which would make the broadcasting of project messages more possible. These people or some of them at least, have good judgments of what does or does not work. Third, the actual filming and production should be contracted out to one or more of the public or private agencies specialized in quality production of audio, video, or print material. Such contractors, however, will have to be closely coached by the project, mainly because almost all possible contractors have little, if any, experience in social marketing communication, and have little experience in communication with the kind of audience the project seeks to reach.

V. Pretest, Evaluation, and Monitoring.

Two types of pretest of campaign material are advised, of course in addition to pretest among in-house experts. First, a pretest must be done with key experts in the technique being used (e.g., audio, video, photography, drama, etc.) Second, all material must be pretested among relatively small samples of the target audience. Both types of pretest may be repeated at different stages of the production. The NCDD project should assume the primary responsibility for pretesting.

Monitoring techniques will vary according to the kind of communication activity. For example, while the ministry of health information office could be responsible for sending copies of each of the news releases it manages to get printed on behalf of the project; other activities may require the specific attention of one or more persons on the NCDD project staff. Detailed monitoring schemes should be devised in conjunction with each activity.

Evaluation, both of the process and the impact should be undertaken both by the project itself and by outside contractors. Evaluation reports submitted by contractors on the project’s request may not substitute for the project conducting its own evaluations of different communication activities.


PHOTOCOPY of the strategy as typed in August 1983

Dialogue With The Future

The author undertook this study in 2000-2001 to investigate adolescent problems and to identify the parameters of TV shows that could effectively address them in Egypt. The study was sponsored by Unicef and was published in various languages and formats.

INTRODUCTION

This report describes the findings of a study conducted on adolescents in three Egyptian Governorates. The .study was commissioned by UNICEF and implemented by the Center for Development Communication (CDC). The main objectives of the study are to identify salient issues, problems and challenges facing adolescents, and develop guidelines for producing a television program, which targets this age group.

The current study is particularly important because it is the first one to be carried out on Egyptian adolescents using a qualitative research methodology (focus group discussions), on a sample that represents Upper Egypt, the Delta, and Metropolitan Cairo.  The study is also unique in adopting a communication perspective, as it focuses on different aspects of human interaction between adolescents and “significant others” such as their peers, siblings, friends, parents, and teachers.  Special emphasis was also placed on the relationships that adolescents have with mass media, particularly television.   The study investigated the details of their opinions of television programs that target adolescents, and explored their views regarding components of an “ideal” television program that would be attractive to them.

UNICEF has taken the lead in initiating and developing this study.  Most senior management and program officers contributed ample advice and guidance during various phases of implementation.

As this is an exploratory study, it is hoped that complementary studies will follow in order to fill gaps in our current knowledge of the subject-matter. Three areas of additional investigation have been identified as worthy of follow• up studies using the quantitative methodology that was utilized in this study. First, there is a need to apply the study to older youth; especially those between 18 and 22 (college-age), since this group of youth have a different set of problems and challenges.   Second, rural youth and school drop outs as well as working youth do require a separate study to identify their particular problems.

Third, it is vital to undertake a similar study on grown-ups, especially parents and teachers, in order to see the other side of the coin.  The picture painted in this report is based on the opinions of one side, adolescents.   In order to have a complete picture, opinions of the grown ups need to be investigated as well.  ·

Finally, I would like to express my gratitude to all colleagues, researchers, experts, and assistants who have collaborated in the process to undertake this study.   I wish to thank Dr. Leila Bisharat for her guidance and Ms. Nagwa Farag for her initiative, advice, and support.  I am also indebted to various UNICEF colleagues for their valuable contributions.  A large number of researchers and assistants from CDC worked on this study, and I wish to thank them all..  

Farag Elkamel, March 2000

Study Objectives and Methodology

Objectives and Sample:

The main objective of this study is to identify problems, opinion, and ambition of Egyptian adolescents, who represent an important segment of society.  The practical objective is to utilize findings in planning  and producing  a new television  program, which targets this age group. Television and audience research studies have concluded that existing programs target children under the age of ten or youth above teenage.  No programs  are presently targeting adolescents.

The  study  has utilized  a qualitative research methodology known  as Focus Group Discussions (FGDs), suitable for research on sensitive issues such as the ones covered by this study.  The sample consisted of 24 groups (6-8 persons each) divided equally between males and females. The groups were also divided equally between junior adolescents (12-15) year old)  and older adolescents  (16-18).   The 24 groups were further divided into three subgroups, where one-third was taken from Upper Egypt (Menya), another from the Delta (Dakahlia) and the final third from metropolitan Cairo area, including Cairo and Giza. (Please see detailed breakdown in Annex  1.)

The methodology  of the study required female researchers to moderate discussions with female  groups, and male researchers  to moderate  similar discussion  with male groups. There was no exception  to this rule.  All of the ,group discussions  took place inside the homes  of selected participants, with the exception  of two groups that took place in the meeting room of a social club.

Methodology:

This study was conducted  after an approval was received from the Central Agency for Public Mobilization and Statistics (CAPMAS).

The FGD methodology utilized in this study is mostly used for investigating opinions, attitudes, behaviors,  and deep-rooted  behavioral motives. FGDs are being more widely used in social research, especially in the context of social development programs that use communication asa tool for attitude and behavior change.

FGDs are conducted in small sessions with 6-8 participants, and are moderated by a well-trained moderator.  The moderator  is responsible  for keeping the discussion focused on the main issues outlined in the moderator’s guide.  He/she also encourages all participants to engage in the discussions,  and prevents  attempts  by a minority  of the participants .to dominate the discussions.

FGDs  are different  from individual interviews in at least two ways:   first, FGDs are typically done with a group of participants,  while individual interviews involve only one respondent at a time.  Second,  the FGD moderator uses a “moderator’s guide” which contains an outline of key issues around which the discussion takes place, while individual interviews typically use a structured questionnaire to be strictly adhered to, word for word, by the interviewer.  In addition, the final outcome of FGDs consists of qualitative insights with regard  to ongoing  trends,  ideas, or behaviors,  rather  than specific percentage or definite statistical relationships  as obtained by field surveys.

A typical FGD lasts from 90 to 120 minutes.  It is usually moderated by an experienced researcher with background in psychology, anthropology, or sociology.  A good moderator is one who lets the group have an internal and frank discussion among themselves,  with minimum interference.  The moderator should be able to tolerate any opinions expressed, and encourage everyone to speak his own mind.

The assistant moderator records the sessions on tapes for the purpose of transcribing and analyzing discussions at a later  time.   These  transcripts as well as  observations and comments taken down the moderator  are heavily relied on in compiling the study report.

The Moderator’s Guide

Executive Summary

INTRODUCTION:

This study was conducted  between November  1999 and February  2000, with the main objective of determining the interests and particular issues of concern to youth. The study, together with its findings, is intended as a guide for designing television programs that would focus on youth issues, keep them involved and attract their attention. Using a qualitative research method (Focus Group Discussions), 24 groups of youth, each consisting of 6-8 persons were involved in the study. They represent different parts of the country equally divided among Cairo, Menya, and Dakahlia. Half the groups consisted of female participants  and the other half males. The groups were also divided equally between  two age groups: junior teenagers  (12-15) and older ones (16-18). The moderator’s guide addressed  nine main issues, which were identified in several meetings and brainstorming sessions with various Unicef professionals.

MAIN  FINDINGS:

1.    The  study  found that  youth  have invented / adopted  a vocabulary of secret “youth language”, consisting of expressions which they use in their daily conversations, without grown-ups knowing what  they  mean.  Some  of these  expressions have  to do with descriptions of boys or girls who are well dressed, lazy, friendly, beautiful, sexy, or spaced out. Some other expressions  deal with situations where youth are to tolerate, let go, or simply ignore something. Most of these expressions  are used in reference  to parents or teachers’ rigid attitudes, instructions,  or behaviors towards youth.

2.   Girls and boys do not get the same treatment from parents. Boys are given more latitude in their relationships with peers,  and friends  of the opposite sex, while girls are not allowed to have any relationships with boys, and even their relationships with girl friends are closely monitored. Telephone conversations  are also censored for girls, but not for boys. The situation is worse for girls who are younger than their brothers,  and will be worst if the family has only one son. Many privileges which boys get, such as staying out late or going places with their friends are not allowed to girls.  Girls also complain that their own brothers,  who may be younger than themselves, also try to control them in different ways. The real tragedy in this regard is that many girls, but luckily not the majority, have adopted  a similar attitude towards themselves,  and expressed  the view that girls should not expect to get the same rights as boys. This could be the result of a long socialization process, or simply, despair.

3. Both girls and boys in the sample prefer to have their friends from their own sex. They both express an attitude of distrust in friendships with persons from the opposite sex. On the other hand,  girls and boys in this age group  find ways to develop  other kinds of relationships with the opposite  sex. Some of these “romances” start between  them as young teenagers, either at school or other settings such as private tutoring classes, relatives, or neighbors. These relationships between girls and boys are quite discouraged by parents; ostensibly for fear that they would interfere with their studying. Girls complain that even their mothers do not accept such relationships,  which drive girls to talk about boys only with her close friends.

4. Teenagers have a number of other burning issues, which they dare not discuss with their parents. Among these issues are their fears of failure at school, lack of family resources to afford private tutoring, and surroundings that are not conducive to concentration and studying. Their younger siblings are making too much noise, and even their parents watch television in the same room while they try to concentrate. Their parents are always unwilling  to discuss  any of these issues,  and often tell them that they themselves  had much more difficult situations when they were young.

5. The most annoying source of stress for these kids, however, is the school teachers, who have absolutely  no time to discuss  any of their problems.  They even have no time to explain the lessons. Most of them are too tired because they had been working late the previous night giving private lessons. The language they use with kids is quite foul, and a lot of the participants reported that their teachers beat and insult them in class.  Teachers are reported to act a little better  towards  kids  who pay  them  for private  tutoring.

6. The relationships  these kids have with their parents are no better, either.  Most of them are not even on speaking terms with their parents,  especially the father. Conversations that  take  place  between them  &  their parents  cannot  be  described as a  two-way communication.  They are rather one-sided instructions,  threats, and shouting. Parents give them no time to explain,  but often ridicule  their opinions.   Sometimes youth are lucky if there is another grown up in the family who they can talk to, such as an uncle, a grandparent, or an older brother. But the experience of most of the kids is that parents are simply unable to communicate  effectively with them or understand their points of view.  They simply do not even listen..

7. When most of the boys reached puberty, they had new.experiences, which their parents never prepared  them for. Very few kids mentioned  that they had had any information on such developments from their fathers. The only information they ever had was derived from their science classes. When they actually  experienced these new developments, they talked to their friends, and many of them got a lot of bad advice in the process. Girls are a little better prepared, as many of them have mentioned that a parent had talked to them ahead of time.

8. Within this group, there is acute lack of information on good nutrition. While girls have reasonable knowledge of nutrition, most boys identify malnutrition as eating polluted food! Their diet consists mainly of junk food during the school day, and most of them take no breakfast at all.

9. All focus groups in the three areas of the country reported use of drugs with “some” of their peers.  They reported that cigarette smoking was only the tip of the iceberg, as most of the kids who were cigarette-smokers also took drugs with it, especially “Bango”. There were also wide reports about the use of certain kinds of tablets, obtained from pharmacies. Some of these tablets  are intended  as medicines  for various  diseases,  but these kids would take an overdose  to get “high”.  Some are reported  to even sell these tablets to their peers, sometimes in the classroom.  While the impression we had from the groups was that only a minority of kids indulged themselves in such behaviors, the groups also emphasized that a lot of pressure  was being exerted  on other kids to imitate  and join them.

10.   Since the study is intended as a guide for the design of a model television programs for youth, the groups were asked to discuss their television viewing attitudes and behaviors. Almost all of them reported watching only entertainment-type materials, such as movies, television series, and video clips. They never watch news or other “serious”  programs, and consider those to be intended for grown-ups. With regards to youth programs, they indicated that there were no such programs for their age group. Existing programs either target small children, or older youth, who are in their twenties.  The groups felt that there was a kind of vacuum with respect to programs that address teenagers like themselves.

11. The groups were asked to identify the parameters  of a “good” television program which teenagers would find interesting and worthy of their attention. They discussed the idea with enthusiasm, and indicated that such a program  would  have  to be very straight forward,  and address  real issues  that  face youth. They  listed about 25 such issues, including: respecting the opinions of youth, how to make good friends, better relationships between  kids  and parents,  problems  of emotional relations  between girls  and boys, equality between  the sexes, real stories on youth problems,  style, and sports.  In terms of format, they prefer a combination of a dramatic situation followed by frank discussions with youth and perhaps experts.  They stressed, however, the need to have the program hosted by youth or some of their favorite actors or singers. Groups from the Delta and Upper Egypt reminded us that there were other youth in Egypt, in addition to the polished Cairene ones they always host on television.

Findings  and Analysis

Introduction

The  remainder of this  report contains the  detailed findings  of the  study  and the recommendations inferred from these findings.  It is important,  however, to indicate  the following observations before presenting  these detailed findings:

  1. Findings of the study contain opinions, already expressed by participants themselves without any modifications by the principal investigator.  All opinions expressed are, therefore, those of the participants themselves,  and may or may not agree with those of the author. The inclusion of any opinion in the findings section should, therefore, be understood  as a measure of “accuracy”  in presenting  group discussions,  not necessarily  a reflection of our own opinions.
  2. The report includes verbal quotations of opinions as stated by participants themselves. While some of these quotes may include “slang” or rather crude expressions, it was deemed important  to include them as a guide to develop the planned  television  program,  as these expressions reflect the true  spirit and  vocabulary of the target  audience.
  3. While we may refer to the study participants  as “boys”, “girls”, or “adolescents” in this report, it is essential  to point out that all of these participants (12-18 years old) refer to themselves  as “youth”.  Regardless  of academic  or programmatic classifications, it is this expression  “youth”  which must be used in the planned television  program  targeting this segment of the population.
  4. The reader will also notice that we never refer to these participants  as “children”, despite the fact that, age-wise, some definitions of children would consider them as such. This is intentional,  since we have found out that this group bitterly complains that grown• ups view them children, which they totally disagree with. To call them children would be a  continuation  of  the  failure  to  communicate effectively  with  this  age  group.
  5. Research ethics require that we should not disclose the names of any research subjects in connection with  the results.  We therefore used  only  initials  of a person’s  name  in connection with their quotations or specific opinions.

1. Youth Language

The study identified a large number  of expressions  that are used by girls and boys to refer to specific meanings. Those expressions serve as symbols or”codes” which are understood  only by youth themselves. Adults generally do not understand  the meanings  of most of these codes.  Both boys and girls use these words.  However, few expressions  are used only by boys, especially when they talk about girls.

Expressions, which are used by boys alone, can be classified into two categories:  the first has to do with flirting with a particular  girl or making specific references to her. For example, the word “machine”  is used by boys to refer to a pretty or a sexy girl.  The second category contains  swear and obscene words boys use among themselves, and may say it loudly even while walking in the street.  Girls would never say those words loudly, but may discretely repeat some of them among themselves,  where no one else could hear.   One girl from Mansoura explained,  “We are not like boys.  They can say obscene  words even while they are walking  in the street.   They have more freedom to do such things.  But we are different.  They have their habits and we have ours.  We also have limits, which we cannot exceed.  If we talk loudly in the street or repeat the words they say, boys will think badly of us.”

Before we list the most common  “youth expressions”, the following  observations are worthy of stating:

  • Obscene and swear words were left out of this report.  Those are the expressions often used in fights with the intention to insult or humiliate the other person.  At any rate, we found that such words were not found to be different from those used by adults.
  • This document  does not claim to have documented  all the expressions  used by youth. On the other hand, it may be reasonable to assume that it does contain the majority of the most commonly used expressions by this age group.
  • Girls and boys from different regions in the country mentioned  expressions, which are included  here.  Generally speaking,  these expressions  were used in all regions,  with very minor exceptions,  which will be indicated later.
  • Fresh; Style, “Eshta”, “Tahn”, “Rewesh”, “Kabbar”. These expressions  are so common that they are used interchangeably.   For example,  when asked to define “Rewesh”,  one subject said, “style”, and when he was asked to define “style”, he said; “fresh”.

Some  of the Most Common Expressions Among Adolescents

2. GENDER EQUALITY

Almost all boys agree that girls are treated differently from boys with respect to at least two issues: freedom to go out, and kind of parental punishment.  Boys are generally allowed to stay out late and to go out more frequently.   Girls are not.   Male participants justify this  differential treatment as “protection”  for girls from boys’ harassment.   One boy from Giza explained, “If something happens to a girl, people will say that her father failed to bring her up properly.  There is no problem  if the boy comes home late. If it was a girl, she would have a problem with her reputation.”  In fact, this is one of a very few number  of situations where a girl can be physically punished  by her parents. Generally, however boys are much more subject to physical punishment than girls.  Our discussions with boys revealed that most of them are physically punished by parents.

In addition to the belief that boys have the ability to withstand physical punishment more than girls, one of the boys justified this differential treatment in terms of what he called “higher aspirations” that parents have for boys.  Boys can be physically punished if they do not study their lessons, but girls may only be blamed verbally.  A boy from Cairo (16 years) explained, “The girl will eventually marry someone, even if she does not get any education, but a boy won’t.”  Another boy (14 years) added, “parents always set higher standards for boys.  Even if a girl does not study she will eventually  get a medium level diploma and stay home (until she gets married).   But a boy has to do better in order to be able to have a home and raise a family.” On the other hand, several boys indicated that parental attitudes  and treatment  varied  according  to their social and cultural levels,  and that boys and girls were treated equally in families with higher socioeconomic  status.

From girls’ perspectives, however, parents are much more restrictive with them than they are with boys.  One girl from Menya said, “The saying goes like this: break one of her ribs and the girl will grow 24 more instead.”  However, nobody says, for example, break one leg and the boy will grow two legs instead.”   Girls also state that parents always get boys what they want, but do not do the same for girls.  “For example,  if the boy wants a new pair of pants and the girl wants a new skirt, parents  will buy only the boy’s pants.”   Another  girl explained,  “parents always say that girls will” eventually leave home when they get married.” Another  added,  “When  the girl marries,  she will become a member of someone else’s fainily.”  One of the girls commented  on the above, “Why this backwardness? Yve want people to have a more developed thinking.”  Her friend (S) added, “What they are doing is wrong.  Why did they have us?  To torture us?” A girl from Cairo (H) said, “The girl is blamed and yelled at for just about anything she does.  Boys are not.” However,  (D), also from Cairo, has a different experience.   She said, “On the contrary.   I believe that boys are treated more roughly  so that they toughen  up.”   But (M) insisted that boys  enjoy more rights  than girls,  “For example, this happened to me.  My mother said that my brother would take double the daily allowance I get.  She should not have said that to me.  She should not have hurt my feelings, especially considering that he is my younger brother.”  Finally, (S) added, “There are boys who are very spoiled by parents.  For example, any extras in food, money, or clothes are automatically given to these boys.”

This differential treatment is more intense when the family has only one boy, especially if he is the older one.  One 13 years old girl from Cairo said, “When there are two girls and one boy, the two sisters will be close to each other.  In return, parents will spoil the boy and give him more things in order to compensate him.  My mother does not understand it when I tell her that she treats my brother better than she treats me.”

A troubling phenomenon, however, is that a large number of girls have come to accept this differential treatment as normal, to the extent that they themselves intend to eventually follow the same pattern with their own children.  A 12 year-old girl from Menya said, “My brother may beat me because he teaches me what is right and what is wrong. I would not get angry or hit him back.”  Her friend (M) added, “Parents do not mind if a younger brother beats his older sister, but they would blame her if she does the same to him . ”  A girl from Mansoura (K) stated, “If I have a boy I would try to make him feel that he is a man, but a girl is different.  A boy should be treated more firmly, and a girl more kindly. Boys and girls should not be treated equally.”                        

It is obvious that many girls have developed an inferiority complex  because  of  many  years  of socialization  and differential treatment between them and boys. They do not even aspire to being treated equally with boys. In fact, they only wish that families would grant them “some”  of the rights, which boys have, even on a limited basis.  

Girls from Menya expressed these statements, “They should be strict with us because we are girls, but they should not be too strict” “We may go out, but do not stay late, otherwise they would not allow us to go out at all” “We should have some partial freedom.” It is obvious that media programs,  which target youth,  must aim at overcoming this complex.

In addition to parents, older brothers also have a lot of control over  what their sisters may or may not do.  Even if the girl has received her father’s permission to go out, her brother may prevent her from leaving home.  The  father   would  not  say  anything  when  he  comes  back.

On one hand, some boys insist that there is a reasonable degree of equality between girls and boys. They also claim that inequality  works both ways.   Sometimes it is girls that are maltreated, and sometimes it is boys.  For example, while girls are not allowed to stay out late, they get treated better than boys at school and in transportation. Teachers treat  girls nicer than boys, and minibuses  stop for girls wherever they want, but would not do the same for boys.  In fact, some boys claim that girls sometimes enjoy more rights,  and that boys are unfairly treated both at school  and in the street.

Boys also believe that parents buy more clothes and other things for girls.  They also say that girls are more spoiled.   Some of the boys also commented that even media discriminate against males. They say that while television  has special programs  for women, it does not have similar programs for men.

On the other hand, most boys admit that they enjoy more freedom than girls, with respect to their relationships  with the other sex, going out, and staying out late.  A 16 year-old boy (R) from Menya stated, “I talk with girls and I have relations with them, and I can even say that I am in love with a particular girl.  But I would not accept it at all if my sister does the same.   I would beat her up” Another boy added, “People talk about girls. They can have a reputation, but it does not matter when it is a boy.”

Boys say that the status and treatment of boys and girls are influenced by a number  of factors, including the number of boys and girls in a family, and the order in which they were born.  Girls are treated better if they were older than their brothers.  A girl is also treated well if she is the only girl.

Many girls in the sample accuse their brothers of treating them badly and controlling their behaviors and the ways they wear their clothes. Brothers are sometimes more controlling than parents themselves. Most girls obey their brothers’  orders, unless such orders are given in a rude manner.  In this case, a girl may refuse to obey.

Girls in Menya overwhelmingly believe  that there is no equality  between  girls and boys.   They stated that boys’ wishes are always granted by parents.  Furthermore, it is the boy who asks his sister to change her behavior, not the other way around.  One girl (S) from Cairo explained, “For example, if I. ask my brother to do something he would not, but if he asks me I will.”  Another girl (A) from Menya added, “If my brother asks me not to wear a particular  pair of pants I will stop wearing it, even if he was my younger brother.”   She added, “However, there are girls who are tougher  than boys.”

Most girls in the Cairo focus group discussions  make the assertion that parents 8:9 hot treat their sons and daughters equally.  A 14 -year-old girl (R) said, “A boy has more rights than a girl.  He can go out, but we cannot  He can come back late at night, but a girl cannot. Her colleague  (A) added, “There is no equality at all in my house.  There is discrimination.”                                                     ·

There are some girls with different  opinions, however.  A 14-years-old girl from Cairo stated, “I do not see any discrimination.  There is equality.”  She explained  the reasons  for discrimination between  boys and girls saying,  “A girl’s reputation  is very important. She is  always checked  out before someone accepts her as his fiancee.   But no one checks a guy out or asks if he has had any relationship with a girl before.”

The feeling of inequality  is intensified as the girl gets older and observes  that greater rights are given to her brother, while she is deprived of the same rights.  An example is use of the telephone. As stated by (A) from Cairo, “Parents let the boy talk on the telephone for as long as he wants.  They do not even ask him whom he was talking to. But with girls, it is different.  They always want to know who is calling  or whom I called, and usually  ask before I am allowed  to use the phone.”  Another girl (D) added, “A boy is free to talk to girls on the telephone,  but girls are not.  I believe it is no big deal if a girl talks  with a boy on the telephone,  but parents  do not understand this.” All in all, the dominant  opinion  among both girls and boys is that parents  do not treat both sexes equally, and that girls are not allowed to go out at night, while boys are.

The preceding analysis has shown that girls enjoy fewer rights than boys. In addition to the foregoing, focus groups also mentioned other rights, such as choosing the faculty to join.  Parents may interfere to prevent their daughter from joining  a particular faculty if it was too far from home or in another governorate,  even if it was the one of her choice.   On the other hand, girls are simply not allowed in police or military faculties.  In addition, girls also discussed the right to work, and concluded that society itself did not encourage  women to join certain professions, such as law.   “Anyone who has a legal case goes to a male lawyer, not to a female one.”   In Mansoura,  focus group discussions  mentioned  that some parents    stopped sending their daughters  to school after third grade.  Others mentioned that a girl is often requested to accept marrying  the man who is preferred by her family, on the basis of his wealth or other material possessions. They stated that boys are not forced to marry a person of their parents’ choosing, however.

Finally, it is worth noting that the study has identified some disagreements in opinions stated by boys in the Menya focus group discussions.  

While some of them insisted that girls already enjoy the same rights as boys, others still believe that girls “Should not have the same rights”, as stated, for example, by (M) in Menya.  When his colleague  (R) asked him, “Why  would not a girl have  these rights”,  he answered,  “Because she may misuse it.”  Another boy in the group explained, “People may say that her family are letting her loose.”  However, (R) added, “They always exaggerate  any mistake if it is made by a girl.”

3. Relationships Between Boys  and Girls

The relationships between  boys  and girls tend to be mostly innocent during the early adolescent phase  (12-14). Friendships between the two sexes do exist in the context of collaboration  in school activities.  It seems, however, that any relationship  outside the school-is strongly discouraged. As illustrated by (K) from Giza, “it is possible for a boy and a girl to be friends,  but this is not welcomed  because  the girl’s father looks at such a relationship  differently.”  His colleague  (A) added, “If you walk in public with a girl, who is just a friend, people in the street would  shout at you, do not you have a sister?  They look at it quite differently.”

Indeed, both boys and girls agree that there could be no friendship between boys and girls.  Boys believe that girls cannot keep a boy’s secret the way a male friend can, and girls say that it i impossible  to talk to a male friend about the subjects they talk about with their female friends. 

Girls also add that a girl cannot walk with a male friend in-the street or visit him at home as a friend.   Some girls also add that they tend  to be more  rational and more mature  than  boys  of their age. By the middle of the adolescence phase, peer group pressure  encourages both boys and girls to develop relationships with the opposite sex, ranging from friendships to romantic love.  As expressed by one boy from Mansoura, ”Friendship between a boy and a girl is a normal thing nowadays. Any girl who does not want to have a male friend is called ‘old fashion’  However, it is my opinion that  a girl  should  not have  such relations with boys  or even talk to them  on the telephone.”

In some cases, the relationships between boys and girls develop into more serious ones. These vary between long-term relations or short-term infatuations. Sometimes,  other male friends  of a boy  advice  him  to take certain  pills  which  give  him  courage with a girl.

Boys generally .believe that girls hold the reins in any relationship  with boys.  They stress that the extent to which it can go is basically  up to the girl.  Boys also agree that a girl who allows a boy to have a “physical” relationship with her is not really “respected” by him. Eventually he would leave her because he believes that the fact that she can have such a relationship with him means that she has had similar relationships  with other boys.  He would never think of marrying her.

Relationships between boys and girls can start in different ways.  Sometimes  a boy sends a letter to a girl either through one of her friends, or he may even insert it in her briefcase or drawer.  Some boys use the telephone to develop a relationship with a girl. However, most girls are closely monitored with respect to their use of the telephone, with a few exceptions.  One girl from Mansoura mentioned that her mother allows her to have a ten-minute telephone conversation only once a week with a boy who “admires”  her.

One Cairene girl (D) believes that “romantic relationships  may start between girls and boys at the age of 14, and may develop into engagements  during secondary school.” Her colleague (M) added, “I think a girl starts to fall in love with a boy during the last year in preparatory school.”  Another girl added, “We do this even though it may be wrong.  We just continue to do it. If we think hard we will realize that it is wrong, but we can’t stop.”

In addition, boys and girls meet each other in the context of family relatives, neighbors, social clubs or private tutoring session. When boys and girls reach a later phase in adolescence (15-17), it becomes more likely  that they can meet in clubs  or even in the street  or other public places. Girls from Mansoura  said that there was a particular street in the city where a girl and a boy meet, and that other boys and girls respect existing relationships  between couples.  Other boys would not bother a girl if it is known that she is attached to another boy.  Most girls, however, do not tell their parents, including the mother, about these relationships.

They fear that the mother would ask for more details, or pressure  the girl to turn the relationship into an official engagement.   Girls,  on the other hand prefer to wait until the right time comes.  The definition of the right time is when the boy himself  is ready to propose to her and come with his family to meet hers.

Some girls in the group stated that they had the abilities to distinguish  between  boys who were serious, and those who just want to fool around.  One of the tests which a girl puts a boy through is to claim to him that one of her neighbors  saw them walking together in the street.   The girl knows that the boy is not serious  about her if he does not care about that.   If he is serious, he would care and may even  ask her not to meet again  in the  street  in order  not to  expose  her to a similarly  embarrassing  situation in the future.

Girls in Menya also said that they knew of girls who had relationships with boys, and that some of these relationships  have developed into “consensual”  marriages.  They also said that many boys wait outside the school to meet their girl friends, and that anyone can see them walking together in the street outside the school.  Some of these girls are veiled, they said.  However, Menya girls indicated that it was difficult for a boy and a girl to meet in a public place, for fear of what the father or brother might do if they found out.

4. ADOLESCENTS PROBLEMS, AMBITIONS, AND OPINIONS

The status of a boy among his peers is determined by several factors.  fo lower-middle background kids, a leader is a boy who is physically strong and can beat others up. Other boys get under his protection  and treat him as their leader.   Other leaders may be determined  on the basis how a boy is dressed up or his ability to treat other boys to food and drinks at his expense.  A leader may also be one who beats up another boy because he dared to harass bis girl.

Boys who are on top of their classes or who have especially  good manners  are usually admired, but such traits do not qualify them to be the leaders of their peers.  However, such characteristics give the boy a preferred status among girls, as they admire a boy who has a good sense of humor,  good manners, sense of responsibility  and is doing well at school.

As for the status of a girl among her peers, the determining  factors are ability to give good advice, strong personality, and rational thinking, in addition to doing well at school.  Some girls particularly stressed the importance  of keeping a secret as an essential trait.

On one hand,  some of the issues which boys mentioned as being of central  importance to them include the following:

(a) Studying: Many kids have problems in this respect, because they have no private space at home where they can concentrate on studying.  Quite often, there are too many brothers and sisters, and the place is too noisy.  The pressure is further increased when the boy’s complaints  are not listened to.  In fact, parents often tell him that they themselves grew up   in much more difficult circumstances, and that they had to study their lessons in a room lit by a “Kerosene” lamp, and without any private tutoring.  Such discussions usually conclude with the father yelling at his son.

(b) Romance: Parents are against any relationship  that their daughters or sons may have at this age.  They often tell them that they are still too young for this, and request them to stop talking about these “trivial” matters.  Some kids state that this affects their concentration, as they daydream or cannot stop thinking of the person they love.

(c) Money Problems: Most boys and girls wish to have private tutoring in all subjects, because  every teacher tells them that his course is “essential”.   However, they can only afford to have private tutoring  in some of these subjects, because  of limited family resources.   This puts increased pressure on them, as they fear to fail or get  low scores.

(d) School Problems: Most kids have problems  with teachers.  This will be discussed in more detail in the following  section.  In Menya, some of the boys also mentioned fighting, gangs and religious fanaticism as problems which they constantly face and cannot find solutions for.

(e) Lack of Parent Understanding: Parents are against any relationship that their daughters or sons may have at this age.  They  often tell them that they are still· too young for this,  and request them to stop talking about these “trivial” matters.  Some kids state that this affects their concentration,  as  they daydream  or  cannot  stop thinking  of  the  person  they love.

On the other hand,  girls mentioned that the most important issue,  which boys think about all the time, is girls.  As for themselves, girls state the following issues as important for them:

(a) Clothes  and makeup  and the desire  to attract.the attention  of others.   This-triggers parents’ resentment  and instructions  to focus on studyirig ‘ihstead of wasting time in front of the mirror.

(b) Harassment  by boys in the street and on the telephone.

(c) Parents’ objection to having too many friends or talking too much on the telephone.

(d) Parents’ reluctance to listen to them or discuss their problems.  Discussions  with them always end with parents telling them that they supply them with food and shelter, and that they should not be asking for anything more.

(e) Parents’ refusal to allow girls to go on trips or to go out with their girl friends.

When asked about their idols, the following names were mentioned by boys and girls: Dr. Ahmed Zoweil, Dr. Magdi Yaacoub, Dr. Mostafa Mahmoud,  Shiekh Shaarawi, Hossam Hassan and Ahmed Shobier.  Some boys also mentioned relatives such as an uncle or an older brother, particularly if such a person has made particular achievements in their lives, studies, or work.  .Some girls also mentioned an uncle or an aunt.  Very few boys and girls mentioned a father or a mother. However, girls mentioned a mother more often than boys mentioned  a father.   With regard  to relatives  referred  to by kids as being their idols, they were generally mentioned because they were successful, good listeners, or were able to relate to and talk with them.

RELATIONSHIP WITH TEACHERS

According to what boys and girls mentioned in the focus group discussions, their relationships  with their teachers  are generally negative and abnormal.  They state that teachers only care about money and private tutoring.  During classes, teachers talk about anything   except the lessons themselves .. On  the other  hand,  the relationships with teachers are much better if the boy or girl pays them for private tutoring lessons. In this case teachers become nicer, and they may even exchange cigarettes with some boys.  

Some teachers would say to the students in the classroom,  “This lesson can be  . explained again in detail, but it may never be explained again at all.”  The teacher would then write down the names  of those who agree to take private tutoring lessons with him.  He makes the rest pf the students feel that they are likely  to fail their exams.  One boy stated it as follows, “If there are fifty teachers  in the school, you will find only one who discusses  the lessons with the students. 

The rest of them simply  say, “I will explain  the lesson. If you understand, it is well and good. If you do not,  come  and take private  lessons  with me.”  Another boy added, “There are teachers who do not even talk.  They only take attendance, write  something on the board,  and that is it.   If anyone talked  to the teacher,  he  beats   him   up  or takes   him  to  the  headmaster.”

The study reveals, without any doubt, that many teachers beat their students  and use obscene  words to insult them.  This is more likely to be the case with boys than girls.

Some boys believe that the relationships  with teachers have deteriorated after abolishing the system of “continuous  assessment”,  and relying only on the scores of the final exams. This situation has led to an attitude of carelessness about teachers among  the students, which  forces  teachers  to become  more aggressive  in beating up and insulting their students.   One of the boys, however, expresses a different opinion,  “Not all of them, though.  We have a math teacher who always talks to us about the importance of having good manners, but no body listens to him.” Sometimes the students themselves are the ones who cause tension in the relationship with teachers.   One boy  explained,  “We had a good teacher  once, but the students would not give him a chance.   They would bang on their desks every time he tried to talk.”

Another main reason for this tense relationship  with teachers is the short duration of each class and the lengthy curricula,  which put both students and teachers under intense pressure..  Social workers, it seems, are not helping  at all.  One boy puts it like this, “If you go into the student  affairs office, you  will  hear  an  employee asking  her colleague, “Are  you  through with  peeling potatoes?”

The experiences  of girls with their teachers are just as bitter.  They are also subject to physical abuse and verbal insults  by teachers,  who are also seen by these girls to be unfair.   “For example,  if two girls had a fight, the teacher would punish both of them, regardless of who is at fault.”  Furthermore, girls who have  relatives  in the school,  and those  who take private lessons  with  teachers  are not punished like others.  One girl from Menya got so emotional during the focus group discussion when the subject of teachers was brought up. She stood up and said to other participants  in the group, “Just wait. Nobody  talks about teachers,  let me talk on your behalf.” She then looked  at the moderator saying,   ”Frankly  speaking,  l do not know how to say it.  They should be buried  alive, they look at us and treat us as dirt.”  Another  girl added, “They should be more respectful.” A third one said, “It is the language they use.   They tell us that we are no more  than a pile of garbage.”   A fourth one added, “There  are teachers  who say words that a girl should not have to hear.   I cannot even repeat them.”  A girl from Cairo (M) stated, “We have a teacher who treats us as married women.  May God rid us of him.”  Her friend (H) added,  “He stares really bad at us.  We even avoid class participation because we fear that he might say bad words or dirty jokes which make us cry.”  A girl from Mansoura said, “Teachers  are just sitting there drinking  coffee  and tea all day long.   They either talk to each other or about each other.”  Another girl from Mansoura added, “In private lessons, the teacher explains in great details.   But in the classroom,  he only talks about himself. He keeps telling  us that he was in Saudi Arabia,  where he had an air-conditioned car.  We all failed the first monthly  exam because we had  not taken  private lessons with  him.   After we  started taking  lessons, we  all passed.”

The accumulation of all of these problems  and negative experiences  has led to having absolute loss of trust in teachers.  When a teacher asks students to discuss their problems with her, no one tells her anything.  As one girl from Cairo puts it, “I do not trust her enough to discuss my personal problems · with her.  How do I know that she would not discuss what I told her with her husband and her kids”? One of her colleagues  in the group added, “One should not tell teachers anything of a private nature. It is better to talk with a friend or an elder sister, because they would not go around telling everyone else what I told them.”

The study found no real presence  of counseling in schools.  The atmosphere is not conducive of any successful  counseling, even if qualified counselors were available.   It is quite obvious  that social workers have no significant role.  Not one single boy or girl in the sample mentioned that a social worker had even once intervened to solve  a problem which boys  and girls encountered at school.

Finally, the study found no evidence of coordination between the school and students’ families.  As a matter of fact, most of the study sample mentioned that they had stopped telling their parents about problems, they face at school.  This is because parents either have no time to discuss such problems with them, or tend to automatically  put the blame on them.

5. PUBERTY AND GROWTH

(a)    Puberty:

The most useful source of information on  puberty for boys was found to be science class. It provided them with information on changes that occur to adolescents, such as changes in the voice, growth of armpit hair and wet dreams. For most boys in the sample, such changes took place  between   the ages of 13 and 14.

It is quite interesting  that the vast majority  of boys in the sample declared that their fathers never talked to them about puberty,  either before or after it started.  Instead, most boys talked about these changes with their friends or colleagues, especially those who are a bit older than themselves. Most of these talks, however, concentrated on masturbation.   On the other hand, very few boys talked about the changes that are happening to them with an uncle or an older brother.

Discussions  of masturbation  tended  to take different  tones depending on whom a boy talked to.  Friends and colleagues tended generally to encourage its practice, and some even made fun of a boy if he had not tried it yet.  On the other hand, advice from relatives  and close friends tended to focus on the negative health effects of this practice, especially  if  the  boy  was  practicing  sports.

In general,  most boys  felt  good  about  these changes when they first occurred.  They felt that they  have become  “men”  and  are no longer “children.”     Some   of  them   even   started daydreaming about marriage and having children.

Girls  experienced mixed  feelings  when they got their first menstrual cycle .   These feelings ranged from fear to excitement and jubilation. They felt a bit scared at the first occurrence,  even if the mother, grandmother,  or father  foretold them about it.   On the other hand they were happy  and excited because  they felt that they  were no longer children.

After a while,  girls start to feel that they will lose the advantage of being children and the spontaneity of children’s world.  From now on, they have to think about things they have never before worried about,  such as the freedom  to wear what ever they wish and to go out freely.  It is worth noting  that most girls in the sample report that they got their first period  during the second or third preparatory school year (13-15 years old).

On the other hand, parents are more concerned  with changes that occur to the girl.  It is quite interesting that a number of girls (in Cairo and Mansoura particularly) reported that  they  had  talked  to their  fathers  about these “changes”  even before they talked to their mothers.   Some of them also reported that their fathers discussed such changes  with  them  before they  occurred.   The majority  of girls  however,  talked with their mothers either before or when the first period occurred.  In the meantime,  a few girls never talked to a family member about this, and only talked to a friend.   Finally, it is worth noting  that  parents  in Upper Egypt (Menya) were found to be less likely to have talked about puberty with their daughters than parents in Cairo or the Delta (Mansoura).

(b)   Growth:

Most kids in our sample reported  that they do not eat breakfast  at home before going to school.  This was true in all three regions covered by the study.  Some kids said that they took sandwiches to school; others stated that they would buy sandwiches or potato chips at school during the break.  Still, others reported that they do not eat anything until they return home from school.

The socioeconomic  status of the family does, however, seem to influence what kids eat in at least two ways.  More kids with higher socioeconomic status eat breakfast at home, or take more nutritious sandwiches or enough money to buy food.

It is quite alarming that the concept of “malnutrition” is almost totally unknown among boys.  The vast majority of boys in the study define malnutrition as eating exposed or contaminated food.  Girls, however, are more likely to know what malnutrition is, as the majority of girls in the study define it correctly.  It is possible that this knowledge  gap between boys and girls may be due, at least in part, to the fact that girls tend to spend much more time at home than boys of their age. The influence  of the mother  and the media, particularly television,  may be among the factors why girls have better knowledge.   Since they stay longer at home, they may be captive audience to educational  and health programs that contain information on nutrition.

Finally, the study has discovered that both boys and girls preferred  “street”  and junk food to eating at home.  They like the taste of such food and they often eat them when they go out with friends.

6. Relationship with Parents

Early adolescence  phase (12-14) is characterized by a mild tension  in relationship between  boys and their  parents.   Boys  in this age group  were  divided  into three categories:  those  who cannot communicate  with fathers, others who have a problem communicating  with their mothers, and those who cannot communicate with their parents in general.  The older group (15-18) is almost unanimously of the opinion that their parents lack the ability to understand their ideas, opinions or behaviors.  Boys state that parents only talk about one thing: studying. However, these kids also want to have fun, go out, and play.   Some of the boys in the study described their parents as still living in the “stone age” or “Jahelia”  (pre-Islamic era in the Arabian peninsula.) These kids told us, though, that they were being forced to have dual personalities, one in front of their parents,  where they act politely and responsibly, and the other outside their home.  One boy from Giza said: “My parents only know about me that I am decent and polite  but I know words and things, and I am totally different in the street.” Another boy added, “A father wants his son to follow his instructions and to obey him: pray, be polite, and responsible.”  The minute this boy leaves home, he is something else, totally different.   He may carry a knife, smoke, or be a member of an irresponsible group.

There is constant daily tension in the relationship between teenage boys and their fathers and mothers. Some of the immediate causes of friction include the constant insistence by the father that they should study their lessons, regardless  of whatever obstacles they may be facing.  Such obstacles include the unavailability of a private studying space, annoyance  caused by too many other siblings, especially younger ones, and loud sound of television when parents watch it nearby.  Friction also occurs when boys ask permission  to go to their friends in order to study with them.   Parents usually refuse to let them go, and may accuse them of making excuses to go out to play or smoke.

Another source of tension in relationship is parents’ negative attitudes towards their kids’ involvement in sports. 

Parents  often discourage such involvement; for fear that it leaves them  with less time than necessary for studying.  One of the  boys  in the  sample received an award in “Kung-Fu”, and wanted to hang the certificate he received on the wall. 

His father prevented him and even tried to tear the certificate, saying: “what is this. You might as well dissolve it in water and drink it up”.  When another boy bought a new pair of football shoes, his father blamed him: “You could have used this money for something more useful.  Football is not going to feed you or pay for the cost of your marriage.” 

Finally, boys mentioned that their parents’ ideas of which college they should aspire to join were often different from their own.  This causes tensions every time the subject is brought up.

For girls, the most important sources of tension with parents include the subject of relationships with boys, and appropriate clothes to wear.  Some girls see the disagreement over these subjects as a reflection of the generation gap with their parents, who want to raise them in the exact same way they were raised themselves.  Just like boys, girls also complain about parents’ obsession with the need to study all the time.  One girl says: “I don’t like it when someone tells me that I should study.  I prefer to do this on my own.”  Another one adds: “when my mothers insists and forces one to study, I hide a magazine under the book and pretend to be studying”.

Girls are most upset with the manner in which parents use threats and issue ultimatums.  One of the girls in the study sample says: “they are living in a different time and age”.  Another one adds: “they don’t understand us.  They don’t understand our way of thinking.  They try to force us to do things, instead of trying to become close to us”.   A fourth girl in the group states:  “they think that we are still children.  They never think that we too may have an idea how to solve a problem.  They need to understand that we grew up, and that we may be able to think of more simple and easier solutions.”  A 14 year-old girl tells the moderator in a great deal of confidence: “for your information, our ideas may even be better than theirs.  Because we think progressively.” 

Girls also disagree a lot with their parents  over the kind of clothes to wear or shoes to buy.  Parents often prefer shoes styles that girls dislike, and force their daughters to buy them. Girls are rebellious at the way their parents  “order”  them to do things,  and often think of ways to avoid doing things forced upon them.  A 13-years-old Cairene girl admitted, “I cannot stand vegetable  soup.  One time I wanted to visit my aunt, but my mother told me that I could not go before eating vegetable  soup.  I· finished my plate, then went to the bathroom and threw up.”                                                   

Many girls complained  that parents have no time for them, and that they give no care, or attention to them.  A 12-years-old girl from Menya said, “When I ask my father about something, he is usually too busy to discuss it.  He sometimes agrees that I do something without even thinking if it was good or bad.”  Typical answers which girls hate include “later”, “after a while”or” am busy now.”  One girl commented, “This means that they will forget about it.”

Girls also complained that parents  are always suspicious  of their relationships, even with their girl friends. If a mother finds out, for example, that her daughter is a friend with a girl who talks to boys, she asks her to discontinue  her relationship  with that girl friend, even if she has become attached to her.

Other issues that girls complained about include parents’  lack of understanding for their emotional  feelings, and their attempts to portray the boy-girl relationship in a negative way.  A secondary  school girl from .Mansoura stated, ” Mothers always ask why we are in a hurry. They always say, “Marriage is eventually  coming,  and you will get sick of it”.   She portrays marriage  as sickness.  Well, this is the kind of marriage they have.  But we see it differently.”  Girls from Menya said that whenever they tried to open this subject with their mothers,  a typical  answer  would be  “This subject is  closed”, “Forget   about  it”,   “What  is  this  trivia?”,  or  “We   do  not  have  time   for  this  stuff.”

It is worth noting that youth have developed their own ways to adapt to this lack of parental understanding and constant tension.  A situation of an “agreement to disagree” has developed between the two sides. Youth have to accept this situation mainly because  they are financially dependent  on their parents. A significant  gap  in understanding  and  effective  communication  grows  wider every  day.

However,  a real dangerous  consequence of this situation  is that this  generation is growing  in  an unhealthy  social environment,  that give them no space for free thinking.   Consequently, they often  use a number  of sneaky  ways to adapt to this environment,  including lying, hypocrisy,  and deception.   The reader  is certainly  aware of the potentially damaging  consequences  on the value system of the society,  and of this generation  in particular.

Finally, it is important  not to generalize  the findings  discussed  above to “all” youth in Egypt.Other teenagers have indicated that they had no problems communicating smoothly with their parents,  and that their parents exhibit  a great deal of understanding and emotional  support.   

However,  these were a minority in the sample.   There is a genuine  need,  therefore,  to include different  segments  and social  strata in follow-up  studies,  in order  to further investigate  this  sensitive  issue   of  inter-generation communication. Qualitative approaches, such as the one used in this study, have proved to be quite effective in uncovering what is taking place under the surface.  They are, therefore strongly  recommended  in   such  follow-up  studies.

7. RISKY BEHAVIORS

Smoking  is not a simple problem among youth.   It is the tip of an iceberg.  This tip seems to be covering up a huge mountain of potentially serious problems for the future of youth, and the well• being of the entire society.  For youth, smoking is not just a cigarette, as some people might think.  It is in fact the start of something more damaging.  One 16-years-old boy from Mansoura stated, “A cigarette without ‘Bango’ is like drinking plain water when you mean to drink tea.  Bango is for cigarettes is like a tea bag by for tea.” His colleague (H) added, “A lot of kids our age smoke.  To be considered a man, one has to carry a packet of cigarettes in his pocket. Smoking cigarettes then leads to other things, Bango, drugs, etc.”

Smoking among kids is not limited to the street cir other places where adults cannot see them.   In fact, it also takes place inside the school,  and sometimes in the classroom.  As stated by (M) from Giza,  “As soon as the teacher leaves the classroom, two or three kids light up cigarettes and smoke until the teacher comes back.  They also smoke Bango in the classroom.   But no pills.” One boy in the same focus group discussion has a different experience in his school, “Our school has very strict supervision.  If a student gets caught, he is expelled from school.”  However,  (M) answered him back, “I swear that yesterday I told the Arabic teacher, “Isn’t it wrong for you to smoke in the classroom in front of the kids?’  He answered me, “It is not your problem,” I said, “What do you mean it is not your problem?”  He said,  “Well, all kids are sons of O.” A boy from another school said,  “Some of our teachers smoke in the classroom.  And some kids exchange cigarettes with them.”  He added,  “Even the janitor sells cigarettes to students.  Boys typically tell him  “I need a cup of tea and a cigarette.” It is all because  the janitor  needs  money,  and kids  want to look (Rewesh).”  (see  section  1).

Kids start smoking during preparatory school.  A 14-years old kid told the moderator,  “I saw with my own eyes kids from my school go to the roof of the school and smoke there.  The neighbors saw it too and informed the headmaster, but he did absolutely nothing.”  Another preparatory school kid added, “And during exams, there are students who smoke freely because no one can say anything about it during exams.”

It may be useful to state here that smoking appears to be confined to a minority, not the majority of kids.  However, this minority has a bad influence on others, and they do encourage nonsmokers to join them.   One student stated, “They need money to buy cigarettes.  They may steel or even rob others by force in order to buy cigarettes and Bango, then they smoke in a group and invite us to join.”  A 13-years-old kid from Mansoura said,  “One of my friends told me that his family grew Bango. They put it in cigarettes and sell each.for two pounds.” His colleague (S)  added,  “My classmates offered me cigarettes.” From Giza, a 15 years old boy from a low-income family said, “In the school we load a cigarette with Bango, and we all share smoking.  Every kid gets a “kiss” from it.  That means everyone inhales and then passes it on to another kid.”

In addition to cigarettes and Bango, they also report wide use of pills, tablets and other “medicines”  which many kids take as drugs.  One kid stated “They ask their fathers for money for private lessons, then they go out and buy tablets.”  They mentioned different names of tablets and said that one kind was sold in the school  for a pound and a half.   One boy commented “It’s  all because  of lack of conscience.  A packet of these tablets normally costs five pounds.  But pharmacist sells it to these kids for thirty. The kids then sell each tablet for one pound.  He makes a profit of 70 pounds, because the packet has 100 tablets.”

The most widely spread kind is what they call “Cockroach  tablets” This is a kind of cough medicine, of which they take an overdose  to make them feel high.   As one kid said, “He would swallow  the entire  strip   of  tablets  and.  then   say,  “Look,   the   cockroach   is  moving   in  my  head.”

Another added, “Last year one kid in my school took three cockroach tablets and then tried to kill the headmaster in his office.  The police came and it was a big mess. “Other kids use liquid cough medicines as a drug, especially those containing  alcohol.”                                    ·

These risky behaviors  are not only harmful to those who are engaged in them, but to others as well. Kids who become drug addicts turn to crime, sooner or later, in order to come up with money to buy drugs.  A 15 year old boy explained, ”In the beginning one of them would come to you and say, “Take this pill, it will  make you feel great.”  After a while, you would have to buy.  Kids may steal money from home or deceive their fathers and spend private lessons money on drugs.”  He added, “there are kids who steel car tires and then sell them for whatever they can get in order to buy Bango a n d tablets. ”   Another  boy added,  “They  stand in front of my school and force students to empty their pockets, otherwise they beat them quite badly.”  A third boy said,  “One of my classmates  once took some of these tablets, then he hit one of our colleagues causing him  a wound  which required nine  stitches.”  Another boy  in  the  group commented, ” When one gets high after taking these tablets, he can rape a girl if one happens to pass by him.”

Another  common  youth behavior  which  some kids  considered  to be a negative one is playing video games. 

According to (H) from Menya, Kids take private lessons money from parents and spend it on video games. His colleague added, “These games lick their brains  away, meaning  that they make them unable to concentrate  on studying their lesson.”

A preparatory-school kid (M) from Mansoura sees that the main cause of these risky behaviors is that “kids  do not pay  any attention to advice  from  grown  ups.  They think that they have become grown  up themselves, and should not listen to anyone.  For example,  my cousin,  who is in secondary school, smokes.   Everyone tries  to convince him to quit, but he thinks  that nobody should tell him what  to do.”

The situation for girls in all three regions  of the study sample  is not much  different. The main risky behaviors mentioned by girls include  smoking  as well as drugs  (tablets, Bango, and hashish).   A 12 year-old  girl declared, “There  are girls around  here who smoke.”  Her  13 – year- old colleague added, “They  once did a body search  and found  drugs on girls at my school.”  In Mansoura, some girls were caught  taking intravenous drugs .

Some girls in Cairo and Menya mentioned that they knew of girls who watch X-rated videos and listen to porno cassette. Preparatory-school-age girls in Cairo stated that they knew of some of their colleagues who had sexual relations  with boys.  “This kind of thing is widespread in the school, and I also know girls in the club who do it.”

A secondary school student from Mansoura  added, “What is also becoming  common in the neighborhood is consensual marriage.   It is particularly widespread among university students who walk boldly  in the  street  as  couples.    If anyone makes a comment,  the  guy simply  said,  “She is  my  wife.”

Finally, it must be stated here that the above was not a complete list of risky behaviors among youth.  The current study must be considered as an exploratory one in this regard.  Follow up studies need to explore this issue in more detail. 

For example, more attention should be given to the issue of AIDS, since there are indications of practices, which may cause such a problem to spread more rapidly, especially in the absence of sufficient AIDS awareness and information on means of protection and prevention.

8.  Relationship WITH TELEVISION

The relationship between youth  and children with T. V. is somewhat seasonal.   They  watch  television for many hours a day during holidays,  especially  during summer, but much less during the school year. In general,  however, most of what they watch consists  of entertainment material,  particularly movies. Girls  also watch  television drama  series,  while boys  said that they only watch   them if they had sexy and pretty girls.  One boy named the television series “Night Talk” as an example.   It is also clear from what boys said in the group discussions that the same criteria  also applied to films.  Boys prefer movies that  contain nude  scenes,  hot romances and  sexual connotations.  This  applies  to both foreign and Egyptian movies.   In fact, one boy, said that he particularly liked Abdel  Halim  Hafez movies  because they always  have  a lot of “kissing” scenes.

The  other  kind  of films which  boys  like  are the “action” type.   They  also like movies  or television series that are based  on true stories.

A 13-years.-old boy from  Mansoura puts it this way,  “When  I watch  the heroic  and action  movies,  I feel like I wish I was the hero.  I want to be like him.   I want to be like Ahmed Abdel Aziz in “Alforsan” series, or Ahmed Mazhar in Saladin. I don’t like  a hero  who  is in love  with  a girl throughout the movie.”

It does  appear  that these  kids  are in need  for media  material with  heroic  and nationalistic themes, because they have  such predisposition that are unsatisfied. A preparatory- schoolboy from Mansoura said, “Everyone is deeply  affected  by the historic films  which  are shown on television, such as  ‘The Road  To Ilat’  or ‘I Still Have One Bullet In My  Pocket’.   One  always  wishes  to be like the hero  in these films and defend  his country.”

In addition,  a lot of these kids also like the heroes  in films,  which feature violence.  One boy from  a Giza preparatory school said, “I feel like I want to imitate the courageous hero  .”  His colleague  added, “I always  want to imitate  things  I see in films that have violence.”

In addition to films, and some television  series, boys also like variety programs.  Many of them named the  program “Songs and Wishes” as one  of their  most favorite programs.  They  also  like  sports programs,  especially   football  matches.    A  few   also  mentioned  educational   programs.

Another group  of programs comes  as a second choice  for many  boys.   These include “Science and Faith”,   “Talk  of the Town”  and “Funny And Strange Things.”  A 16 years-old  boy from a secondary school in Mansoura is fascinated with this last program.   He said, “This program reports  on things that we never  see in real life; amazing things, unbelievable things.  This means  that  the producers of this program are people  who have brains,  and produce new things for people  to see.” These  words reflect high preference by many kids for programs focusing  on achievement, heroic  acts, and science  fiction.

Most youth do not like programs that focus on religion or politics. They do not like the boring formats in which they are presented, and some of them believe that such programs are intended for grown ups, not youth.  The same applies to news bulletins, news programs,  and “talking heads” programs.   One boy from Giza stated, “Only older people watch those programs.  It is rare to find a young person who watches them.”

In general, youth do not believe that television programs honestly address issues of concern to youth. A secondary school student said, “It is all talk ;  like the economic resources are great, youth are good, etc.  Rarely do they tell the truth.”   One of these “rare” programs,  according to some, is a program called  “Talk of the Town.”  One boy said about it, “It is the only program  that tells the truth.   Like when they interviewed  a kid who had stabbed a little boy 26 times, and showed that it was because of drugs. They have true stories in the program.”   He continued,  “Not like these,  other programs which exaggerate everything,  the government is great, youth ate wonderful,  and public  opinion  is good, when it is not true.”  A preparatory  school student added, “There are channels which lie a little. They make up things when they really never happened.”  His colleague added, “The programs which television presents on youth are mostly fake, because we never see a kid who is convicted of a crime. The youth they have are always carefully selected and very polished.”

It is worth mentioning that this study has additional evidence for the influence of television on youth. A 14-years-old student stated,  “When I watch a movie by Van Dam I feel like I am the one who is doing the hitting.   It develops  violence  inside me.” Another boy said,  “Sometimes  I feel as if I am the  one  who  is  driving   the  car  or the  motorcycle.    Even  my  parents   know  that  about  me.”

Girls are quite similar to boys in their aversion for political, cultural, and “talking heads”  programs. They  are also similar in liking movies  and songs  (video clips).  However,  there are significant differences  between boys  and girls  with respect  to  the kind of themes  or content  they like in films  or television  series.  

While boys prefer “action”  and heroic stories, girls prefer romantic  and social dramas in films and in television series (which they like much  more  than  boys  do). 

A 13  years  old girl  said,  “I like television  series, which feature  social drama,  like the series “A Woman from the Time of Love.”  Her friend (S) added, is the best television series I ever saw.”   One reason for liking  this  particular series  is that  it addresses  the problems of young people.  Another girl in the group (D) explained, “This series is a very true reflection of the problems of boys  and girls face in real life.”

Girls also like television programs, which focus on youth problems, such as “A Dialogue with Grown• ups.”  This particular  programs,  however, is rather controversial.  While youth in our study like its content and the issues it raises, they do not like the way it is presented.  The program is least popular among the Upper Egypt sample.   One of the participants  in Menya focus group discussions  stated, “There is no movement in the program.  Everyone  is sitting down the whole time.”  Her friend (M) added, “We watch a little bit, but we cannot watch the whole program.”  A third girl added, “I do not watch it at all.  It is intended to tell us what is right and what is wrong, but we already know.”  In addition, most girls also stated that the program was too long.  One of the girls who liked this program, however, said this about it, “We like this program because it discusses  our problems.   They portray these problems accurately.  There are girls who appear in the program and talk about their problems. I often find these problems  to be identical  with mine.”

In general, however, youth are not very happy with youth programs aired on television. One girl (R) stated, “Television does not really care about kids our age.   It only cares about children and adults.” Another girl, who is from another govemorate  echoes a similar comment, “Television has programs for children and others for university youth. But nothing in-between.”  Finally, girls and boys agree that youth hosted in television programs  are either  perfect  or criminals.    One girl from Menya explained,  ”There are youth who are perfectly normal, but who also have problems and need to know what is right  and  what  is wrong.”   This  statement  seems  to summarize the main ingredients of a potentially  successful television program.  Such a program should reflect problems of average youth, their achievements  and mishaps, successes and failures,  strengths and weaknesses  in a format attractive to youth .The following section discusses this in more details.

9. CRITERIA FOR A SUCCESSFUL YOUTH PROGRAM

Both boys and girls are in almost total agreement on the main criteria for a successful television program.   Following are the essential parameters of such a program.

A. Content

The ideal program is one that addresses real problems and issues,  which  face youth  on a daily basis,  and presents ways  to solve,  overcome,  or deal  with  these  problems. The  program should  be very straightforward   and  open in selecting the topics and  in handing the relevant issues.

Some of the topics youth would find interesting and important include the following

  1. Gender  equality
  2. Relationships between parents  and kids
  3. Parents  inability to communicate with their kids
  4. The need to respect youth  opinions
  5. Problems between boys and girls
  6. Emotional problems
  7. Health  problems of adolescents
  8. Friendship and ways to select good friends
  9. Private  tutoring lessons
  10. Religion programs, on condition that they are presented in an attractive style
  11. Causes  for crimes  committed by youth
  12. Consensual marriage
  13. Pressures on youth  and their future
  14. Risky  youth behaviors such as smoking  and drug addiction·
  15. True stories involving typical  youth
  16. The generation gap
  17. Problems of health  insurance in schools
  18. The relationship between boys  arid girls and their parents  “and we will ask mothers  to match  between us”
  19. Educating parents to use  discussion and dialogue with youth,  instead of just shouting and yelling
  20. Love problems
  21. Teaching  fathers good parental skills
  22. Importance of trusting kids
  23. Advice  for youth to help them  distinguish between right and wrong
  24. Style
  25. Sports,  especially football

B. Format

The groups presented three different ideas for the format of a youth program.  The first one suggested an open dialogue and discussion  with youth.  The second favors a television  series format, while the third opinion proposed a “video magazine”  format which utilizes a variety of sub-formats; including music and youth songs to attract the attention of youth.  One advocate of this format declared, “When the program uses only one format the audience falls asleep.”

All youth in the study, however, emphasize that such a program must be a true reflection of the feelings and ideas of youth, not just  another  dose of blame for them.”  One girl stated, “For example,  if the program features a psychoanalyst to discuss the problem of a girl who has a relationship with a boy, he should not just say that this relationship is wrong.  We need realistic and useful advice.  We need a positive dialogue.”

Youth also stressed the importance  of selecting young people as program hosts. They warned against using familiar television announcers, and suggested, instead, popular actors and actresses  who are liked by youth.  They proposed Ahmed El Sakka, Mona Zaki, Hussein Fahmy, Mostafa Fahmy, and Kareem Abdel Aziz.

Additional  indicators for the successful format include:

  1. The stories presented should be real ones, and should reflect actual problems that face average youth.  (They mentioned  a. radio program called, “Night Confessions”  as one that uses such stories.)
  2. A television series format should consist of independent episodes, not a soap opera.
  3. The program duration should not exceed 30 minutes
  4. Videotaping should not be confined to the studio.  Other proposed locations include schools, clubs, and public places
  5. Youth from outside of Cairo must also be included.
  6. The program must be simple and easy to follow.

C. PROPOSED NAME

Various participants proposed the following names for the program.

  1. Youth confessions
  2. For youth only
  3. Youth life
  4. Youth ideas
  5. Among youth
  6. Youth issues
  7. The freedom program
  8. Advice for youth
  9. Youth talk
  10. Youth
  11. Youth freedom
  12. Youth and the future
  13. Youth ‏2000
  14. Adolescence problems
  15. Adolescence
  16. Youth problems
  17. Youth hobbies
  18. Youth dreams
  19. The world of youth
  20. With youth
  21. Style
  22. Youth are us
  23. Youth forever
  24. All youth

RECOMMENDATIONS

This study has yielded  significant results  with regard  to kinds of problems and challenges facing the adolescent segment  of the population, who are indeed the future of this country.  Most significant was  the  finding  that  these youth  have developed their  own  subculture,  complete  with its own communication symbols  and vocabulary. Adults  are not allowed to enter this “world”.

For example,  when  a parent  enters  their  kid’s room  while  he or she is on the phone with  a friend,  he/she  would  not hang up like youth  from previous generations used to do if they  were  “caught” in the middle  talking  about something ‘personal’.  Nowadays, a kid would simply say to his/her friend on the other end of the line,  “It is getting  too hot in the room:”   It is that  simple!  The friend  understands and “decodes” the message  to mean that they should change the subject for now, and the parent wonders why  his  or her  son  or daughter feels that  it  is too  hot when we  are  in the middle of winter! Of course,  many of the problems adolescents have  are typical  and are a natural part  of growing up.

But many of the problems found in this study go beyond  that, and can only be explained by the widespread lack of knowledge and skills  among  adults, both teachers and parents  of the principles of effective means  of communication with teenagers. Youth are in effect “withdrawing” from  the communication process with adults, as a result of repeated  unpleasant frustrations.  Their experiences have  been extremely negative; their opinions are  either not heard at  all  or  ridiculed.   Their communication with  adults is a one-way process; they  only  receive orders,  instructions, blame, insults, and abuse.  Consequently, these youth are “forced”  to develop their unique subculture.  Many of the expressions in their “vocabulary” which  we identified reflect their apathy  and unwillingness to continue  the dialogue with adults, who look at them  as children:, while they consider themselves as capable  of problem solving, just like adults, if not better!

The end result  of all this is considerable lack of essential information, life skills, and even worse, the absence  of a clear set of values for life. This is at least partly due to the fact that these kids have no confidence in adults  who were  supposed to be conveying these  fundamental “products”.  For example,  youth  in the study wonder about the hypocrisy of adults,  such as teachers who smoke  in classroom, or parents who tell them not to lie, but ask them to deny that they are home if an unwelcome caller asked to speak with them.

The situation is quite problematic.  Youth are in many ways confused and ill adjusted.  In short, they need help.  However, they aren’t getting such help from parents, teachers, or even current media programs.

It is highly recommended; therefore, that a number of priority interventions and genuine efforts need to be undertaken by a number of relevant institutions, in view of issues raised by youth is this study.  Following are the key priority efforts, which need to be implemented as quickly as possible.  These interventions are classified below according to the relevant institutions, which are more likely to take the lead with respect to the proposed interventions.  It is assumed, however, that these interventions will be implemented in an environment of cross-sectional coordination and collaboration among these institutions.

1. UNICEF

a.    Youth Television Program

Planning and development of a well-designed television program that targets this age group is highly recommended, considering the nature and poor quality of the relationships these kids have with grown• ups, especially parents  and teachers.   Such a program  is desperately  needed to provide youth with essential information and life skills, which they either lack, or have only a distorted  version which they  acquired  from  peers   who  have   the   same   or   worse   problems   themselves. The proposed program should also include segments that are intended to provide adults with effective means of communication  with adolescents.

A.   Special attention in the program must be paid to overcoming  the “inferiority  complex”  already planted in the hearts and minds of adolescent girls.

b.     Further research

Unicef is encouraged to take the lead in three research areas that complement and build upon findings of the current study:

  1. A similar study with other segments of youth is required.  The study should focus on school dropouts, working adolescents,  and rural segments.
  2. A second crucial study would use the same research methodology  (FGDs) to investigate parents and teachers’ perspectives  on issues that have been raised with adolescents in the current study.
  3. A third study is strongly recommended  for monitoring and planning of television material intended for youth (as well as those targeted for women and children). The study has found that adolescents  are not watching those programs  ostensibly produced for them.  Such a study would al so be essential to evaluate the effectiveness  of the proposed new television program.

2. EGYPTIAN TELEVISION

Television has succeeded to be the number one mass medium  watched by youth, even though the vast majority of them watch it for entertainment purposes only.  A number of actions which the television authority is encouraged to undertake are proposed as follows:

a.   News, cultural,  political,  and religion programs need to become more attractive to viewers in general and to youth in particular. Such programs are almost totally ignored by youth.  Major revisions are  necessary  with regard  to  format,  treatment,  and  tones  of  these  programs.

b.   Youth programs need to be based on a better understanding of youth, their real issues, aspirations, and frustrations.   They must become  more credible in terms of content and attractive  in format.

c.   Youth and other programs on national television must make an effort to reflect the real issues, concern to all youth, not only these who live in certain parts of Cairo.

3. MINISTRY OF EDUCATION

Substantial efforts are needed to restore a proper relationship  between  students and their teachers. The following are few priority issues:

a.  Regulations regarding the unlawful use of physical or verbal abuse by teachers in schools must be enforced.  The current situation reported by kids in the study not must be allowed to continue.

b.  Very close supervision is required by the school, especially with regards to smoking and use of drugs in schools.  The initial step required is to effectively ban the teachers from smoking in classroom.

c.  The role of social workers in schools must be reactivated. Moreover, closer collaboration between them and parents is extremely necessary.

d.  The issue of private tutoring lessons has reached very acute proportions.  As it is causing too much agony, suffering and frustration among students and their families, it is hoped that an end to this acute dilemma will be soon in sight.

4. NGOs

It is obvious  that most parents  are in need for basic parental  skills.  Various relevant institutions including NGOs and the media must develop programs to help them acquire appropriate knowledge, attitudes,  and skills.  Special  emphasis  should be placed  on treating kids with respect  and dignity, importance  of listening  to and establishing  dialogue  with kids, the need to give time and attention to help solve their problems, establish a more democratic atmosphere, and caring supervision in order to help youth avoid risky behaviors

5. YOUTH INSTITUTIONS

Parents look at involvement of kids in sports as waste of time, despite the fact that sports could serve as positive  awareness for channeling  the energies    of kids, in addition to other numerous  benefits. Institutions  concerned  with youth need to intervene  on behalf of these kids, in order to change the distorted views and negative attitudes held by most parents. In collaboration with schools, sports and social clubs, youth centers, etc., the Youth Ministry seems to have a lot of work cut out for it. Suitable and practical programs to involve kids in sports, and engage the support and encouragement of parents are priority actions as corroborated by the study findings.

Annex-1   Sample distribution


“Dialogue with the Future”: Pp-103-116 in: Sonja Hegasy, Elke Kaschl, eds. (2007): Changing Values among Youth. Examples from the Arab World and Germany.

https://www.academia.edu/27886899/Sonja_Hegasy_Elke_Kaschl_eds._2007_Changing_Values_among_Youth._Examples_from_the_Arab_World_and_Germany._Berlin_Klaus-Schwarz_Verlag

Communication Strategies to Sustain ORT Program Impact

Communication Strategies to Sustain ORT Program Impact

Dr. Farag M. Elkamel

Director, Center for Development Communication (CDC)

Cairo, Egypt

It must be stated at the outset that the most important factor in helping to sustain the impact of an oral rehydration therapy (ORT) program is the fact that we are dealing here with a good product—oral rehydration salts (ORS). This product saves lives, is easy to prepare and use, and its very few side effects result primarily from misuse.

The second important fact to keep in mind is that the factors that help promote ORT successfully are, more or less, the same factors that help sustain the impact of an ORT program.

The following three conditions have to be satisfied in order to help the successful introduction and sustained use of ORT. First, the concept of ORT has to be institutionalized in mothers’ hearts and minds. They have to know about ORS, how it is used, and how it works (i.e., why it is good). Second, health providers have to accept, support, and promote ORS. Third, ORS itself has to be made conveniently available to consumers at an affordable cost.

| am not aware of any ORT program that succeeded or was sustained in the absence of one of these three main factors. Imagine, for example, a program where: (a) ORS is conveniently available, mothers are persuaded to use it, but health providers are against it; (b) ORS is conveniently available, health providers advocate it, but mothers are not convinced to use it; or (c) both mothers and health providers are convinced, but ORS itself is not available, too expensive, or difficult to find. Taking the Egyptian ORT program as an example, we can see how these three factors have worked together to introduce and sustain ORT.

Mothers’ Knowledge and Use of ORS

Knowledge and use of ORS have dramatically increased through promotion, which utilized communication research and creative arts in planning, developing, and evaluating a continuously evolving, multi-media campaign between 1983 and 1988 (see Figure 1).

Knowledge of ORS has increased from 3 percent of mothers before the program started in 1983, to 98 percent today. Use of ORS has also increased from 1.5 percent in 1983 to 66 percent in 1988. On the other hand, knowledge of correct mixing of ORS was, of course, almost nonexistent before 1983, since knowledge of ORS itself was negligible. Primarily through mass media, and particularly television, knowledge of correct ORS mixing has increased, as indicated in Figure 2.

This is particularly important because mass media were thought in the past to be influential only in raising awareness, but not in teaching skills or causing behavioral change. The Egypt ORT communication campaign, which relied heavily on mass media, has proved that mass media could indeed teach skills and change behaviors. Table (1) is quite interesting, because it shows that mass media not only teach skills and change behaviors, but also help person-to-person communication develop over time as a rather permanent source of knowledge.

Notice that all three main sources of information on ORS keep getting stronger over time. The source that witnessed the greatest increase over the life of the campaign was person-to-person

Informal contact, since it increased from being a source of information for only 3 percent of mothers in 1984 to becoming a source of information for 26 percent of mothers in 1988—almost a nine-fold increase. The point here is that no program effort was planned in this aspect of communication. Thus such an impressive increase can be interpreted to mean that as mothers were convinced, primarily through mass media and secondarily through contacts with health providers, and as more and more women learned and used ORS successfully, they began to advise others to use it.

Persuading Health Providers

Back in 1983, before the media campaign and before thousands and thousands of health providers were trained, there were a few pioneer physicians who were trying to promote ORS.

One of these physicians prescribed ORS to a moderately dehydrated child. When the child’s father was asked by the pharmacist to pay only 45 “Piasters”- which is equivalent to 20 US cents for a box of ten ORS packets, he suspected something was wrong with the doctor’s prescription, and took his child to another well-known physician who charged him 15 pounds and prescribed a list of expensive drugs for which the father paid another 15 pounds in the pharmacy. Before he even went back home, the father rushed into the first physician’s office to show him what  a “real doctor” wrote in his prescription.

In the beginning of the Egyptian ORT program, two main problems faced the adoption of the drug by physicians. The first was lack of knowledge of ORS among the vast majority of physicians. The second was the continuous pressure by parents to be given a drug to stop diarrhea, since this was the mothers’ only concern.

The successful adoption of ORS by Egyptian physicians came as a result of tackling these two problems. A major campaign-including seminars, booklets, pamphlets, slides, and educational

Videos-was launched to reach physicians, nurses, and pharmacists. On the other hand, pressure on physicians to prescribe something to stop diarrhea was eased considerably when the media campaign targeted at mothers convinced them to worry more about dehydration than merely stopping diarrhea. Doctors can’t be ridiculed for prescribing ORS anymore, even if it were the only drug they wrote in their prescriptions.

A comprehensive training and promotion effort was organized between 1983 and 1988, resulting in the training of 24,788 physicians and 17,433 nurses all over the country. Several national conferences on ORT were sponsored by the physicians’ union and by major universities.

The curricula in pediatrics departments all over the country were revised to include ORT. Many physicians, however, still prescribe antibiotics and anti-diarrheal drugs, because, even though mothers know to use ORS to prevent dehydration, many of them still demand a drug to cure or stop diarrhea. I guess you can hardly blame mothers for that. We hope that one day ORS will also help stop diarrhea.

ORS Availability

Quantities of ORS produced in Egypt have increased steadily since the campaign began in 1983 (see Figure 3).

Twenty-five percent of this production are distributed free of charge at over 3,000 Ministry of

Health clinics all over the country and the remaining 75 percent are distributed through private sector pharmacies, of which there are more than 5,000 in the country. The price of one ORS packet is about the price of one tomato when tomatoes are in season! Just about any and every household in Egypt can afford to purchase ORS. Even if the currently subsidized prices increased to reflect the actual cost of production and distribution, the product would continue to be affordable.

Summary

To sum up, these three factors—mothers’ persuasion, health providers’ support, and product’s convenient availability—are most essential in causing and sustaining an ORT program’s impact. In order for these three conditions to be achieved, certain guidelines need to be followed. I will conclude with ten communication strategy guidelines for creating and sustaining ORT program impact:

  1. Use a systematic approach in developing communication programs.
  2. Observe differences between commercial products and ORS.
  3. Position ORS correctly.
  4. Utilize evaluation results in developing the program.
  5. Always pretest.
  6. Know the target audience’s media habits.
  7. Do not raise false expectations about ORS.
  8. Coordinate with training, production, and distribution.
  9. Use creative messages.
  10. Respect the culture and preferences of the target audience.

Bibliography

Nahed M. Kamel, The Morbidity and Mass Media Survey, Final Report (Cairo, Egypt: NCDDP, 1984).

SPAAC, Evaluation of NCDDP National Campaign (KAP of Mothers) (Cairo, Egypt: NCDDP). Four reports on surveys in 1984, 1985, 1986, and 1988.

Challenge and Response (A documentary film produced by NCDDP, 1987).


The paper as pPublished in the Proceedings of the Third International Conference on Oral Rehydration Therapy (ICORT III), Washington, DC, December 14-16, 1988, pp.220-223.

Development for All is Possible: Guidelines for the Use of Social Communication and Marketing in Health

Development for All is Possible – Guidelines for the Use of Social Communication and Marketing in Health

Health: The Soap Opera Version

A feature article in IDRC Reports, January 1993.


https://idl-bnc-idrc.dspacedirect.org/bitstream/handle/10625/22955/109032.pdf?sequence=1

Can Mass Media Prevent AIDS?

CAN MASS MEDIA PREVENT AIDS?

Paper presented at the Viiith International Conference on AIDS in Africa

Marrakesh, 12-16 December 1993

 By: Farag M. Elkamel, PhD

 GLOBAL PROGRAM ON AIDS

                                            WORLD HEALTH ORGANIZATION, Geneva

            Despite the overwhelming evidence of mass media effectiveness in raising awareness, increasing knowledge, and in changing attitudes and behaviours, some doubts still remain among media critics.  The source of these doubts may lie in confusion between the use of media in a planned and systematic process for the purpose of influencing attitudes and behaviour, on the one hand, and the usual media coverage of news events and commercial programmes, on the other.  This paper reviews evidence which may help clarify this issue and   outlines obstacles to effective use of the media.

I.          MEDIA AND ENTERTAINMENT

            Mass media regularly covers all sorts of issues, from health to arts, crime, sports, political events, etc.  The guiding principle is more or less to sell more newspapers, reach a larger audience, or sell advertising space.  In their regular treatment of health-related issues, the media do not even claim to play the role of health education.  The fact that AIDS, for example, having received more “regular” media coverage than any other health issue in the history of mankind, could very well be due to the fact that AIDS is a disease that involves sex and death, thus providing journalists with all the ingredients for a sensationalist copy (Brown: 1992).  Not only is this coverage not motivated by the desire to perform health education, but it may commonly be a negative force in this regard.  For example, even journalists report AIDS in a manner which reflects their own prejudices as a problem of “others” (e.g. gay man, foreigners, drug users), rather than as an urgent threat to all. 

            Piotrow and others (1992) describe the media coverage of AIDS as having been slow, erratic, distorted, and bizarre.  Brown (1992) explains that journalists have “consistently” emphasized rare or bizarre ways in which HIV can be spread, rather than concentrating on the common modes of transmission.  Friendly (1992) argues that while it may seem that news organizations are doing a public service by communicating important health information to its audience, they do so not because of an altruistic desire to better the human condition, but to sell more newspaper space or charge higher rates for commercial time.  A leader in the news media puts it even more firmly. 

            Sullivan (1992) asserts that the media will not and cannot serve as direct relays for campaigns to reduce smoking, to use safety belts or condoms, or to submit to frequent breast examinations.  He says it is unrealistic to expect that the media will systematically pass on repetitive messages from the medical community or anyone else.  Usual media programming may even run in the opposite direction.  For example, Androunas (1993) reports that Russian television has aired regular shows hosted by psychotherapists who claimed to cure the audience’s mental and physical illnesses from a distance. 

            Dozens of millions of people watched those shows which instructed the audience to put in front of their television screens bottles of water which were “energized” by the hosts of the show, and as a result, became a kind of “medicine”.  Among other examples of harmful media coverage were the distinctions repeatedly drawn by the media between “innocent victims” of HIV, that is infants and recipients of infected blood or blood products through health care, and other infected people who, by implication, are perceived as guilty of causing their own affliction (Brown: 1992).

            Regular entertainment material also has the potential to both misinform and mislead the public.  There is sufficient evidence that soap operas, music videos, and movies, are among the list of the most popular television material, especially for women viewers and young adults.  There is also sufficient evidence as to the impact of this entertainment material on the audience.  A striking example of the possible negative impact is documented by Phillips (1982) who presented systematic evidence that violent fictional television stories trigger imitative deaths and near fatal accidents in the United States.  Data provided by the National Center for Health Statistics for 1979 show that the incidence of suicides, motor vehicle deaths and accidents rose immediately following soap opera suicide stories.

            With respect to AIDS, one would be concerned with how sex is presented, and if safe practices are emphasized.  To start with, “sex” is a major theme in entertainment.  An investigation by Southerland and Sinwasky (1982) on the content of two soap operas shown in the U.S.A. throughout 1980 (“All my children” and “General hospital”) revealed that the most common themes presented were deceit, murder, and pre- and extra-marital sex.

            Lowry and Towles (1989) found from a random sample of one week of network television soap operas shown during the summer of 1987 in the U.S.A., that the ratio of unmarried to married sexual behaviours in soap operas was 23.7 to 1.  Even more important, there was no reference – verbal, implied or physical – to pregnancy prevention or sexually-transmitted diseases, including HIV/AIDS.  On the other hand, a study of the U.S.A. 1986 prime time television season documented that soap operas contained touching behaviour (24.5 times per hour); suggestions and innuendos (16.5 times per hour); sexual intercourse (implied 25 times per hour); and socially taboo sexual behaviours such as sadomasochism and masturbation (implied 6.2 times per hour).  In contrast, education was only touched upon 1.6 times per hour (Solomon: 1990).

            Indeed, Cosford (1992) concludes that Hollywood does not yet acknowledge safe sex.  He says that condoms are non-existent in the movies, and believes that it would be very difficult for Hollywood to promote condoms, because Hollywood tends to cater to our fantasies, and condoms, no matter how life-saving, will never figure in our fantasies.  This is indeed a challenge, because it was not until Hollywood had the hero fasten his seatbelt that  it become more socially acceptable.  Even when AIDS is a theme in television material, it is often not addressed in the most responsible way, because as Palmer and others (1988) state, television is a business, and “customers” must not be offended.  For example, the authors found that of the AIDS cases portrayed on television, 37 per cent were caused by blood transfusion, while the actual figure does not exceed 3 per cent!

            All of this leads to the conclusion that unplanned, regular media and entertainment material will never, on its own, perform health education which would in any significant way influence HIV/AIDS related behaviour.  Yet media and entertainment are more like nuclear power:   it is neither good nor bad by itself.  It all depends on how it is used and for what purposes.  The following section, therefore, reviews a different side of mass media and entertainment:  professionally planned efforts to harness the powers of mass media and entertainment for the well-being of their audiences.

II.        PLANNED MEDIA AND ENTERTAINMENT MATERIAL

            Communication experts and planners have long since realized the need for, and importance of, professional media planning.  Manufacturers of commercial products, in realization of this fact, have devoted a sufficient amount of their budget to the use of the communication services, marketing and advertising professionals to “plan campaigns” to influence the buying behaviour of potential customers.  Piotrow and others (1992) assert that efforts to curb the HIV/AIDS epidemic cannot rely on news media to do this on their own.  Romer and Hornik (1991) call for the mass education of the general public and believe that this large-scale education has the potential for not only correcting misinformation, but also for creating and maintaining a more favourable environment for AIDS prevention.  In addition, public education can change and maintain social norms that render these attitudes more acceptable to express openly and more likely to be acted upon.  Piotrow and others (1992) state that mass media publicity about AIDS influences people to take actions they otherwise might not take. 

            An expert group concluded at their meeting at the World Health Organization (1993) that mass media programmes “have promoted widespread AIDS awareness, safer sex and condom use”.  In fact, an analysis of ten major social marketing programmes, done by Boone and others (1985), concludes that mass media advertising has contributed more to increased condom sales than any other factor, including price, cultural attitudes towards family planning and level of national socio-economic development.

            Romer and Hornik (1991) show that there have been positive changes in condom use following AIDS prevention campaigns in the United Kingdom, Netherlands, Switzerland, and the U.S.A.  For example, the Swiss campaign led to over 50 per cent increase in the use of condoms, with over 70 per cent among those between 17-20 years of age.  The authors conclude that large-scale education appears to have the capability of increasing the social acceptance of condoms and to increase their use among more at-risk persons. 

            Indeed, Ramah and Cassidy (1992) report that radio spots used as part of a campaign to increase condom use among Kenyan commercial sex workers have led to a significant increase in condom use.  Piotrow and others  (1992) report that following mass media publicity which included specific telephone numbers, calls to AIDS hotlines in the United States almost doubled from May 1990 (16,691) to July 1991 (32,482).  In Mexico City, calls increased more than ten-fold.  In Israel, attendance at a major AIDS testing site increased 431 per cent after the first major television programme on AIDS. 

            Similar impact on behaviours has been well-documented in other health issues, including oral rehydration and family planning.  In Brazil, the number of vasectomies performed increased by 80 per cent as a result of television spots, and in Ghana a television campaign resulted in an 89 per cent increase in CYP (Couple Years of Protection) in the campaign regions, compared with only 5 per cent in the non-campaign regions (CCP: 1991).

            In Egypt, Oral Rehydration Salts (ORS) had been available at all health centres since 1977, but until 1983, only one per cent of mothers had ever used them, despite their availability and “regular” media coverage.  After a well-planned television campaign was launched in 1984, the percentage of mothers using ORS jumped to over 50 per cent in one year, which is a 50-fold increase (Elkamel: 1991)  As a result, infant mortality rate in Egypt declined from 29.1 in 1983 to 12.3 in 1987.  300,000 lives are estimated to have been saved during that period alone (El Rafie et al: 1990).

            Planned entertainment material have achieved impressive results as well.  In the Philippines, a popular music video intended to encourage youth to postpone sex and avoid unwanted pregnancy resulted in enhancing youth communication with their parents.  It also motivated over 150,000 Filipino youths to call a sexual responsibility hotline, as promoted in the television videos featuring musical stars, and 25 per cent of youths sought contraception information as a result of the song (Turner, 1992).  240,000 women in Turkey are estimated to have adopted modern family planning methods as a result of television dramas and humorous spots (Church, 1989).  In Mexico, which has been a pioneer in the deliberate use of soap operas for educational purposes, soap operas were the primary cause of a 63 per cent increase in attendance at adult literacy centres in one year, and a rise of 560,000 in those adopting family planning methods (Brown et al. 1989).  A Ugandan film, “It’s not Easy”, has been so effective that those who had seen it were more than twice as likely to have used condoms in the two months prior to the interview, as were those who had not seen the film (Piotrow et al. 1992).

            The Center for Health Communication at the Harvard School of Public Health started a pioneering project in 1987 to curb alcohol-related traffic fatalities, a leading cause of death among young adults aged 15-24 in the U.S.  Through this project, the Center became the leading U.S. proponent of the “designated driver” concept.  The main vehicle used by the project, in addition to TV spots, was to work with the communications industry to insert drunk driving prevention messages, including references to designated drivers, into scripts of top-rated television programmes, such as “Cheers”, “L.A. Law” and “The Cosby Show”.  Harvard’s approach was based on the conclusion that entertainment not only mirrors social reality, but also helps shape it by depicting what constitutes popular opinion, by influencing people’s perception of the roles and behaviours that are appropriate to members of a culture, and by modelling specific behaviours.  The strength of this approach is that short messages, embedded within dialogue, are casually presented by characters who serve as role models within a dramatic context, thereby facilitating social learning (Winsten, 1993).

            Harvard’s collaboration with the TV industry in this project has yielded remarkable results.  Among Americans under the age of thirty, 52 per cent have actually been a designated driver.  Among all alcohol drinkers, 28 per cent have been driven home by a designated driver, and 43 per cent of frequent drinkers have been driven home by a designated driver.

            Not only does this project illustrate how collaboration with the television entertainment industry can be very effective in changing risk behaviours, but it also shows that it can be done quite efficiently.  According to Harvard, the project annually received over $100 million in free network air time, utilizing under $300,000 in annual grants.  It is worth noting that the primary target audience for this project is quite similar to a major segment of the primary target audience for AIDS education (young adults aged 15-24).

            Does this suggest that all planned mass media and entertainment efforts succeed in achieving their objectives?  Not by any means.  In the United Kingdom, for example, injecting drug users, the intended target of a campaign using posters and television spots, did not even perceive that the messages were aimed at them (Sherr, 1988).  The slogan “zero grazing” which was used in the Ugandan campaign to mean “stay with one partner”, was not even understood by the target audience, and another frequently repeated spot, using drum beats to spread a sense of fear, did not appeal to young people who interpreted the drums as an appeal for abstinence (Piotrow et al., 1992).  Just as sensational news coverage can set back AIDS prevention efforts, Piotrow et al. (1992) demonstrate that poorly planned mass media efforts can actually do the same.  In Nigeria, for example, frightening and confusing mass media material have resulted in negative attitudes towards people with AIDS and unfounded fears about the risk of infection.  The level of fear aroused by the Australian Grim Reaper visuals was apparently so great that those at highest risk practised denial and did not respond.

            What is needed, therefore, is not just planned campaigns, as opposed to regular media programming, but well planned campaigns which utilize the full potential of mass media and entertainment.  The “technology” and methodology for planning and implementing such campaigns do exist.  Research has established that mass media is most likely to change behaviour when it is targeted at specific audiences, comes from a credible source, and provides a personally relevant and engaging message.  Effective use of mass media requires careful planning, audience research, message development, pre-testing, dissemination strategy, evaluation, coordination with existing services, and linking mass media with interpersonal communication (Church, 1989).  This methodology has been detailed elsewhere (e.g., Elkamel, 1986, WHO, 1987).

            A legitimate question which can be raised is this: if we have the methodology and the evidence, why have all countries not implemented well-planned mass media and entertainment campaigns for AIDS prevention?

III.       OBSTACLES AND CHALLENGES TO WELL-PLANNED MEDIA AND ENTERTAINMENT CAMPAIGNS FOR AIDS PREVENTION

1.         Lack of political commitment

            Political commitment to AIDS prevention is only the most important first step.  Almost in the same breath one should add a qualifier:  political commitment to use the mass media in a well-planned manner.  Kalter (1985) reports that birth control continued to be a taboo on American television despite the fact that on an average, American television viewers are exposed annually to 9,230 scenes of suggested sexual intercourse or comment.  Piotrow et al. (1992) report that reluctance of policy makers to air prevention messages on the mass media is a major obstacle.  Carefully designed materials have not been released because of opposition from politicians, broadcasters, or other gatekeepers, afraid of arousing religious or other resistance.  The authors report that an evaluation of 21 Public Service Announcements about AIDS from public health departments in Canada, Denmark, Norway, Sweden, the United Kingdom and the United States, revealed that three of the five spots considered most effective by 56 knowledgeable reviewers had been rejected for general broadcast.  The announcements judged least effective, on the other hand, were broadcast much more frequently.

            Communication planners and others have tried to overcome this hurdle for many years.  Kalter (1985) reports that in 1975, when all contraceptive advertising was forbidden by the television and radio codes of the National Association of Broadcasters in the U.S., lobbying by an advertising agency and a condom manufacturer paid off.  Young’s Drug Products, Corp., makers of the condom Trojan brand, and their advertising agency Poppe Tyson, succeeded in putting the first condom advertisement on American television during a Friday evening prime time running of a popular movie.  Piotrow et al. (1992) believe that there are ways of persuading policy makers to be bolder in using mass media for AIDS prevention campaigns.  For example, they report that a workshop intended to increase awareness of the social and economic impact of AIDS persuaded policy makers in Papua New Guinea to promote and support mass media AIDS educational efforts .  Pre-test and impact evaluation reports, as well as audience research results showing desire of the public to receive clear information,  persuaded policy makers in Peru and Colombia.  The authors also argue that private sector AIDS advocacy groups can bring pressure to bear on government officials to counteract anticipated pressures from other sources.  The role of international health and development organizations in promoting, supporting and advocating the use of well-planned mass media campaigns can make a significant difference.

2.         High start-up costs

            When given the choice, many policy makers tend to hesitate in choosing well-planned media campaigns because of their initial high start-up costs, despite the fact that mass media may be the cheapest  approach to use, on the basis of per capita cost.  But using mass media effectively requires more investment at the beginning than other approaches do.  Unfortunately, this may be discouraging many countries from effective use of mass media opportunities available to them.  Even though the data available on mass media cost is less than what we would have desired, some good examples are already available.  The average mass media costs per child saved from dying of dehydration in Egypt was less than US$1.00,  while the cost per person reached by the campaign is less than one cent*.  KinCaid and others (1992) report that in Turkey, a multi-media campaign cost about $0.04 to reach one woman of reproductive age, and about $0.67 to gain one user of a modern contraceptive method.  Piotrow et al. (1992) also report that in Zimbabwe, a radio soap opera for men cost about $0.16 for each man reached and $2.41 for each new contraceptive user.  The authors argue that the mass media effort is more cost effective than other approaches, such as group talks or printed materials.

______________________

*The total campaign cost was about US$300,000 in the first three years, and it is estimated to have saved 300,000 children and reached over 30,000,000 adult viewers in that period.  The cost would have been cut down to one-fifth the current average if air time had been provided free of charge by the government-owned television.

            A meeting at WHO headquarters on Effective Approaches to AIDS Prevention (1992 concluded that “although mass media education is often expensive, it may be cost-effective in terms of costs per person reached”.  It also recommended certain measures to reduce mass media costs, such as the provision of free air time on radio and television for AIDS prevention campaigns.  In addition, Piotrow et al. (1992) argue that continued support of mass media AIDS campaigns may depend on evaluations which document impact, and on increased participation from the private commercial and entertainment sectors. 

            The authors see an increasing role during the 1990s for private sector initiatives to use mass media and entertainment fro AIDS prevention.  This includes the manufacturers of condoms who may decide to sponsor the promotion of their brand names;  the entertainment industry with its tremendous means and experience, and motivated private sector or non-profit organizations which may be able to generate the necessary support for more extensive use of mass media.  Some examples can be given to illustrate the feasibility of these trends.  In Mexico, commercial television has taken the lead in producing pro-social soap operas.  In the U.S.A. a media advisory service at an NGO provides creative and technical assistance to soap opera producers, sends out background information on health-related issues and provides story and script consultation.  The information series has inspired industry professionals to integrate messages about teenage sexuality and responsible sex into TV dramas.  The project received 380 requests from media producers for information during 1990 (Solomon, 1990).

3.         Lack of Technical Expertise

            An in-depth analysis of the mass communication component of Medium-Term Plans (MTPs) of a sample of seven countries revealed that those plans not only lack an understanding of the mass media (for example, good plans for a “media- mix”), but also lack the basic ingredients for developing such plans.  This includes knowledge of media habits and preferences of the various segments of the target audience in different regions of the countries, and among different socio-economic and age groups, as well as between males and females.  This is the bread and butter of the most modest media strategy developed for an average commercial product.  The media strategies in the examined MTPs tended, instead, to list all types of media without any rationale.

            The media mix selected for a specific communications campaign should be closely linked to the concept of audience segmentation.  Some of the audience “segments” which may require specifically tailored messages include women, unmarried youth, and people who practice high- risk behaviours or are likely to be in more high risk situations.  Each one of those segments may have different preferences and media habits.  Lack of audience segmentation is a key factor in the failure of mass media to change behaviours, because mass media AIDS materials influence behaviour most, according to Piotrow et al. (1992) when they are designed and developed for specific segments of the audience, with the specific needs and concerns of those segments in mind.  When the audience is segmented, it becomes possible to both involve each segment in the design of messages which are intended for it, and engage them in the pre-test of those messages in order to ensure better impact.

            In many countries, the quality of AIDS prevention materials is much inferior to that of commercial advertising ones, with which AIDS materials have to compete on air time as well as audience attention (Piotrow et al., 1992).  AIDS messages, therefore, need to be more professionally and creatively packaged.  The high quality of the Ugandan AIDS film “It’s not Easy” has enabled this film to not only reach 90 per cent of the Ugandan workforce, but to also reach beyond Africa to Asia, Latin America and the United States.  According to the Academy for Educational Development (1991), “It’s not Easy” has become an unusual case of a developing country’s product being used to change attitudes and behaviour in a developed country.

            What emerges from the foregoing discussion is that although there is a clear opportunity for effectiveness and reach using mass education of the general public, including youth, unplanned media coverage and entertainment material will not be appropriate or sufficient.  Well-planned and professionally designed mass media and entertainment material can achieve remarkable results in raising awareness, increasing knowledge, changing attitudes and social norms, and changing behaviours, including the use of condoms.  Specific obstacles towards the optimum use of mass media for AIDS prevention have been reviewed.  In general, whatever actions that can be taken to overcome those obstacles and to strengthen national capacities  to undertake successful media campaigns should constitute priority activities.  In particular, there are two main areas which require special attention by governments and international donor agencies:

1.         Persuasion and mobilization of decision-makers:  Without their active support and involvement, the first necessary steps towards effective use of the media could not be taken.  Their support is needed in acknowledging the importance of AIDS as a national problem, the commitment to using mass media for public education and persuasion, the importance of using the media systematically and by professional media planners and producers, the need to allocate needed resources, including the provision of free time and space.

            Activities needed in this priority area may include public relations campaigns directed at these policy makers, and utilizing different approaches such as documentaries, booklets, statistics, computer programmes, presentations, seminars, etc.

2.         Effective use of available media:  This is no less important than the first area.  Most countries have in fact already used mass media for some sort of AIDS communication.  However, one often hears the complaint that using the media did not help.

            As already discussed in this paper, this may very well be due to the way mass media was used, which calls for the same sort of training for national programme managers and their communications officers.  This training would aim at helping them realize the importance of using media through professionally planned campaigns, and would provide them with the basic knowledge and skills to recruit, manage and coordinate needed assistance.

                                                                  References

Academy for Educational Development, “Evaluation of the Impact on U.S. Audiences of a Dramatic Presentation Designed for Continental African Audiences”, AIDSCOM Research Notes, No. 1, August 1991.

E. Androunas, “Health Communications in Russia: Reflection of the Pains of a Sick Society”, Health Communication in Europe and the United States: Ethics and Models, The International Council for Global Health Progress, Paris, June 17-18, 1993.

M.S. Boone, J.U. Farley and S.J. Samuel, “A Cross-Country Study of Commercial Contraceptive Sales Programmes – Factors that Lead to Success”, Studies in Family Planning, 16 (1) 1985: 96-102.

P. Brown,  “AIDS in the Media”, AIDS in the World, J. Mann, D. Tarantola, T. Netter (eds.), Harvard University Press, 1992: 720-732.

W.J. Brown, A. Singhal and E.M. Rogers, “Pro-development Soap Operas”, Media Development, 1989 (4): 43-7.

Center for Communication Programmes (CCP), Annual Report 1991, The Johns Hopkins University.

C.A. Church and J. Coller, “Lights, Camera, Action: Promoting Family Planning with T.V., Video and Film”, Population Reports, Series J, 1989, December (38): 1-31.

B. Cosford, “Unsafe on the Screen”, The Washington Post, 1992, July 21: B5.

F. Elkamel, Developing Communication Strategies and Programmes: A Systematic Approach, UNICEF, 1986.

F. Elkamel, “Television Advertising for National Development”. K. Boafo and N. George (eds.) Communication Process: Alternative Channels and Strategies for Development Support, IDRC, Canada, 1991.

M. El-Rafie, W.A. Hassouna, N.Hirschhorn, L. Loza, P. Miller, A. Nagaty, S. Nasser, S. Riad, “Effects of Diarrhoeal Disease Control on Infant and Childhood Mortality in Egypt”, Lancet, 1990, February 10, 335 (8685), 334-8.

F. Friendly, “T.V. or not T.V.”, JAMA, August 26, 1992 (268) 8.

Global Programme on AIDS (GPA), “Effective Approaches to AIDS Prevention: Report of a Meeting”, WHO, Geneva, 1992, May 26-29.

N. Hirshhorn, “Saving Children’s Lives: a Communication Campaign in Egypt”, Development Communication Report, 1985, Autumn, (51): 13-14.

J. Kalter, T.V. Guide, 1985, November 23.

D.L. Kincaid, S.H. Yun, and P.T. Piotrow, “Turkey’s Mass Media Family Planning Campaign”.  T.E. Backer, E.M. Rogers and R. Denniston (eds.), Impact of Organizations on Mass Media Health Behaviour Campaigns, 1992.

D. Larry and D. Towles, “Soap Opera Portrayals of Sex, Contraception and Sexually Transmitted Diseases”, Journal of Communication, 1989 (39), 2: 76-83.

P. Palmer, W. Colmen, J. Drickey and M. Herzog, “The representation of AIDS in Entertainment Television“, A report to the Center for Population Options, 1980,

November 1st.

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P. Piotrow, R.C. Meyer, B.A. Zulu, “AIDS and Mass Persuasion”, AIDS in the World,

J. Mann, D. Tarantola, T. Netter (eds.), Harvard University Press, 1992, 733-747.

M. Ramah and C.M. Cassidy, “Social Marketing and Prevention of AIDS”, AIDS Prevention Through Education: A World View, Sepulveda, Fineberg, Mann (eds.), Oxford University Press, 1992: 75-101.

D. Romer and R. Hornik, “The Role of Education for General Audiences in AIDS Prevention: What has been accomplished and what lies ahead”, Paper prepared for WHO/GPA, April 1991.

L. Sherr, “Long and Short-term Impact of the U.K. Government Health Education Campaign on AIDS”, 1988 (unpublished).

C.M. Solomon, “From Sensation to Good Sense”, American Medical News, 1990,

Oct. 19: 7-8.

J.C. Southerland and S.J. Siniwasky, “The Treatment and Resolution of Moral Violations on Soap Operas”, Journal of Communication, 1982 (32), 2: 67-74.

S. Sullivan, “The Media and their Limitations”, Cancer, AIDS, and Society, C. Jasmin and

G. Bez (eds.), Editions Tempo Médical, Paris, 1993, pp. 99-100.

R. Turner, “Musical Message Reaches Youth in the Philippines”, International Family Planning Perspectives, 1992, 18(1): 29-40.

J.A. Winsten, “Overview: The First Seven Years”, Center for Health Communication, Harvard School of Public Health, 1993 (unpublished).

World Health Organization, Communication: A Guide for Managers of National Diarrhoeal Disease Control Programmes, WHO, Geneva, 1987.

Soap Operas May be Good for Health

In addition to the article that was was published the Health Education Research journal, another article with new data was published in the Eastern Mediterranean Health Journal المجلة الصحية لشرق المتوسط, Volume 4, (1), 1998, World Health Organization (WHO) . The article is presented below:

Soap Operas May be Good for Health: Impact Evaluation of the Egyptian Soap Opera, The Family House

Farag M. Elkamel

Introduction

Family House is an Egyptian soap opera consisting of 15 episodes, each lasting about 45 minutes. This series was devised in order to use the entertainment approach and format of a soap opera to convey health messages designed to create awareness, give knowledge and change attitudes and behaviour with regard to several health problems, including acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS), acute respiratory infections (ARI), home accidents, drug addiction, child marriages and child-spacing.

The Family house was created in 1992-1993 by the Center for Development Communication (CDC), Egypt, and was supported by grants from the Ford Foundation, the International Development Research Center (IDRC) and United States Agency for International Development (USAID). It was broadcast in Morocco in 1993 and in Egypt and Lebanon in 1994. The Family House will eventually air in other countries of the Region.

The objective of this project was to test the potential impact of television material, particularly a drama series, on the knowledge, attitudes and behaviour of the general public, particularly women. The rationale for the project is that such material captures the attention of the majority of viewers, more so than any other type of television programme, and this provides an excellent opportunity to reach the general public. The project also aimed to establish which socioeconomic and demographic categories of public were likely to benefit most from such an approach.

After Family house was aired in Egypt in January 1994, a survey of 600 viewers was carried out to assess audience feedback. The cluster sample was randomly selected from Upper Egypt, Cairo and the Delta; it reflected the urban-rural distribution of the population and males and females were equally represented (Table l).

Findings

One of the evaluation criteria was the perceived entertainment value of Family house. Respondents were, therefore, asked whether or not they had liked it. As an indirect measurement, they were also asked whether or not they would like to see a sequel. A second evaluation criterion was the educational value of the serial. Participants were asked a number of questions which aimed at assessing what, if anything, they had learned from watching The Family house.

The findings were encouraging on both counts. The majori1Y of respondents (82.5%) liked the serial, 74.0% said that they had learned from it and 79.0% expressed a positive attitude towards a sequel.

The findings also revealed that women audiences in rural areas and semi-literate viewers particularly liked the serial and learned more from it than other segments of the audience (Table 2). Table 3 shows the relationship between the educational level and appreciation of the Family House.

Most soap operas and other entertainment material usually appeal to the middle classes and often to urban viewers. The fact that rural and illiterate viewers particularly liked the Family House is consistent with the educational objectives of the serial; it is those segments of the audience who are most in need of the educational 111tssages it contained.

Those who said that they had liked the serial were asked to state what they liked most. Of those, 18% mentioned a particular actor or actress as what they liked most, 17% liked particular scene or events, 12% mentioned AIDS, 10% liked the educational messages generally, 8% mentioned the theme of caring for one’s children, 8% liked the songs, 7% liked the story on addiction and the rest mentioned various other things.

Those who said that they had learned from the serial were also asked to give examples of what they had learned. The most frequent answer was related 10 the causes and prevention of AIDS. Table 4 shows what the participants considered the most important things they had learned from watching the Family House.

Knowledge of how AIDS is transmitted was quite high among respondents; 85% mentioned that AIDS is transmitted through contact and about 90% mentioned blood transfusion, contaminated needles of injecting drugs. Of those who knew how AIDS is transmitted, 9% stated that they had acquired this information for the first lime from the Family house. However, this figure increased 15% among those with less than high school education, to 12% among female viewers and to 14% among rural viewers.

Conclusion

The potential of entertainment as a communications approach for health education is once again emphasized by this data. Some of the promising features are:

  • The overall liking of this “educational” television serial was high and compares well with serials which are produced solely for entertainment purposes.
  • A large percentage of the audience did indeed learn from the serial and mentioned specific information they had acquired.
  • Nine per cent (9%) of viewers learned of the causes and prevention of AIDS for the first time from the serial; this is a major gain, given the initially high levels of knowledge of the subject among the audience.
  • Perhaps the most promising finding is that the traditionally information-deprived segments of the population, namely women, rural residents, semi- literates and youth, clearly liked the serial and learned more from it than other segments of the population. This may be a breakthrough as it has always been difficult to deliver development messages through mass media to these segments of the population, when they are the ones most in need of them.

Below is the article as published in the Eastern Mediterranean Health Journal المجلة الصحية لشرق المتوسط, Volume 4, (1), 1998, World Health Organization (WHO)

The article can also be read here:

Click to access emhj_1998_4_1_178_180.pdf

Environmental Protection & Water Conservation Campaigns in Egypt

We planned and implemented several activities for environmental protection, including:

The National Water Conservation Campaign in 1995-1996

Main activities included:

  • Development of project logo and slogan
  • Production of 8 TV spots
  • Developing and monitoring a media plan for free airing of TV spots
  • Developing posters, flyers, slides and a monthly newsletter
  • Managing supportive media coverage campaign
Some of the recommended ways to save water
50% of drinking water is wasted!

The campaign evaluation shows an impressive change in knowledge, attitudes, and behaviours as a result of this multi-media campaign. In one year, the average national level of knowledge of the project logo increased from zero to 81%, the knowledge of water-saving devices increased from 14% to 83%. Newly developed attitudes against wasting water in washing cars increased from virtually zero to 95% and the attitude towards saving water during shaving by using a cup instead of running faucet water also increased from zero to 70%.

Community Mobilization Video

Using the field research as the base, we designed and implemented a campaign using an innovative approach which is using the video as tool to mobilize the village community for positive behavioral change. The project was sponsored by the Government of Egypt, represented by the Ministry of Public Works and Water Resources (MPWWR); USAID through the Academy for Educational Development (AED).

Community members watching themselves on video

The project included planning, implementing, and documenting a local-level campaign in an Egyptian village in Menoufia governorate. The objective was to promote cooperation between local farmers and government officials responsible for water and irrigation in order to maintain water canals.

The campaign succeeded in inspiring farmers to raise necessary funds to clean the village canal (referred to by local farmers as “mesqa”) and to establish a village-level committee to maintain it. 

Documentary films for protecting Egypt’s water resources

We developed a series of documentary films on the Nile, Lakes of Egypt, and the Seas of Egypt.

  1. The documentary called “Complaints of the Eloquent Nile” addresses the issues of industrial and other causes of polluting the Nile water.

2. The “Beautiful Lakes of Egypt” documentary illustrates how these lakes have been polluted and lost significant parts of their areas as well.

3. The documentary “Between two Seas” illustrates the importance of the Mediterranean and the Red seas, and the unique location of Egypt between them. On the other hand, the film shows how we might be harming these two seas by dumping solid waste, trash, in addition to leaks from oil tankers and others which is polluting the seas and the environment.

Other Environmental Protection Campaigns

A series of TV spots were developed and aired on behalf of the Egyptian Environmental Affairs Agency. The spots mainly addressed solid waste management.

All TV spos mentioned above can be viewed here with English subtitles.

The Documenry Films also have English subtitles and can be viewed here as well.

Campaign for HIV/AIDS Prevention Among Egyptian Youth

Summary of The Cairo University AIDS Awareness Campaign

In 1987, Unicef agreed to fund an unsolicited proposal to sponsor a Program of special events at 10 different Cairo University faculties. A baseline study identified the following problems:

  • Prevalence of Risky Behaviours
  • Misconceptions About Means of Transmission
  • Low Tolerance and Negative Attitudes Towards AIDS Patients
  • Insufficient Knowledge of Prevention, Especially Condom Use.

The events were attended by huge numbers of students, reaching a record 3,000 at the faculty of commerce. A major effort was undertaken to coordinate between the various faculties and the university administration, the National AIDS program, the boy scouts, the speakers, and the celebrity (Hesham Abdel Hamid).

Significant positive change in knowledge and attitudes resulted from these events, as documented by follow-up evaluations of events. Details can be found below.

Baseline study

RESULTS OF A SAMPLE SURVEY AND FOCUS GROUP DISCUSSIONS WITH EGYPTIAN WORKERS AND UNIVERSITY STUDENTS

Report Submitted to Unicef

By: Center for Communication Training, Documentation and Production (CCTDP), Faculty of Mass Communication, Cairo University

February 1997

INTRODUCTION

This report presents the main findings of the Knowledge, Attitude, and Practice (KAP) survey, and Focus Group Discussions (FGD) which are the first two activities in a comprehensive program that is developed and implemented by the Center for Communication Training, Documentation and Production (CCTDP) of the Faculty of Mass Communication, Cairo University, and sponsored by UNICEF.  The original design of this program consists of four different phases as follows:

            1.  Baseline KAP and Focus Group Studies

            2.  Training of student opinion leaders

            3.  Interpersonal and Mass Communication interventions

            4.  Program evaluation.

I.  The Survey and Focus Group Discussions

A survey questionnaire was developed and pretested in three stages:

First, it was reviewed by a selected number of health and research experts, including the Egyptian National AIDS Program Manager.  Second, an extensive review  of the survey instrument was conducted by the project’s advisory board, which consists of  the Dean of the Faculty of Mass Communication, Vice Deans, Chairpersons of the three Departments, Research Supervisors and Coordinator, in addition to the Project Director. The questionnaire was then pretested among a sample of the potential respondents before its final revision.

The survey was implemented in November 1996, on a stratified random sample of 500 interviewees, divided equally between males and females.  Of the total sample, 300 are Cairo University students and 200 are factory workers.  The first stage of the survey implementation included the selection of 10 Faculties and 4 factories, and the second phase involved the random selection and interviewing in these identified locations.  A total of 30 interviews were conducted in each of the following 10 faculties: Mass Communication, Commerce (Tegarah), Arabic Studies (Dar el O’lum),  Antiquities (A’thar), Economics and Political Science, Engineering, Sciences (O’loum), Agriculture, Veterinarian Medicine and the Faculty of Arts (A’dab). 

The student sample of 300 interviewees was distributed as follows:

First year students       83
Second year                 82
Third year                     73
Fourth year                   62
Total number of students 300

The workers sub-sample of 200 interviewees was distributed as follows:

Goldstar 85
Za’afran 45
Iron & Steel 26
Telemisr 44
Total number of workers 200

Twelve Focus Group Discussions were conducted with groups of 6-8 persons each.  Half the groups consisted of males and the other half consisted of females.  Six groups included university students while the other groups consisted of university graduates, and included working as well as unemployed graduates. The study was conducted during December 1996.

CHARACTERISTICS OF THE SURVEY SAMPLE

There are significant differences between the two occupational groups in the survey sample: students and workers.  They differ in terms of their ages, family incomes as well as the status of the residential areas they live in.  In summary, the student group are much younger and financially better off,  and a higher percentage of them lives in “better” neighborhoods than the workers group.  This is illustrated in table number (1) below.

It is interesting to note that 21.4% of the sample reported that they had traveled abroad, either to an Arab country (17.4%) or to a foreign one (4.0).  There are no significant differences between students and workers in this regard, despite their differences in other Socio-economic and demographic characteristics.  On the other hand, 78.6 % have never traveled abroad before, including 77% of students and 78.6% of workers.

II. RISKY BEHAVIORS

Information on risky behaviors was obtained primarily from the Focus Group Discussions component of the study.  The most relevant findings of this study are:

  1. Homosexual relationships are not infrequent.  Participants in one FGD mentioned that many cases “were caught” in the students’ dormitory.  Four  of the six female participants in one group personally know people from both sexes who are homosexual.
  2. One of the male groups explained that the routine for taking IV drugs requires sharing needles and that it is very difficult to even think of using a different needle for each person.  Eighty percent of that group reported previous use of different kinds of drugs, but a much smaller number reported using IV drugs.
  3. Due to the cultural norms regarding chastity, some men practice anal sex with girls who are still virgin.
  4. A lot of girls practice premarital sex and have had abortions.  Right before marriage (usually about one week), they have a small operation to restore their virginity.
  5. Prostitutes are easily available.  One male group agreed that it is a more affordable means of entertainment for youth, compared, for example, to a trip to Alexandria or Hurgada for even one day.
  6. The great majority of men who have had sexual experiences said that they didn’t use condoms.  They said that they would only use condoms if they “suspect” their partner,  judging from they way they looked.
  7. Almost all of the focus group participants had no idea about STDs.  They don’t know their kinds, symptoms,  or treatment.  They wouldn’t know whether they are themselves infected with STDs or not.
  8. Unemployment and the availability of plenty of spare time are blamed for the “widespread” practice of premarital sex among boys and girls.

III.AWARENESS & KNOWLEDGE OF HIV/AIDS

There is a good overall awareness of what AIDS is.  Respondents were asked an open-ended question as to what they knew about AIDS.  The following three response categories were considered correct: a disease of the immune system, a non-curable disease, and a sex and blood transmitted disease.

An index of Awareness was created such that these categories were combined in order to indicate the number of different correct answers he/she has given.  Table (2) indicates the distribution of the sample in terms of the index of AIDS knowledge.  It shows that less than one percent of university students are unaware of AIDS, and that only 5.5% of workers couldn’t give a correct definition.  This level of awareness is considered “very good”.

Sources of Information.

Respondents were asked about the different sources of their current information on HIV/AIDS.  They were given a list of sources and asked to indicate whether they considered each one of them to be a source of their existing information or not.  Table (3) below shows that  the most important sources of health information in general are mass media: television programs (57.8 %), newspapers (41.2 %), television advertising (40.4), books (27 %), and radio programs (25.2 %).  The most important sources of their HIV/AIDS information are quite similar: television advertisements (52 %), television programs (48.4 %), newspapers (36.8 %), books (18.8 %), and radio programs (13 %).  Of all 18 sources of health information listed in table (3), respondents ranked the following as the most important ones:

Television programs, TV advertisements and Newspapers, therefore,  seem to be the most important three sources of health information for both students and workers alike.  While books come right after these choices for students, it is radio programs which occupy the fourth place for workers as a source of health information.  Direct communication with friends and relatives comes in fifth place for both students and the workers.

Quality of HIV/AIDS Knowledge

Respondents were given a list of possible means of transmission, and were asked to indicate which ones were means of HIV infection.  Table (4) below indicates the percentages of respondents who mentioned that AIDS is transmitted through each one of these means:

It is obvious from table (4) above that both students and workers have a good knowledge that HIV is transmitted through sex (96.8 %) infected blood (87.8 %), infected needles (94.8 %), or IV drug addiction (93%).  In fact, there are no significant differences between the two groups in this regard, with the exception of a minor difference in only one of these four aspects.  The real difference between the two groups, however, is rather clear when we consider the “incorrect” beliefs which are held regarding transmission through such means as insects, swimming pools, public toilets, touching, coughing and sneezing, as well as casual kissing between friends and relatives.  In fact, we constructed an index of correct knowledge of HIV transmission, consisting of 10 items from the above list, after excluding the following three items: addiction generally, dentists clinics, and shaving tools, because these three items could be means of transmission only in rare circumstances, while the other ten items are more clear cut in terms of whether or not they are means of transmission.  The index was constructed such that the correct answer received a score of 1 and the incorrect answer a score of zero.  The following index items were considered to be the correct answers:

In order for a person to get a score of 10, he/she would have to give all of the above correct answers.  Following is the sample distribution according to this index.

Almost half the samples, according to this index, have some misconceptions regarding correct modes of HIV infection, and believe in certain untrue means of transmission.  This percentage even rises to almost two thirds of the workers.  In fact, one third of the workers group has at least three misconceptions, and 16 % have five or more misconceptions.  On the other hand, the students sample seems to have better levels of knowledge, even though 39 percent of them have at least one misconception about the modes of transmission. 

When respondents were asked whether they thought that there was a difference between a person who is an “HIV-carrier” and an AIDS patient,  only 40.6 % said yes, while the other 59.4% either said no or stated that they didn’t know the answer to the question.  In fact, there was also a large significant difference between workers and students in this regard, with the percentage of those not knowing the difference reaching 69.5 % of the workers sample and 52.7 % of the student sample.  Furthermore, only 59.5 % of those who said that there was a difference between HIV-carriers and AIDS patients knew what these differences were (51.4 % of workers and 63.3% of students). 

Respondents were also asked a second question to measure their knowledge of HIV/AIDS.  They were asked whether there are symptoms which appear on those who carry the HIV virus.  To our surprise, 90 % gave the wrong answer that there were such symptoms!  Even more surprising was the finding that there were no differences between workers and students’ responses in this regard. 

These series of questions lead to the conclusion that there are even more misconceptions under the surface with regards to HIV/AIDS knowledge, and that we shouldn’t be misled by the high levels of “awareness” of what AIDS is or the “awareness” that it is transmitted through sex and blood.  It is also quite significant to note that the target population appears to lack the knowledge that it is possible for people to carry the HIV virus without showing any signs which indicate their infection,  and do not seem to realize that such persons have the ability to transmit  the virus to others.  This information appears to be a necessary prerequisite for motivating the population to take the necessary preventive precautions to protect themselves.  

Related to this issue was the question which we asked respondents about their knowledge of whether or not they thought there was a cure for AIDS.  Following is the distribution of differences between students and workers’ responses.

The knowledge aspects indicated above were added to the index which has been discussed earlier, such that each respondent would get an extra one point for knowing that HIV-carriers don’t necessarily show any signs that they are infected, and another point for knowing that AIDS has no cure.  The overall knowledge index (with a possible total score of 12 points) was then categorized and cross tabulated with the respondents occupation.  the result is shown in table (6) below.

Knowledge of Prevention Practices and Safe Sex

Respondents were asked an open ended question about their knowledge of different ways to protect oneself from HIV/AIDS.  Answers to this question were quite similar between students and workers.  They tended to focus on abstinence, being careful with blood, and not using others’ shaving tools.  It is interesting to note that condoms  were mentioned as a means of protection by only 5.8 percent of the total sample (9 % of students and only 1 percent of workers.)  The detailed responses are included in table (7) below. 

The sufficiency of these levels of knowledge for HIV/AIDS prevention is doubtful, given what is known about the prevalence of certain sexual practices, as indicated in section I regarding risky behaviors.

IV. ATTITUDES TOWARDS HIV/AIDS

Respondents were asked a series of questions designed to indirectly assess their attitudes  towards AIDS patients, as well as test the accuracy of their information on  the means of HIV infection.  Respondents were given a number of behavioral choices and were asked to indicate their probable behaviors.  As indicated in table (8) below, the majority of the sample would certainly attempt to stay as far away from AIDS patients as possible, as most of the workers indicated that they wouldn’t live with, kiss, hug, or eat with an AIDS patient.  The students, however, were a little more more tolerant than workers.

Respondents were then asked a more direct series of questions in order to measure their attitudes towards persons who are HIV/AIDS infected.   They were first asked to indicate their attitudes towards preventing these people from work or from studying in the university.  Table (9) below shows that the majority of the sample have a positive attitude towards HIV/AIDS infected persons in the sense that they disapprove of banning them from work or from the university.  A closer examination of these results, however, reveals that students have more positive attitudes.  62 % of students disapprove of banning infected persons from the university and 65 % disapprove of banning them from work, while at least 50 % of the workers approve of preventing infected persons from the university and from work.

Furthermore, we asked respondents a series of questions designed to measure their attitudes towards accepting HIV/AIDS infected persons in certain social activities.  Table (10) below illustrates.

Finally, respondents were asked whether or not they would agree with a government law preventing HIV/AIDS infected persons from marriage.  The overwhelming majority of both students and workers indicated that they would agree with the government issuing such a law.

Table 11 above reveals an extremely negative attitude towards allowing HIV/AIDS  infected persons to marry.  This is of course explained by the high level of awareness that sex with an infected person is a cause of infection.  It may also be related to the apparent lack of knowledge of safer sex, as described in more detail in the following section.

V. THE CONCEPT OF SAFER SEX

It is known that uninfected persons may protect themselves by using condoms.  Our investigation of this concept was phrased in a culturally sensitive manner.  The idea of safe sex was presented to our respondents in the context of marriage, and the open-ended question they were asked to answer was what an uninfected wife should do if she finds out that her husband is infected with HIV/AIDS?

The vast majority of our sample (70.4 %) responded that such a wife should get a divorce, 29 % said that the wife should abstain from having sex with her infected husband, and only 5.6 % mentioned that the couple should use a condom (7.3 % of students and only 3 % of workers).  In order to force our sample to think harder, we added this follow up question: “what should she do if she wants to stay with her husband ?”.  The number of those who mentioned condoms rose only to 13 percent  (16.7 % of students and 7.5 % of workers.) 

We also asked the same questions with regards to the hypothetical case where the wife was the potential infected partner and the husband being the one who should protect himself.  Once again, divorce was the most likely solution thought off by 68 % of the sample, followed by abstinence (24 %).  Condom use was mentioned by only 7.2 % (9 % of students and 4.5 % of workers.) 

            In the follow up question, respondents were asked what the husband should do if he wants to hold on to his wife.  The number of those mentioning condoms rose to less than 15 % (19.7  of students and 7.5 % of workers).

This result is quite important, since it seems to indicate that there is no adequate information about safer sex among the sample.  Other than abstinence, the vast majority of both students and workers don’t seem to know what to do in order to protect oneself from infection. 

Our last question in this regard was about the perceived probability that the respondent may be unknowingly dealing,  on a daily basis, with a person who is HIV infected.  Our assumption is that those who believe that such a probability is high would be more likely to consider using condoms if they were sexually active.  Unfortunately, those who indicated that there was a high probability were very few, while the vast majority believed that it was highly unlikely that anyone they knew was infected with HIV.

VI. THE EXPECTED ROLE OF COMMUNICATION

Respondents were asked a series of questions intended to assess the role which they expected different means and channels of communication to undertake, in order to educate the public about HIV/AIDS and help them protect themselves from infection.

The detailed results are presented in tables 14 and 15 below.

The most relevant remark about table (14) above is that the overwhelming majority of both students and workers advocate the use of all types of mass media to present detailed information about HIV/AIDS to the general public.  Policy makers should become aware of this audience attitude, as they tend to shy away from the use of mass media to promote AIDS prevention messages.  Table (15) in fact underlines this result, as the vast majority of respondents expressed the opinion that television, in particular, would be the most effective medium in promoting AIDS prevention concepts, as compared to other relatively less high profile mass media and person-to-person communication approaches.  It reports the percentages of respondents who described each communication approach as “most useful” in presenting HIV/AIDS information.

As the experimental project in the context of which this study is carried was designed to use radio and person-to-person communication as the main intervention approaches, more detailed questions were asked about these two different channels.

First, we asked respondents to evaluate the different radio formats, and to identify formats which may be more effective for an HIV/AIDS awareness program.  Following are the percentages of respondents who selected each radio format as suitable for the program.

It is clear from table (16) above that students and workers have different preferences for radio formats, and these differences are significant at less than 0.01.  In fact the format which is ranked as number one by students, namely interviews, is ranked in third place by workers.  In the meantime, the radio format most preferred by workers is direct talk, which comes in sixth place for students.   In general, the two formats which seem likely to be popular with the two different occupational groups are “interviews” and “questions and answers”.

We further asked respondents to identify the types of persons who should be in the radio programs which they mentioned.  Table (17) below lists these persons as ranked by our sample.

Responses to additional questions revealed that a large number of respondents would be uncomfortable with females as radio program hosts or guests.  Only 10 % of respondents said that they would prefer female presenters, as opposed to 42.7 % who expressed preference for male presenters (50.0 % of workers, and 37.5 % of  students.)  The other 47.3 % of the total sample, however expressed no particular sex preference (40.5 % of workers and 51.8 % of students.)  Differences between workers and students were significant at the 0.05 level.  Finally, both workers and students overwhelmingly approved hosting HIV/AIDS patients in the programs, as illustrated in table (18) below.

Finally, we asked respondents about the appropriate time of day for airing a radio program on HIV/ AIDS prevention.   The following preferences were indicated by workers and students.

Contrary to common belief, listening to the radio was not preferred in the morning but in the evening or late night hours.  This is perhaps due to the fact that our sample consists mostly of people who don’t have much time in the morning as they have to rush to their work or their classes, but who may have more time in the evening after they return to their homes.

VII. MEDIA PREFERENCES OF STUDENTS AND WORKERS

Respondents were also asked to indicate their media habits and preferences with respect to major mass media: television, radio, newspapers, and magazines.  The following table illustrates their responses.

As mentioned before, this study is conducted in the context of an experimental project to use specific communication approaches for HIV/AIDS prevention.  In addition to radio, the project is designed to use public meetings for university students.  The study, therefore, tested the likelihood that such meetings would be desired by the target students.  In response to the question of whether or not they would attend a meeting on HIV/AIDS held in their faculty or factory, 79 % of both students and workers said that they would attend.

Those who said that they would attend were then asked another question as to what kind of speakers and audio-visual aids they would like to see in such meetings.  Table (20) illustrates their preferences.

VIII. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

The results detailed above have a number of significant implications for the interventions which are planned in the context of this program.  The following section discusses these “programming” implications and recommendations.

1.   SOURCES OF INFORMATION:

Two kinds of “sources” were investigated in this study.  The first is the medium or channel of information and the second is concerned with “individuals” who would be more likely to succeed as sources of information on HIV/AIDS.

The vast majority of respondents believe that all three main type of mass media (TV, radio, and the press) should provide detailed information on HIV/AIDS and how to prevent it (table 14).  When asked to choose between the three media, they overwhelmingly selected television.  While this fact is important to keep in mind for the long-term HIV/AIDS communication program, we investigated the potential of other media as it is not advisable to depend on one medium alone for an awareness program on HIV/AIDS, or any other issue for that matter.  This is one reason why this experimental project is designed to use radio as well as face to face communication. 

On the other hand, at least 25% of the sample, including one-third of the workers sub-sample, have indicated that radio programs were among their sources of health information (table 3).  This number, however, declines to only 13 % when it comes to AIDS, which may suggest an under-use of radio as a mass medium for HIV/AIDS awareness.  In addition, public meetings were mentioned by only 6.4 % as a source of health information, and by only 3.8 % as a source of HIV/AIDS information, which reflects the severe under-use of this medium as well.

In conclusion, the leading source of information which is recommended for the main HIV/AIDS awareness program in Egypt is television.  In the short run, however, radio and public meetings seem to be under-used media, the potential of which needs to be assessed in the context of this experimental program.  Tables (3) and (4) seem to suggest that there may be a better potential for radio as a channel for workers, and the reverse is true with regards to public meetings, where students have referred to such meetings more often than workers.

On the basis of results which have been detailed above, it would seem that these are the parameters for successful use of radio:

  • Radio Stations:  Middle East, Youth & Sports, and the General Program, in this order.
  • Program Type:  Interviews, Q and A, Investigative reporting, and Group Discussions.
  • Hosts:  Either sex, but not exclusively women.
  • Guests:  Medical Persons,  Religion Men, and Youth.
  • Time of Broadcast:  Evening is the clear first choice followed by late night hours.

On the other hand, the overwhelming majority of both students (and workers) welcome the participation in public meetings.  They identified the following as parameters for their potential success:

  • Speakers:  Medical and Religion Persons
  • Audio Visuals: Videotapes and booklets

2.  KEY MESSAGE TOPICS & CONTENT                   

2.1 The Risk of HIV Infection

  • Anyone can be infected with the HIV virus.  You can’t tell by people’s looks, level of education, appearance, income, or occupation.  This virus doesn’t discriminate!
  • There is a good chance that you already know someone who may be carrying the HIV/AIDS virus, without either of you knowing it. 
  • There is no one who is completely immune.  Anyone can be at risk if he/she engages in a risk behavior.  Prevention is the only cure.

2.2 Condom Use

  • Condoms are the only means of protection for people who are sexually active. (One way to present this information in a culturally sensitive manner to is address a hypothetical case of a married couple of whom one partner is infected and the other isn’t.) 
  • There is no reason for a husband or wife to divorce their spouse if they discover that they are HIV infected.  First, there is a chance that they contracted the virus many years ago before marriage or through blood contamination.  The non-infected partner can protect him/herself by using a condom.

2.3 Changing Misconceptions

  • HIV is not transmitted through public toilets, cough & sneezing, or insects.  There is no reason to panic about getting infected.  You only need to be careful about two things: unprotected sex and infected blood.
  • An AIDS patient is not infectious except through sex or blood.  You can safely touch or hug them, shake their hands, eat and socialize with them. There is no reason to isolate them socially.

The Role of Mass Media And Interpersonal Communication in HIV/AIDS Prevention: campaign description and results

Final Report to Unicef

By The Center for Communication Training, Documentation and Production (CCTDP) Faculty of Mass Communication, Cairo University.

September 1997

Executive Summary

This report is based on the experience of a pilot project which has been sponsored by UNICEF and implemented by CCTDP of Cairo University between August 1996 and September 1997.  It consisted of a baseline study utilizing both quantitative and qualitative methods, an intervention using both interpersonal and mass communication approaches, and a follow up evaluation study utilizing measurements of knowledge and attitudes before and after the intervention.

The project has yielded important findings which can be very useful in the planning and implementation of HIV/ AIDS prevention activities in Egypt. 

First, it has been demonstrated that youth suffer from a great deficiency in knowledge and correct information on protecting themselves from infection, and they have a great deal of misconceptions about AIDS and those who are infected with it.  Their attitudes towards people with AIDS tend to be unjustifiably negative, and fear of infection through imaginary means seem to be a leading cause for these negative attitudes.

Second, the project has demonstrated that such negative attitudes can change quite dramatically with the dissemination of correct information on HIV/AIDS and the means of infection.  People become more tolerant of AIDS victims when they realize that they can’t easily be infected through daily encounters with them.

Third, the severe lack of knowledge about condoms as means of protection can be overcome by effective communication approaches.  The project interventions were able to cause more than a five-fold-increase in the percentage of youths who mention condom as a means of protection when the partner is possibly infected with the virus.

Finally, the project has demonstrated the need for well planned communication strategies for HIV/AIDS prevention.  The current situation of widespread fears, rumors and misinformation may be the result of ineffective use of appropriate approaches.  The project has tested and identified techniques which are feasible, relevant and effective in the Egyptian context.

I. Background

Recent information indicates that a significant number of Egyptian youth are engaging in certain risk behaviors which increase the likelihood for contracting HIV and STDs.  This information is confirmed by Focus Group Discussions and In-depth Interviews with university students (see baseline report titled: Risky Behaviors And HIV/AIDS Prevention Among Egyptian Youth :Results Of A Sample Survey And Focus Group Discussions With Egyptian Workers And University Students, CCTDP, February 1997).  Unfortunately, restrictions in the mass media in Egypt have made it relatively difficult to convey sufficient HIV/AIDS prevention messages and information to Egyptians generally, and to youth in particular.

The “Youth Protection Project” was therefore, developed with the intention of identifying the extent to which these youth have adequate information about safe sex, or if they use any precautions for protecting themselves and others. It also aims at exploring appropriate means of communication to convey essential messages to Egyptian youth, especially university students and workers.  The project was implemented in ten faculties at Cairo University and in three different factories in Cairo and Giza. The “Youth Protection Project” was sponsored by UNICEF, and implemented by the Cairo University Center for Communication Training, Documentation and Production (CCTDP). 

II. Project Objectives

This project was designed to achieve the following objectives:

  1. Gain current and in-depth information on relevant knowledge, attitudes and behaviors, and identify risk factors and behaviors among this key population group.
  2. Develop essential key prevention messages which would be suitable for youth, the target population of this program, as well as similar target populations.
  3. Disseminate essential prevention messages among a key and a relatively large youth group, namely Cairo University students, who may further disseminate the information they gain to many more thousands of persons.
  4. Develop a model for working with university students which can be replicated in other universities throughout Egypt.

III. Overall Project Description

In order to achieve its objectives, the project conducted baseline and follow up quantitative research studies to assess levels of knowledge, attitudes and practices among the target population, and to identify appropriate intervention techniques and message strategies. It developed and implemented a training program on interpersonal communication skills and relevant HIV/AIDS prevention facts for selected numbers of group leaders and popular students in ten different faculties of the university, and completed a program of presentations and public rallies to the students, organized by their trained peers as well as communication and AIDS education experts. The program also included limited use of mass media, particularly radio and television.  Over the project life of one year, the following specific activities have been implemented:

  • Assessing current HIV/AIDS Knowledge Attitudes and Practices among workers and university students.  A survey was conducted on a sample of 500 workers and students, representing males and females from different disciplines and orientations.  The survey was conducted before the initiation of other training and promotion interventions, and was repeated at the end of the program.
  • Identifying Risk Behaviors of university students.  A qualitative research study, using Focus Group Discussions aimed at gaining an in-depth knowledge of the types and prevalence of specific risk behaviors among the target population, and an insight on culturally appropriate and acceptable approaches to convey information to university youth on sexual matters.  An important objective of the study was the identification of popular types of “opinion leaders” among the students, who would stand a good chance to succeed in organizing student activities and seminars for the purpose of conveying the program messages.  This study was also conducted before the initiation of the training and communication interventions.
  • Training.  Small groups of 3-5 students from ten different faculties were selected to join two training programs each of which lasting three days at the faculty of mass communication. The training curriculum included such topics as “interpersonal communication skills”, “how to talk about sensitive issues”, “persuasion techniques”, as well as facts related to HIV/AIDS prevention.  Students who were selected for this training program became the organizers of specific activities in their respective departments or faculties.  They were mostly members of the Student Unions or the student “Fraternities” which are “grass root” organizations.
  • Student Education.  A detailed program of activities through which essential prevention messages are conveyed to students was implemented in ten different student rallies which were promoted by the student organizers. These events included short presentations by the student leaders, the faculty dean or his/her representative, two guest speakers (from UNICEF and the National AIDS Control Program) and the director of CCTDP. The main segment of the rally, however, consisted of a very frank session of questions and answers, which lasted about an hour and a half.  The event also included the distribution of leaflets as well as a display of posters, and typically ended with a quiz, where ten different questions were asked and instant prizes given to students who answered them correctly.
  • Project Evaluation. Both the process and impact of the project were evaluated in a number of ways.  First, the training workshops were evaluated by participants during the final session of the program.  Second, each one of the 10 rallies was evaluated both in terms of process and impact.  A summary report was written on the process of each rally, and the main lessons were utilized in the planning and implementation of subsequent rallies. On the bases of these reports, prizes were given to the organizers of the best three rallies.  Impact evaluation was conducted as well, where a sample of 20 students were interviewed before the rally and a different set of another 20 students were interviewed after the rally.  All students were randomly selected, and the same survey instrument (questionnaire) was used in the two rounds of interviews.

IV. Timeline

The project was developed and implemented over a one year period, from September 1996 to August 1997.  It included the following phases:

September 1996: Develop research tools and survey samples
October-December 1996: Implement and analyze baseline study
January 1997: Organize two Training of Trainers workshops
February-April 1997: Educational Rallies in 10 Faculties
May-August 1997: Conduct and analyze follow up survey

A detailed report on the baseline study was submitted to Unicef in February 1997, upon completion of the Survey and Focus Group Discussions.  The report is titled “Risky Behaviors and HIV/AIDS Prevention among Egyptian Youth”, which presents the results of a sample survey and Focus Group Discussions with Egyptian workers and university students.  The main conclusions of the report were that workers and students have four main problems with respect to HIV/AIDS prevention. First, their perceived Risk of HIV Infection is quite low, which means that they don’t see that they may be at risk.  Second, they have a number of misconceptions about AIDS, including ways of transmission and infection.  Third, they have an unnecessary negative attitude towards HIV infected persons, with a large number of respondents believing that they should be banned from work, schools and different social activities. Finally, a very low percentage of respondents mentioned condom use as a means of HIV/AIDS prevention, even when one spouse is infected and the other knows it, and is not infected himself/herself.  

V. Description of the Training Program

A total of 40 student leaders from 10 different faculties were selected from among those with active participation in, and membership of the student union and/or student fraternities.  The Center for Communication Training, Documentation and Production (CCTDP) received the approvals of the Deans of respected faculties to let the selected students participate in training workshops developed and implemented by CCTDP. 

A three-day workshop was designed for these students in order to develop their interpersonal communication and organizational skills, and to provide them with an overview of HIV/AIDS.  To maximize group interaction, the group was divided into two sub-groups of 20 students each.  Each group was then invited to attend one of two identical training workshops during February 1997. 

VI. Description of the Campaign

A major part of the training workshop was devoted to practical issues concerning the organization of AIDS awareness rallies by the trainees upon their return to their faculties.  Letters were then sent by the Director of CCTDP to the Deans of the 10 participating faculties, expressing an appreciation of their cooperation with the project, and conveying the desire of participating students to extend the benefits of the training workshop to their colleagues through the organization of student rallies in their faculties.  During March and April 1997, a total of 10 rallies were held at Cairo University.  Nine rallies were held for the students of specific Faculties, while the tenth was attended by boy scouts and youth advisers from throughout the university. Following is a list of faculties where the ten rallies were organized:

  1. Arts            
  2. Mass Communication
  3. Commerce        
  4. Science         
  5. Antiquities           
  6. Arabic Studies           
  7. Economics & Political Science       
  8. Engineering     
  9. Veterinarian Medicine             
  10. Mass Communication (for university boy scouts and youth advisers).

The rallies were organized by students who had been trained by CCTDP. The center provided behind the scene guidance and support throughout the process, but the students themselves handled all matters of organization in their respective faculties, including all logistics, promotion, and the necessary approvals of the security and administration of the faculty. CCTDP staff assisted the students in the coordination with speakers in addition to management and evaluation of the rallies.

The event typically started with brief introductory speeches, followed by short presentations by the speakers.  The main segment consisted of questions by the students and answers by the panelists.  All questions were answered frankly. The last segment in the rally consisted of a quiz, where 10 random numbers were drawn, typically by the Dean or his representative.  Questions were asked by panelists, and the correct answers were awarded LE 10 each. This approach was used to attract students to the rallies, and was further utilized to emphasize and review the main issues discussed during the rally.

VII. The Follow up Evaluation

A survey questionnaire was developed to measure the knowledge, attitudes, and intentions of students with regards to HIV/AIDS.  A team of trained interviewers conducted an average of 20 interviews before each rally began, and another 20 interviews upon the conclusion of the rally.  A total sample of 391 was therefore interviewed, of whom 182 were interviewed before and 209 were interviewed after the rallies.  There was virtually no chance for other factors to contaminate the comparison, as the two sets of interviews were conducted within a span of approximately two hours, during which the rally was the only intervention.  A comparison between respondents who were interviewed before the rallies and those interviewed after them reveals that the two sub-samples are quite comparable in terms of main demographic and socioeconomic factors, such as residential areas, income, age, and sex.

There were no rallies or face-to-face communication activities planned for workers in this project.  The intervention depended for this category on mass media, which consisted of limited use of radio and television, in the form of some regular programs devoting certain episodes for messages on the subject matter.  The project design did not in fact intend to make full use of mass media in the context of this project, as the main objective was to test a methodology for effective face-to-face communication.

The methodological design therefore is such that we had four different groups in the follow up sample:

  1. Group one: students interviewed right before the rallies (N=182).
  2. Group two: students interviewed right after they have attended the rallies (N=209).
  3. Group three: workers interviewed in the baseline study (N=200).
  4. Group four: workers interviewed after the mass media material introduced by the project were aired. They were not exposed to the rallies (N=153).

 

VIII. Findings of the Evaluation Study

1.  KNOWLEDGE OF MEANS OF HIV/AIDS TRANSMISSION

Respondents were asked a closed question about the means of HIV/AIDS transmission. A list of correct and incorrect choices was given to them to choose from. Following are the percentages of respondents who selected each one of the given choices.

These findings show a very significant improvement in knowledge of students after the rallies, especially with respect to misconceptions about means of HIV/AIDS transmission, such as shaving tools, kissing, coughing, insects, and dentists’ offices.  On the other hand, no similar improvements in knowledge took place in the workers sub-sample who were not exposed to the public rallies component of the campaign. 

2.  KNOWLEDGE OF MEANS OF PROTECTION

Respondents were also asked an open-ended question intended to measure their knowledge of means of protection from HIV/AIDS infection.  Their responses were then categorized as presented in table (2) below:

The change which took place in the percentage of students mentioning condoms as a means of protection is remarkable (from less than 4 percent before the rallies to over 15 percent after the rallies).  At the same time, the corresponding percentage in the workers group didn’t change. In fact, there were no other statistically significant changes in either group.

3.  ATTITUDES TOWARDS AIDS PATIENTS

Respondents were asked whether or not they would engage in certain activities with persons who are infected with HIV/AIDS.  Those who answered negatively are included in table (3) below.

Table (3) above shows how effective the rallies have been in the area of attitude change.  Quite dramatic changes have taken place in the student sub-sample who attended the rallies, while the workers group didn’t show any significant change of attitudes.

4. RESPECTING HUMAN RIGHTS OF AIDS PATIENTS

A number of questions were asked to measure attitudes of both students and workers towards AIDS patients with respect to human rights-related issues, such as being allowed to work, study and engage in social activities.  The following questions were asked:

a) Would you approve or disapprove of preventing AIDS patients from studying at the university?

b)  Would you approve or disapprove of preventing AIDS patients from working with others?

c)  In your opinion, do AIDS patients have the right to enter sports clubs, coffee shops, visit others at home, play sports, work with others, or visit Egypt (for foreign patients)?

Table (4) below summarizes the changes in attitudes after the intervention.  It presents the percentages of respondents who expressed positive attitudes towards AIDS patients.

Once again the rallies prove to have been very effective in the area of attitude change.  All aspects of attitudes which have been measured have changed after the rallies in the same direction of becoming much more positive. While the same direction is true for changes in the attitudes of workers, the magnitude of change is clearly different, with most of these changes being non significant.

5. KNOWLEDGE OF CONDOM USE & EFFECTIVENESS

The issue of condom use as a means of prevention is perhaps one of the most critical issues in HIV/AIDS.  For this reason, a delicate and creative approach was used in the rallies to convey the message that condoms should be used in sexual relationships where there is a risk of infection.  A hypothetical situation where one spouse is infected and the other isn’t was presented, and the audience were told that such a couple can continue to live as husband and wife if they use condoms.

In the questionnaire administered both before and after the campaign the following two questions were asked:

Question 1: If a wife finds out that her husband is infected with AIDS and that she is not. How can she protect herself?

Question 2: If a husband finds out that his wife is infected with AIDS and that he is not. How can he protect himself?

This table presents what is possibly the single most important change in any of the study variables. The percentage of respondents saying that a condom should be used if the husband is infected has increased from 12.7 percent before the rallies to 70.3 percent after the rallies, which is a 5.5 fold increase. Those who said that a condom should be used if the wife is infected also increased from 12.7 percent before to 60.7 percent after the rallies, which is a little less than a five-fold increase.  Changes in the workers sub-samples, on the other hand, were not statistically significant.

6. PERCIEVED RISK OF INFECTION

Table (6) below reports on the percentages of respondents who ranked the risk of HIV infection as being non-existent (zero percent), moderate (less than 50%), or high (50% or more).

Even though it is not statistically significant, there is an increase in the perception of being at risk among students who attended the rallies.  It is interesting to note that the change in the perception of workers was in the opposite direction, but it also was not significant.

7. GENERAL EVALUATION OF THE RALLIES

Finally, respondents who attended the rallies were asked a set of questions intended to measure their overall evaluation of the rallies.  The questions measured the extent of liking the rallies and learning from them, and whether or not the students found these rallies to be attractive and organized. Following are the percentages of students with positive responses:

8. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

The findings detailed above lead to the following conclusions:

  1. Well organized face-to-face activities, such as the rallies for the “Protection of Youth from AIDS” can be effective means of conveying health messages generally and HIV/AIDS information in particular.
  2. Mass media campaigns are effective only if they are sustained at a relatively high level of saturation and maintained over a sufficiently extended period of time.  Sporadic and non-intensive media efforts may raise awareness of an issue for a limited period of time, but may not be sufficient to change attitudes or behaviors.
  3. Being culturally relevant and sensitive does not preclude the dissemination of essential HIV/AIDS prevention messages, especially on condom use. Creative ways to convey such essential messages are quite possible.
  4. Interpersonal communication is effective only to the extent it is well planned and implemented. The rallies on “protecting Youth from AIDS” were effective because of a number of reasons:
  5. They were held under the auspices of H.E. the Minister of Health and Population and the president of Cairo University.  This level of sponsorship ensured cooperation by the top administration in the different faculties involved in the project.
  6. A baseline study preceded the intervention and identified essential gaps in knowledge and attitudes.  The focus of the presentations and discussions during the rallies was put on these essential aspects.
  7.  Opinion leaders of the potential participants were identified and trained in effective interpersonal communication and organizational skills.  They were guided by communication specialists to promote the rallies among their peers as their own initiative.  The presenters were perceived as merely responding to the invitation by the students.
  8. The rallies utilized approaches which made them attractive to the participants.  Popular students were the ones who organized, promoted, and invited their colleagues to attend the rallies.  The presentations were mostly interactive with students asking frank questions which are promptly and honestly answered by presenters.  Quizzes were used to reinforce newly acquired knowledge, and prizes were given to students who correctly answered questions at the end of the rallies.  The general atmosphere was informal, relaxed, friendly, and reflected caring and compassion.
  9. Each rally was evaluated and results were utilized for the planning of subsequent rallies.  Students who organized rallies in their faculties were assisted by colleagues who attended the training program with them, so there was a continuous process of information and experience sharing.
  10. The Center for Communication Training, Documentation and Production (CCTDP) provided technical support for all aspects of the planning and implementation of these rallies.  In addition, key staff from UNICEF and the National AIDS Control Program provided support to the project and to the rallies in particular.

It is, therefore necessary to make the following recommendations on the bases of the findings and conclusions of this program as outlined above:

  1. A great deal of misconceptions, negative attitudes, and insufficient knowledge exist among Egyptian youth with regards to HIV/AIDS.  An effective approach to dealing with these problems has been successfully developed in the context of this program.  This approach depends on effective utilization of research, training, and implementation of interpersonal communication programs for the target audience.  It is highly recommended that this methodology be replicated for other groups, including students at Cairo University and other universities, in addition to other segments of Egyptian youth. An annual plan of well planned and well implemented and evaluated rallies should be developed and adopted as this approach has shown its great potential in the Egyptian context.
  2. It is apparent that most of the sporadic mass media activities will not lead to any significant impact on knowledge, attitudes, or practices.  It is recommended that mass media be used in a more planned, targeted, systematic and sustained manner in order to induce the necessary changes. This may take place in two parallel directions: the first is a more systematic media coverage, which keeps AIDS as key health issue on the national agenda, and the second is a media campaign for mass education and communication which disseminates key prevention messages and makes necessary referrals to other services such as blood testing and the telephone hotline.
  3. Linkages between mass media and interpersonal communication should be identified and strengthened.  For example, while the telephone hotline is an extremely useful means of disseminating essential AIDS prevention messages,  not enough people know of this service.  The National AIDS Program records show a sharp increase in the number of calls whenever the hotline numbers are promoted in the media.  The audience can also be prompted as to  how they should use the hotline, and what questions they should ask when they call.  In other words, mass media should help shape the “agenda” of the target audience, and help direct certain target groups to use this service in the best possible way.
  4. Other means of communication which need further investigation include booklets and video films.  In all the rallies which we organized, there was a need for an attractive 10-15 minute video which would set the stage for the discussions to follow.  We could not identify such a film.  Furthermore, the questions which students asked were a lot more than can be addressed by the booklet which the National Program currently has available.  It is recommended that both a video and a revised and more detailed booklet be produced at once, and be used in similar activities in the future.

The following section (in Arabic) provides more details on the training workshops and the mass education campaign, including the ten rallies which were planned and implemented by the project.

الدورات التدريبية عن مهارات الاتصال

الدورة الأولى: 15-17 فبراير 1997، الدورة الثانية: 18-20 فبراير 1997

قام مركز التدريب و التوثيق والإنتاج الإعلامى بكلية الإعلام بتنظيم دورتين لتدريب عدد من الطلاب – من قادة الرأى وذوى النشاط بالكليات العشرة التى تضمنها  البحث الميدانى عن الإيدز و ذلك تدعيما لدورهم وقدراتهم فى الاتصــــال الشخصى لنشر الوعى لدى الشباب .

وقد تم اختيار الطلاب لهذه الندوات بناء على ترشيح كل كلية لعدد من طلابها للمشاركة فيها ، وقام المركز بتقسيم الطلاب المرشحين إلى مجموعتين لتلقى المحاضرات حول الإيدز و كيفية الوقاية منه ،و مهارات الاتصال، ودور قادة الرأى، وغيرها من الموضوعات التى تساعد فى تحقيق الهدف من هذه الدورة .

وقد امتدت كل دورة لمدة ثلاثة أيام:

 الأولى من يوم السبت الموافق 15 فبراير 1997 إلى يوم الاثنين الموافق  17 فبراير 1997

 والثانية من يوم الثلاثاء الموافق 18 فبراير 1997 إلى يوم الخميس الموافق 20 فبراير 1997

وتم تنظيم المحاضرات على مدار الأيام الثلاثة لكل دورة بحيث تكون  متصاعدة  ومترتبة على بعضها البعض.

وقد لوحظ أن استجابة الطلاب كانت مرتفعة جدا خلال الدورتين ،كما أقر الطلاب أنفسهم أن الدورة قد ساهمت بصورة ملحوظة فى تصحيح العديد من المفاهيم الخاطئة لديهم حول الإيدز ..وأشعرتهم بأهمية مكافحة هذا الوباء و الدور الملقى على عاتقهم لتحقيق ذلك بين زملائهم .

مضمون الدورات التدريبية

وقد كان سير كل من الدورتين على مدار الأيام الثلاثة كالآتى

اليوم الأول

بدأ اليوم الأول باللقاء مع الطلاب حيث تم التعارف بينهم و بين د. فرج الكامل مدير المركز والدكتور نصر السيد مدير البرنامج القومى، بالإضافة إلى ممثلى إدارة كلية الإعلام. وجرى تعريفهم بالهدف من الدورة وما سيقدم لهم من خلالها و أهمية انتظامهم فى المحاضرات  حتى يحصلوا على الاستفادة المتكاملة . وقد تضمن اليوم الأول ثلاثة محاضرات  كالتالى :

* المحاضرة الأولى :

قام بإلقاء هذه المحاضرة د. نصر السيد مدير مشروع مكافحة الإيدز  بوزارة الصحة و السكان ، وقد كانت هذه المحاضرة بمثابة توعية للطلاب عن الإيدز و طرق الإصابة و العدوى  وكيفية الوقاية ،وكذلك الإحصاءات الخاصة بمرضى الإيدز فى مصر والعالم . كما تم تعريف الطلاب خلال المحاضرة بالخط الساخن الخاص بمشروع مكافحة الإيدز وتوزيع أرقام التليفونات الخاصة به عليهم . وبعد الانتهاء من المحاضرة بدأ الطلاب فى توجيه أسئلتهم والاستفسار عن بعض الأمور مما ساهم فى توضيح بعض النقاط التى كانت مبهمة لديهم.

*المحاضرة الثانية :

قام بإلقاء هذه المحاضرة د.صفوت العالم بقسم العلاقات  العامة و الإعلان وقد تناول فى المحاضرة أهمية الدور الذى يلعبه قادة الرأى فى التأثير فى أقرانهم و كيف يمكن لهؤلاء الطلاب أن يؤثروا فى زملائهم وأن يوظفوا هذا التأثير لصالح  خدمة المشروع .

*المحاضرة الثالثة :

قام بإلقاء هذه المحاضرة  ا.د.عدلى رضا الأستاذ بقسم الإذاعة و تناول فيها مهارات القائم بالاتصال المباشر-  حيث تعرض للعديد من النقاط منها :

         – تعريف الاتصال المباشر و خصائصه .

         – مهارات الاتصال عند القائم بالاتصال .

         – اتجاهات المصدر .

         – كيف يكون القائم بالاتصال مؤثرا فى إقناع جمهوره .

         – عوامل فهم الرسالة .

اليوم الثانى

تضمن اليوم الثانى ثلاث محاضرات كانت كالتالى:

محاضرة  د . فرج الكامل وعرض فيها لنتائج كل من الدراسة الكيفية والميدانية اللتىن أجريتا على عينة من الطلبة والعمال.

أولاً :   الدراسة الكيفية

شرح فيها أولاً ماهية مجموعات النقاش المستهدفة ، حيث يجلس فيها الباحث مع عدد معين من المبحوثين لمناقشة موضوع معين كان فى هذه الدراسة هو الإيدز . وأوضح للمتدربين الميزة التى تتفوق بها مجموعات النقاش المستهدفة ألا وهى إمكانية التحدث فى بعض الأمور المحرجة ـ و الذى تمثل فى هذه الدراسة فى المحور الأخير و كان يتم فيه سؤال المبحوثين عن اعتيادية بعض الممارسات بين الشباب مثل الممارسات الجنسية وتعاطى المخدرات

ركز فى عرضه لنتائج المجموعات المستهدفة على نتائج المحور الذى يخص الممارسات الخطرة بين الشباب من الجنسين وأشار إلى حالات تعاطى المخدرات بكافة أنواعها ـ البانجو و الماكس و الحشيش وإلى حالات الزواج العرفى بين الشباب والشابات فى الجامعة ، و حالات الممارسة الجنسية بدون الالتزام حتى بعقد الزواج العرفى ، كما أشار إلى ما ذكره الأولاد من أن الغانيات متوفرات و بمنتهى السهولة و أن هذه السهرات أرخص بكثير من التنزه فى أى مكان فى القاهرة .

ثانياً :  الدراسة الميدانية

ذكر فيها د . فرج الكامل عينة الدراسة وأهم النتائج المتعلقة بمدى المعرفة بالإيدز، و أسباب الإصابة به و طرق الوقاية. وعرض أيضاً للنتائج المتعلقة باتجاهات عينة الدراسة نحو المصاب بالإيدز ، من حيث عزله و حرمانه من العمل و الدراسة .

و أخيراً عرض النتائج الخاصة بعادات الاستماع و المشاهدة لدى عينة الدراسة وأوضح أن هذه الدورة الخاصة بتنمية مهارات الاتصال ما هى إلا جزء من حملة كبيرة لتوعية الشباب من الإيدز تنقسم إلى قسمين : قسم يقوم به الاتصال الشخصى، و القسم الآخر مهمة وسائل الإعلام ، لذلك تم قياس عادات الاستماع و المشاهدة فى الدراسة الميدانية لتكون مرشداً لتخطيط الحملة من خلالها .

*المحاضرة الثانية :

قامت بإلقاء المحاضرة د.ابتسام الجندى الأستاذ المساعد بقسم الإذاعة وقد تعرضت فى هذه المحاضرة لأهمية الاتصال الشخصى ودوره فى العملية الإقناعية كما تناولت مع الطلاب مراحل الإعداد للندوات فى كلياتهم بدءا من الاستعداد للندوة ومرورا بكافة المراحل التى تتطلباها العملية التنظيمية للندوة .

*المحاضرة الثالثة :

قامت بإلقائها الدكتورة أميرة العباسى حول مهارات الاتصال المباشر وذلك لإعداد المشاركين لتنظيم الندوات المخططة فى كلياتهم.

اليوم الثالث

تضمن اليوم الثالث  محاضرة واحدة  أعقبها لقاء بين الطلاب و ا.د.فرج الكامل مدير المركز وذلك لتنظيم العمل بينهم من أجل إقامة مجموعة  من الندوات فى كلياتهم للتوعية  بمرض الإيدز  بين طلاب الجامعة .

*المحاضرة الأولى

         قام بإلقاء هذه المحاضرة ا.د.حسن عماد الأستاذ بقسم الإذاعة وقد تناول المداخل الإقناعية للوقاية من الإيدز  من خلال عدة عناصر هى :

الاتصال الإقناعى من حيث محدداته و عناصره الأساسية و هى :

القائم بالاتصال : مواصفاته،و شروط فاعليته .

الرسالـة :  وخصائصها الإقناعية .

المتلـقى  .

مستويات الإقناع .

الاتصال الشخصى .

استراتيجيات الإقناع .

الجلسة الختامية

حضرها كل من أ . د . فرج الكامل  و د . عادل فهمى . و كانت بمثابة جلسة ودية لمناقشة الترتيبات النهائية لعقد الندوات فى كل كلية من الكليات .

  • الاتفاق على أن تحمل كل الندوات نفس العنوان ” حماية الشباب من الإيدز ” .
  • فى هذه الجلسة قام كل مجموعة من الطلاب ممثلين لكلية معينة بتحديد الموعد المناسب لعقد الندوة فى كليتهم ، مع تحديد المدرج أو القاعة ، و زمن عقد الندوة و الوقت المخصص لها .
  • الاتفاق على أسماء المدعوين والمتحدثين لاستخراج التصاريح اللازمة .
  • الاتفاق على زى واحد ـ الأبيض و الأسود ـ ليكون الزى الذى يرتديه أعضاء الدورة عند تنظيم الندوات فى كلياتهم ، كنوع من التمييز بالنسبة لهم .
  • الاتفاق على مواعيد تسلمهم للملصقات الخاصة بالإيدز ليتم تعليقها قبل الندوة بوقت كاف .
  • تخصيص ميزانية للدعاية فى كل كلية .
  • حددت كل مجموعة من الطلبة الممثلين لكلية معينة إمكانيات كلياتهم ، و بناء عليها تم تحديد وسائل الإيضاح المستخدمة فى كل كلية ، مثلا كلية التجارة يمكن عرض شرائح ناطقة بها ، و فى كلية الإعلام يمكن عرض فيلم فيديو لتوفر الإمكانيات و هكذا .
  • التأكيد على عدم تجاهل إدارات الكليات و فى حالة مواجهة أية صعوبات يمكن الاتصال بالمركز لتقديم الدعم المطلوب.
  • توجيه خطاب شكر إلى كل كلية على الاختيار الصائب لمجموعة الطلبة الممثلين لها .
  • وجود جائزة لأفضل دعاية ، وأخرى لأفضل تنظيم ، وهى مسابقة بين الطلبة فى التنظيم و الدعاية تحفزهم على العمل بجدية تامة فى تنظيم الندوات.

اقتراحات إضافية

  • عمل مسابقة فى الندوة مع وجود جوائز فورية ( سواء كانت تى شرت أو مبالغ نقدية أو رحلة مدعّمة ) .
  • استضافة فنانين مشهورين مما يجذب اهتمام الطلبة لحضور الندوة.
  • توزيع دعوات على كل أسرة و تتولى هى توزيعها على الأعضاء .
  • أن تقوم الصحافة الجامعية و لوحات الحائط فى كل كلية بتغطية الموضوع والمساهمة فى الدعاية له .
  • أن تقوم برامج التليفزيون بتصوير الندوة وإذاعتها .
  • تنظيم مسيرة فى الجامعة.(وقد تم الاتفاق على عدم القيام بها فى الوقت الحالى)
  • عمل اجتماعات فى الإجازة الصيفية لتوعية الكل و ليس فقط شباب الجامعة .
  • إجراء مقابلات فى الأندية الرياضية و توزيع كارت الخط الساخن لمزيد من التوعية .

ملاحظات للمتدربين

1 ـ كان اختيار الخبراء و المحاضرين موفقاً إلى درجة كبيرة وهى دورات مهمة جداً للطلاب و لأساتذة الجامعة عموماً . (محمد عبد الرحمن ـ كلية الإعلام .)

2 ـ أتمنى توسيع نطاقها لتشمل المدارس الثانوية و غيرها من التجمعات كالنوادى و غيرها .(عماد عبد الحليم ـ كلية العلوم .)

3 ـ ضرورة الاستمرار فى عملية التوعية و الأنشطة الاتصالية فى الجامعة أثناء الإجازات الصيفية نظراً لوجود وقت فراغ للشباب .( ألمظ عبد الرحمن ـ كلية الآثار).

4 ـ هذه الدورات أشعرتنا بخطورة المرض و أساليب انتشاره و ضرورة مكافحته و مساعدة مرضى الإيدز و حسن معاملتهم .

5 ـ ضرورة إنشاء جمعية علمية باسم ” أصدقاء مرضى الإيدز ” بجامعة القاهرة تحت إشراف د . فرج الكامل.

تعليقات المتدربين على الدورات

( 1 ) اكتساب مهارات الاتصال الفعال :

  • تعرفت على مهارات الاتصال مع الآخرين .
  • تنمية مهاراتى فى الاتصال الشخصى .
  • اكتساب خبرة تنظيمية لأنشطة الاتصال المباشر .
  • اكتساب مهارات الإقناع حول موضوع الدورة .
  • معرفة طرق حماية المجتمع من الإيدز .
  • التعود على الحوار المفتوح حول الإيدز .
  • اكتساب مهارات القيادة و التوجيه .

 ( 2 ) اكتساب معلومات عن الإيدز :

  • اكتسبت معلومات جديدة لم أكن أعلمها عن الإيدز .
  • الاستفادة من الخبرات العلمية و العملية بدرجة كبيرة .
  • معرفة أساليب معاملة مريض الإيدز .
  • المرونة و عدم الجمود فى النظرة لمرضى الإيدز .
  • صححت الدورة معلوماتى الخاطئة عن المرض .

( 3 ) تكوين صداقات و روابط مع زملاء و خبراء فى الدورة :

  • تكوين علاقات جديدة مع الزملاء من الطلبة فى جامعة القاهرة .
  • سعدت بمعرفة أساتذة أفاضل .
  • اكتساب معارف تنفيذية و تنظيمية للأنشطة الاتصالية .
  • اكتساب معارف جدد و التنسيق معهم لتنفيذ أنشطة تخدم طلاب الجامعة .

تقييم كمى للدورات التدريبية


الحملة الإعلامية فى الراديو والتليفزيون

بالإضافة إلى الندوات العشرة التى تم تنظيمها فى الجامعة، فقد تم تنظيم بعض الأنشطة الإعلامية من خلال الراديو والتليفزيون، وذلك فى حدود الميزانية المحدودة جدا لهذا الغرض.

وفى إطار هذه الحملة قامت إذاعة الشباب والرياضة بتنظيم ندوة جماهيرية من خلال الإذاعة، وذلك من خلال برنامج حى على الهواء مباشرة، مع التنويه عن رقم التليفون الخاص بالبرنامج لكى يتصل من يشاء من المستمعين بضيوف البرنامج فى الأستوديو مباشرة. 

ولابد هنا من التنويه بشجاعة المسئولين عن هذه الإذاعة، ففى الوقت الذى يتردد فيه بعض الإعلاميين قبل الحديث عن موضوع الإيدز، فقد سمح المسئولون عن هذه الإذاعة بتناول الموضوع على الهواء مباشرة و بدون أى نوع من أنواع الرقابة.

وقد اشترك فى البرنامج كل من الدكتور فرج الكامل والدكتور نصر السيد، وقاما بالرد على أسئلة المستمعين على الهواء مباشرة.  ومن الجدير بالذكر أن إحدى المستمعات اتصلت بالبرنامج لتعلن على الهواء أنها مصابة بالإيدز الذى انتقل إليها من زوجها. ولم يكن لدى البرنامج الوطنى لمكافحة الإيدز أى علم بهاتين الحالتين من فبل.

وفد شاركت فى الحملة أيضا شبكة المحليات المكونة من إذاعة القاهرة الكبرى بالإضافة إلى عشر إذاعات محلية أخرى فى كافة أنحاء الجمهورية.  وقد أخذت هذه المشاركة شكل التنويهات القصيرة التى يقوم المذيعون بقراءتها بين فقرات البرامج.

وشاركت فى الحملة بشكل محدود كل من إذاعتى صوت العرب والشرق الأوسط، وأخذت هذه المواد شكل التحقيق الإذاعى واللقاءات مع المتخصصين.

كما شاركت القناة الثالثة بالتليفزيون بعدد من البرامج التى أذيعت فى شهرى إبريل ومايو 1997، وأخذت فى معظمها شكل اللقاءات مع عينات من الشباب بالإضافة إلى بعض المتخصصين فى الطب وعلم الاجتماع  والإعلام.


ندوات حماية الشباب من الإيدز

مارس 1997

عقد مركز التدريب والتوثيق والإنتاج الإعلامى عشرة ندوات فى الكليات الآتية بجامعة القاهرة:

  1. كلية الآداب.
  2. كلية الهندسة.
  3. كلية السياسة والاقتصاد.
  4. كلية التجارة.
  5. كلية العلوم.
  6. كلية الطب البيطرى.
  7. كلية الآثار.
  8. كلية دار العلوم.
  9. كلية الإعلام.
  10. ندوة الجوالة وتم عقدها بقاعة المؤتمرات بكلية الإعلام.

ندوة كلية الآداب

حضر الندوة :

  • د . ميرفت جنيدى خبيرة الوقاية من الإيدز .
  • د . طارق أستاذ الأمراض الجلدية بكلية الطب جامعة عين شمس .
  • د . فرج الكامل مدير مركز التدريب والتوثيق والإنتاج الإعلامى.
  • وكيل كلية الآداب .

قام بتنظيم الندوة الطالب : وائل محمد رضا .

الاستعدادات لعقد الندوة :

تمثلت هذه الاستعدادات فى وضع العديد من اللافتات الدعائية فى أماكن تجمع طلاب كلية الآداب . و تضمنت هذه اللافتات عنوان الندوة ، و موعد عقدها ، والمكان المخصص لذلك ، بالإضافة إلى الإشارة بأنها تعقد تحت رعاية وزير الصحة والسكان “د. إسماعيل سلام ” ورئيس الجامعة و بالتعاون مع منظمة اليونيسف، مع التنويه على أنها تحت رعاية عميد كلية الآداب و بالتعاون مع “مركز التوثيق و التدريب و الإنتاج الإعلامى” . و لتشجيع الطلاب على الحضور تم التنويه فى هذه اللافتات على أن الندوة تتضمن توزيع العديد من الجوائز القيمة .

تم عقد الندوة يوم الثلاثاء 26 ـ 2 ـ 1997 فى المدرج رقم ( 74 ) بالكلية و هو مدرج يتسع لحوالى 1000 من الطلاب و ذلك فى تمام الساعة الثانية عشرة والنصف ظهراً .

تم إعداد المدرج المخصص لعقد الندوة و تعليق العديد من الملصقات مع التأكد من سلامة معدات الصوت ” الميكرفون ” .

أثناء دخول الطلاب إلى المدرج ، قامت لجنة التنظيم بتوزيع نشرات مطبوعة عن الإيدز و الكارت الخاص برقم تليفون الخط الساخن ، بالإضافة إلى كارت دعوة مذيل فى آخره رقم مسلسل، و هو الرقم الذى تم السحب عليه فى نهاية الندوة .

مع بداية الندوة ، اصطفت كل من لجنة التنظيم ـ مرتدية اللون الأبيض والأسود ـ وأعضاء الجوالة لتنظيم دخول الطلاب وجلوسهم فى الأماكن المخصصة لهم . بدأت الندوة بكلمة لوكيل كلية الآداب رحب فيها بالضيوف و نوه عن أهمية عقد ندوة عن هذا الموضوع . ترك بعدها الميكرفون للدكتور فرج الكامل ، الذى شكر إدارة الكلية على استضافتهم الكريمة ، و أشار إلى النظام الذى ستسير عليه الندوة ألا و هو ترك مساحة كبيرة من الوقت تخصص للإجابة على أسئلة الطلاب بالإضافة إلى السحب الذى سيتم فى نهاية الندوة على الأرقام المكتوبة على كارت الدعوة .

بدأت بعد ذلك الدكتورة ” ميرفت جنيدى ” بحديث لم يستغرق أكثر من 10 دقائق تناولت فيه طبيعة الإيدز و آخر الإحصائيات عن أرقام المصابين فى مصر والعالم.

تلا ذلك حديث للدكتور ” طارق ” فرّق فيه بين المصاب بالإيدز و مريض الإيدز ، و المراحل التى يمر بها الفيروس داخل جسم الإنسان ، و بالمثل لم يستغرق حديثه أكثر من 10 دقائق .

أثناء حديث كل من د . ميرفت و د . طارق ، قامت لجنة التنظيم و الجوالة بتوزيع أوراق على الطلبة لكتابة أسئلتهم عليها ، و تم جمعها بعد ذلك ليتم الإجابة عليها من قبل المتحدثين .

تركزت أسئلة الطلاب حول المحاور التالية :

  • كيفية التعامل مع مريض الإيدز .
  • هل هناك إجراء قانونى يتخذ ضد مريض الإيدز .
  • مدى إمكانية عزل مرضى الإيدز .
  • كيف يحمى الشاب نفسه من الإصابة فى حالة الممارسة الجنسية مع شخص يحتمل أن يكون مريضاً .
  • كيف يحمى الشاب نفسه من الإصابة فى حالة اخذ حقن الماكس .
  • ما هى الطرق التى يمكن أن يكتشف بها الإنسان إصابته بالإيدز .
  • أماكن التحليل و الفحص لمن أراد أن يجرى اختبار كشف الإيدز .
  • هل الخط الساخن آمن أم هناك إمكانية للتجسس على هذا الخط .
  • هل الناموس و أدوات الحلاقة و أطباء الأسنان يساهمون فى نقل عدوى الإيدز .

و تولى كل من د . ميرفت و د . طارق الإجابة على هذه الأسئلة و تصحيح المفاهيم الخاطئة والشائعات ، مثل عزل المرضى و مدى أمان الخط الساخن و أيضاً ما يتعلق بعيادات أطباء الأسنان والحلاقين و غيرها من أنماط الحياة اليومية ، بالإضافة إلى الحشرات و إمكانية نقلها للإيدز .

فى نهاية الندوة تم السحب على عشرة من الأرقام الموجودة على كروت الدعوة ، مع توجيه سؤال لكل شخص يتم سحب رقم دعوته ، و فى حالة الإجابة الصحيحة على السؤال يفوز بجائزة نقدية قيمتها عشرة جنيهات .

. و أخيراً تم توزيع جوائز على الفائزين فى المسابقة الأدبية وسلّم الجوائز كل من د. فرج الكامل و وكيل الكلية

تقييم الندوة :

نجح منظمو الندوة فى أداء عملهم من حيث توزيع النشرات المطبوعة والكروت وتنظيم أماكن جلوس الطلبة.

أيضاً كان هناك نظام جيد فى عملية توزيع الأوراق لكتابة الأسئلة عليها وإعادة هذه الأسئلة إلى المتحدثين.

كانت فكرة تخصيص معظم الوقت تقريباً للإجابة على أسئلة الطلبة أوقع من مجرد قيام المتحدثين بإلقاء محاضرة حول الموضوع .

أيضا فإن فكرة السحب على جوائز قيمة الواحدة منها عشرة جنيهات حفّزت الطلبة على الانتظار إلى نهاية الندوة علّهم يكونوا من الفائزين .

نجحت الندوة فى كسر حدة الخجل وتحرج السؤال عن موضوعات معينة مثل “العلاقات الجنسية والعازل و القبلة الفرنسية ” وغيرها ، و لعل هذا راجع إلى صراحة و تلقائية الرد من المتحدثين بدون خجل ، و أيضا نظام توزيع الورق وبالتالى تبقى شخصية السائل مجهولة بالنسبة للجميع . و للدلالة على هذا فقد وصل سؤال إلى المتحدثين من فتاه كانت موجودة فى المحاضرة و تشك فى أنها مصابة بالإيدز و فى نفس الوقت هى مخطوبة ، و تسأل هل يجب عليها إخبار خطيبها أم لا.

استعان د . طارق بآيات من القرآن الكريم للتدليل على بعض ما يقول و هو ما كان له تأثير كبير.

نجحت الندوة فى نقل معلومات عديدة عن الإيدز للطلبة ، بدليل  أنهم أجابوا إجابات صحيحة على الأسئلة التى تم توجيهها إليهم فى نهاية الندوة.

أوجه القصور فى هذه الندوة :

  • تأخرت الندوة عن الموعد المقرر لعقدها حوالى نصف ساعة مما جعل بعض الطلبة الذين حضروا مبكراً يهمون بالانصراف بسبب الملل فى انتظار بدء الندوة .
  • فى الكلمة التى ألقاها وكيل الكلية ذكر معلومة خاطئة ، فهو لا يشك فى إصابة أى طالب من الطلبة الموجودين فى المدرج بالإيدز ، و هذا عكس ما تسعى إليه الندوة من إشعار الشباب أن الإيدز أقرب إليهم مما يظنون . و قد صححت له هذه المعلومة د . ميرفت أمام الطلبة .
  • فى نهاية الندوة ـ فى الربع ساعة الأخيرة ـ بدأ بعض الطلبة فى الانصراف لحضور محاضراتهم التالية التى كان قد حان موعدها مما أحدث نوعاً من عدم النظام.

ندوة كلية الآثار

حضر الندوة كل من د. نصر السيد، د. ميرفت جنيدى، د. فرج الكامل، د. عادل فهمى ،عميد كلية الآثار ، مسئول رعاية الشباب بالكلية.

تنظيم الندوة:-

*  افتقرت الندوة إلى التنظيم الجيد. عدد الطلبة كان محدودا. تم إقامة الندوة فى مدرج صغير لا يتسع إلا لخمسين طالب على الأكثر. الدعاية لم تكن بالقدر الكافى تمثلت فى لافتة واحدة من القماش عند مدخل الكلية.

*  منظمو الندوة لم يقوموا بأداء عملهم من حيث توزيع ورق السحب على المسابقات أو كروت الخط الساخن وغيرها.

*  لعدم الانضباط داخل المدرج لم تستكمل المسابقة حتى نهايتها.

*  تأخر عقد الندوة ساعة كاملة عن موعدها بسبب عميد الكلية حيث لم يكن على علم بموعد  عقد الندوة.

*  أخيرا، تم تصوير الندوة بكاميرا القناة الثالثة كنوع من الدعاية عن الندوات.

ندوة كلية الطب البيطرى

حضر الندوة كل من د. نصر السيد ود. ميرفت جنيدى ود. فرج الكامل ود. عادل فهمى وعميد الكلية ومسئول رعاية الشباب.

  • تميزت الندوة بحضور عدد كبير من أعضاء هيئة التدريس الذين شاركوا بفاعلية فى المناقشة.
  • تميزت الندوة بالتنظيم الجيد والدعاية الممتازة حيث قام منظمو الندوة بتعليق لوحات تحمل أسئلة حول الإيدز على طول الطريق من بوابة الكلية إلى قاعة المؤتمرات التى عقدت فيها الندوة. بالإضافة إلى عدد من اللافتات القماش.
  • قام المنظمون بتوزيع أقلام ومناديل ورقية وأكواب مطبوع عليها أسم المركز والكلية وعنوان الندوة.
  • شملت الندوة توزيع مشروبات مثلجة وشيكولاته على الحاضرين.
  • تميزت بمشاركة فعالة فى المناقشة من قبل الطلبة وأعضاء هيئة التدريس نتيجة لطبيعة الدراسة العلمية فى الكلية.
  • قام عميد الكلية بتقديم هدايا تذكارية لكل من د. نصر السيد ود. ميرفت جنيدى ود. فرج الكامل.

ندوة كلية العلوم

حضر الندوة :

د. فرج الكامل

.د. ميرفت جنيدى

د. محمد محسن

د. عادل فهمى

د. حامد عبد الرحيم                 رائد اللجنة الثقافية بالكلية .

 وقائع الندوة :-

قام الطلاب بعمل دعاية للندوة على مدخل المبنى الذى يوجد به المدرج مقر الندوة ، وقد كان المدرج الذى عقدت به الندوة ممتلئاً بالحاضرين من الطلبة ، كما حضر عدد كبير من أعضاء هيئة التدريس .

و قام منظمو الندوة بتوزيع الأرقام التى سيجرى عليها السحب بين الحاضرين ، كما قاموا بتوزيع المشروبات على جميع الحاضرين ، كما اهتموا بتصوير الندوة باستخدام كاميرا  فيديو . بالإضافة إلى تسجيلها باستخدام الكاسيت .

و قد قام كل من د. ميرفت جنيدى و د. محمد محسن بتوضيح بعض المفاهيم حول مرض الإيدز وتصحيح بعض الأخطاء الشائعة فيما يتعلق بهذا المرض .

ثم قام الطلبة بتقديم فاصل موسيقى كنوع من الترفيه الذى تخلل الندوة .

وأعقب تقديم الفاصل عقد مسابقة بين الطلاب تم خلالها السحب على الأرقام التى سبق توزيعها عليهم ، حيث تم اختيار الطلاب عشوائياً وتم توجيه سؤال للمتسابق وعلى أساس الإجابة يحصل على الجائزة .

و فى النهاية أعلن منظمو الندوة عن تنظيم رحلة مجانية للصوت الضوء لمن يرغب من الحاضرين .

تقييم الندوة :

قام منظمو الندوة بعمل دعاية جيدة و قد تمثل ذلك فيما يلى :

  1.  وضع لافتات و رسومات و ملصقات عن الإيدز ، كما علقوا لوحات للدعاية عن مكان عرض الندوة و قد تم تعليق هذه اللوحات أمام و داخل “مبنى حيوان” الذى عقدت فيه الندوة .
  2.  حرص منظمو الندوة على ارتداء كارنيهات بأسمائهم وعليها اسم الندوة، بالإضافة إلى البادج الخاص بالمركز .
  3.  حرص منظمو الندوة على جذب الحاضرين للندوة عن طريق الإعلان عن رحلة الصوت و الضوء .

ملاحظات عامة:

  • تميزت الندوة بمشاركة طلابية كبيرة ومن جانب أعضاء هيئة التدريس .. فقد امتلأ المدرج عن أخره.
  • الدعاية جيدة وإن اقتصرت على المبنى الذى عقد الندوة فيه.
  • حرص المنظمون على ارتداء كارنيهات تحمل أسمائهم وعنوان الندوة وبادج المركز.
  • نظمت الكلية رحلة للحاضرين لرؤية الصوت والضوء مجانا كنوع من الدعاية.
  • كان هناك فاصل موسيقى عزفته فرقة من الكلية.
  • تم توزيع مشروبات مثلجة على الحاضرين.
  • تم تصوير الندوة بالفيديو عن طريق طلبة الكلية.

ندوة كلية التجارة

حضر الندوة كل من د. نصر السيد، د. ميرفت جنيدى، د. فرج الكامل، د. عادل فهمى، الفنان هشام عبد الحميد ورائد الاتحاد.

*  حضر الندوة حوالى 3000 طالب.

*  حضور الفنان هشام عبد الحميد جذب مجرى الحوار أحيانا إلى اتجاه الفن والتمثيل والأسئلة التى لا علاقة لها بالإيدز ولكن وجوده من ناحية أخرى رغب الطلبة فى حضور الندوة والاستمرار فيها.

* أنهى رائد الاتحاد  الندوة قبل استكمال أسئلة المسابقة مما أحرج الضيوف.

*  استغل طالبان فرصة عقد الندوة وأفصحا عن إصابتهما بالإيدز ولكن بدون ذكر الأسماء.

ندوة كلية السياسة والاقتصاد

حضر الندوة:  د. نصر السيد، د. فرج الكامل، د. إبراهيم الكردانى.

*  قامت إدارة الكلية بتأجيل موعد عقد الندوة دون أن تخطر المركز وترتب على ذلك أنه عند توجه الضيوف للكلية لم يجدوا الطلبة المنظمين أو أى نوع من الدعاية.

*  تم تعليق لوحة الدعاية قبل موعد الندوة بنصف ساعة فقط، وقام العاملون بمركز التوثيق بدعوة طلاب الكلية لحضور الندوة.

*  كانت استجابة الطلبة للحضور محدودة نسبيا حيث لم يقم أى من المنظمين من طلاب الكلية بأى جهد خلال الندوة.

*  استمرت الندوة لمدة ساعة واحدة فقط نظرا للعدد المحدود من الطلاب.

ندوة كلية الهندسة

المحاضرون فى الندوة :

         د.نصر محمد السيد

         د.ميرفت جنيدى

         د. محمود غريب الشربينى-عميد كلية الهندسة

د. فرج الكامل

وقائع الندوة:

بدأت الندوة بتلاوة بعض آيات القرآن الكريم من أحد طلاب الكلية وأعقب ذلك افتتاح الندوة بكلمة لعميد كلية الهندسة ،أبرز فيها خطورة الإيدز و رحب بالضيوف، مقدما الشكر لليونسيف ومركز التوثيق و كل المساهمين فى مشروع حماية الشباب من الإيدز.ثم قدم د.فرج الكامل المحاضرين .

بدأ د.نصر السيد بإعطاء تعريف متكامل للإيدز ومؤشرات خطورته ودواعى الحذر منه.

كما قامت د.ميرفت جنيدى بتصحيح بعض المفاهيم الخاطئة مثل :

  • الإيدز ينتقل عن طريق الأجانب.
  • انتقال الإيدز عن طريق الحشرات و أدوات الحلاقة و عيادات الأسنان .

ثم فتح باب المناقشة و تعددت المحاور التى دارت حولها الأسئلة و هى:

  • مسببات الإصابة و طرق انتقال الإيدز .
  • العلاقات الجنسية الشاذة وعلاقتها بالإيدز.
  • الاحتياطات اللازمة عند نقل الدم .
  • عدم جدوى عزل مرضى الإيدز .
  • الآثار الاجتماعية المترتبة على التحاليل الطبية .
  • سرية الخط الساخن .
  • علاقة المخدرات بالإيدز .
  • آخر ما توصل إليه العلم فى علاج الإيدز.
  • عدوانية مريض الإيدز .

بعض أوجه القصور فى الندوة :

لم يقم منظمو الندوة بعمل الدعاية الكافية  و تمثل ذلك فى عدم وجود لوحات قماش للدعاية رغم توفير الميزانية اللازمة لها .لم تكن الدعاية موزعة على كافة مبانى الكلية و اقتصرت فقط على المبنى رقم (3000 ) الذى عقدت به الندوة.

[CB1] تراوح عدد الحاضرين بين 120-150 . ولكن منظمى الندوة أكدوا أن هذا العدد يعد كبيرا مقارنة بالعدد الذى يحضر أى ندوة فى كلية الهندسة – حتى لو كانت متخصصة – وذلك يرجع لطبيعة الدراسة بالكلية .

لم يكن فى حسبان  منظمى الندوة إجراء السحب على الجوائز المادية المقدمة من المركز ، فقام طلاب كلية الإعلام بترقيم بعض المطبوعات – التى تحتوى على معلومات عن الإيدز – وتوزيعها على الحاضرين لإجراء السحب عليها .

ندوة كلية الإعلام

حضر الندوة:   د. نصر السيد، د. إبراهيم الكردانى، د. فرج الكامل، د. فاروق أبو زيد عميد الكلية، د. على عجوة وكيل الكلية، د. عدلى رضا رائد الاتحاد.

*  عقدت الندوة فى مدرج (1) أكبر مدرجات الكلية وقد امتلأ عن أخره .

*  كانت المشاركة فعالة من جانب الطلبة سواء فى الأسئلة أو المسابقات.

*  ساهم حضور د. إبراهيم الكردانى فى اجتذاب أكبر عدد من الطلاب.

*  قدم أحد الطلبة فاصلا فكاهيا لتقليد الفنانين خلال الندوة.

*  كانت الدعاية جيدة، والطلبة الحاضرون كانوا ملتزمين وساد الندوة جو من الألفة.

ندوة الجوالة – قاعة المؤتمرات بكلية الإعلام

حضر الندوة:    د. نصر السيد، د. فرج الكامل، د. عادل فهمى.

*  حضر الندوة طلبة الجوالة بالكليات التى عقدت بها الندوات وعدد من مسئولى رعاية الشباب بهذه الكليات.

*  كانت استجابة الطلبة جيدة.

* حضر الندوة جميع الطلبة الذين نظموا الندوات التسعة السابقة.

*  تم من خلال الندوة توزيع الجوائز على الكليات الفائزة حيث كانت الجوائز كالتالى:

         ــ جائزة أحسن دعاية                   كلية الطب البيطرى.

         ــ جائزة أحسن تنظيم                   كلية الإعلام.

         ــ جائزة أحسن مشاركة                كلية الآداب.

وقد كانت هذه هى الندوة الأخيرة فى إطار المشروع.


Hepatitis C Knowledge, Attitudes, and Practices in Egypt

By: Farag Elkamel, PhD

Background and Objectives:

Viral Hepatitis is one of the world’s most ‎pressing health problems. It “affects hundreds of millions of people worldwide, causing acute and chronic liver disease and killing close to 1.5 million people every year, mostly from hepatitis B and C. These infections can be prevented, but most people don’t know how.” Egypt had one of the highest ‎global burdens of hepatitis C ‎virus infections. Now, it is estimated that 4.4 % of the ‎ population are chronically infected.[1]

In order for the communication program to be developed on the basis of solid data, the Ministry of Health and Population and the World Health Organization designed and commissioned three KAP surveys in Egypt during 2015 on: (1) the general public, (2) hepatitis C patients, and (3) healthcare providers.

The author designed the three surveys and supervised their implementation in his capacity as senior communication adviser to the World Health Organization (WHO). He also analyzed the data from the three surveys in order to write this paper.

Methodology and Sample:

The general public survey was a telephone poll conducted through cell phone numbers from May 20th to 22nd 2015 on a randomly drawn sample of the general public consisting of 1,027 respondents, 18 years of age and above. The sample was randomly drawn from all governorates, and weighted to represent gender and population distribution across all provinces in Egypt.

The Hepatitis C patients’ survey was also a telephone poll conducted from April 6th to 9th, ‎‎2015 among 1,000 patients who registered for treatment at 25 liver centers distributed as follows: ‎7 centers in urban governorates, 11 in Lower Egypt, 6 ‎in Upper Egypt, and one center in a frontier ‎governorate‎. The latest data available on regional distribution of ever-‎married women 15-49 years of age in the preliminary 2014 EDHS report was ‎utilized in determining the required frame of eligible individuals within each of the main ‎regions mentioned above.

The healthcare providers survey was conducted using face-to-face individual interviews during June 12-18, 2015 ‎on a sample of 556 persons, including 497 trained ‎medical service providers (physicians, pharmacists, nurses, and lab technicians) and 59 non-medical service providers (barbers and coiffures). The sample was randomly ‎drawn from a frame of healthcare service providers in 5 governorates, each representing a main region of the country, where Cairo represents urban governorates; Daqahleya ‎and Gharbya represent Lower Egypt; and Menya and Suhag represent Upper Egypt.

Main Findings

Prevalence and Awareness of Hepatitis C:

The general public survey results indicate that 3.6% of respondents know that they have hepatitis C. It is important to stress the fact that this figure doesn’t reflect the prevalence of hepatitis C in Egypt, but only those who know that they are infected from the sample of adults who are 18 years and above.  Almost all of them reported that they found out this fact accidentally, either while doing blood tests as a requirement for surgery or travel, or while attempting to donate blood.

Since the prevalence of hepatitis C among adults in Egypt is much higher than this figure, it is obvious that there are wasted opportunities to reduce the suffering of patients and to get proper treatment, since early diagnosis provides the best opportunity for effective medical support, and it also allows those infected to take ‎steps to prevent transmission of the disease to others, and allows lifestyle precautions to be undertaken to protect ‎the liver from additional harm.

Knowledge of hepatitis c and its treatment:

Despite the officially reported prevalence rate of hepatitis C in Egypt, 13.1% of the general public never heard of it. However there are striking significant differences based on the respondent’s level of education, where 31.6% of illiterates never heard of Hepatitis C, compared to less than 1% of respondents with university education. Of the general public sample respondents who knew of HCV, 38.5% said that they never heard of the new treatment. This figure increases to 70% of illiterate respondents.

On the other hand, all healthcare service providers in the sample, with exception of two non-medical persons were found to be aware of hepatitis C. However, there is a clear lack of knowledge regarding the new treatment, as illustrated in figure 1 below.

FIGURE 1: PERCENT AWARENESS OF HEPATITIS C AND ITS NEW TREATMENT

Prevention awareness:

In response to a question regarding different measure that people may take to protect themselves from contracting the hepatitis C virus from an infected person, quite modest percentages of the general public and of the HCV patients samples mentioned some of those ways (without being prompted). It is particularly alarming that only 40 percent of male HCV patients stated that shaving tools of an infected person can transmit the virus, and only 57 percent mentioned grooming tools of an infected person as potential sources of infection, as shown in figure (2) below.

Figure 2: Awareness of Prevention Measures Among The General Public and Patients

Healthcare providers were also asked what they actually do to protect themselves and their clients from HCV infection.  The results are shown in figure (3) below. Some essential measures, such as wearing gloves during work, were mentioned by less than two thirds of physicians and by less than 9% of barbers and coiffeurs.

Figure 3: Percent Using Protection Measures Among Healthcare Providers

Knowledge of Blood Safety and Safe Injection:

Respondents were asked a series of closed questions to investigate their knowledge of different aspects of blood safety and safe injection. They were asked whether or not an HCV infected person can donate their blood or not, and they were also asked on their knowledge of correct use of syringes. Figure (4) below illustrates blood safety knowledge among the three samples.

Figure 4: Percent Knowledge of Blood safety and safe Injection

Figure (4) above clearly demonstrates that the majority of respondents know the right thing to do with respect to blood donation and the use of syringes. Nevertheless, 19.4% of the general public are either unaware of HCV or stated that they didn’t know whether an infected person should donate their blood or not.

Misinformation about Casual Contact:

The study also investigated the presence of misinformation about how the hepatitis C virus may be transmitted. Respondents were asked to agree or disagree with a number of statements that represent misinformation regarding possibilities of transmission through casual daily contact with a person who is infected with HCV. Only those who said that they knew of HCV were asked the question. Figure (5) below shows the percentages of respondents who agreed with false statements regarding HCV transmission through casual contact, or said that they didn’t know, since both types of responses  represent knowledge problems that need to be addressed.

Figure 5: Percentage of Misinformation about Casual Contact as Causing HCV Infection

It is clear from Figure (5) above that there is a great mix up in this regard, where the general public seems to have quite a great deal of misconceptions about HCV transmission, followed by HCV patients and last by healthcare providers. Unless such misconceptions are addressed, there is a real risk in drawing attention away from the real causes and important behaviors that matter in prevention

Knowledge of HCV Transmission Modes:

It is rather impossible for individuals to “know” that HCV is preventable unless they know how it is transmitted. Respondents were therefore asked the following open-ended question: “How is hepatitis C transmitted?” Figure (6) shows percentages of respondents who mentioned various ways of transmission. Results of the general public survey reveal that knowledge of different aspects of infection and prevention is severely lacking. The situation however is better among persons who are infected, and is a lot better among healthcare providers. It should be noted, however, that most respondents mentioned blood, meaning blood transfusion, while the knowledge that HCV can be transmitted through items that are infected with blood, including needles, is severely lacking among all segments, including healthcare providers .

Figure 6: Percent Knowledge of Hepatitis C Transmission Modes (‎Multiple responses were ‎permitted.)

Attitudes towards HCV Patients:

There is evidence in the results that HCV patients may be somewhat stigmatized. As shown in table (9) below, 10.2% of the general public respondents who are aware of HCV either blame the HCV patients (4.4%) or give other responses to the same effect (5.8%). Part of this negative attitude or confusion can be attributed to the spread of misinformation regarding casual daily contact, as shown earlier, which leads the general public to mistakenly believe that such contact transmits the hepatitis C virus. This may ultimately result in fear of and discrimination against hepatitis C patients.  

On the other hand, it is significant that 2.5% of healthcare providers blame HCV patients and the figure more than doubles to 5.3% on non-medical healthcare providers, namely barbers and coiffures.

Figure 7: Percent of Attitudes Towards HCV Patients

Preference of Injection vs. Oral Medicine:

It has been reported elsewhere that Egypt has high rates of injecting medicines in the world, and that “more recent studies[2] in China and Egypt found unnecessary health facility injection rates of 57% and 95%, respectively. Preference for injection as expressed by the general public, HCV patients, and healthcare providers was also investigated. The results reveal that the general public prefers injection over oral medicine, while the opposite is true among HCV patients and healthcare providers. Preference for injection was expressed by 41.6% of the general public sample, compared to 22% of HCV patients and 26.3% of healthcare providers, while oral medicine was preferred by 36.5% of the general public, 36.3% of HCV patients, and 50.2% of healthcare providers.

Figure 8: Attitude Towards Injection Vs. Oral Medicine

Upon looking more closely at the healthcare providers’ sample, however, we find significant differences among various providers. For example, while 21.2% of physicians prefer injections, the percentage increases to 28.5% of nurses and lab technicians, and rises sharply to 40.7% among barbers and beauticians. This is a significant finding because many of the barbers, particularly in rural areas, also serve as injectors, and often give relevant advice to the public.

Reduction of injection in favor of oral medicine continues to be a target for Egypt, despite what seems to be a comforting piece of evidence that an overwhelming 97.4% of the general public sample said that a syringe should only be used once, as mentioned earlier.

Hepatitis C Prevention Practices

Sharing Possibly Infected Items:

In an attempt to identify the magnitude of risky practices among the general public and HCV patients, as well as practices by barbers and beauticians at coiffures, respondents were asked to state whether or not they shared specific items with other members of their families, while barbers and coiffures were asked to state whether they used the same items for more than one client. The following figure presents percentages of respondents who said that they shared the specific items mentioned. While the percentages of HCV patients who engage in risky behaviors are lower than those of other segments of the population, one exception is alarming where the percentage of HCV infected persons who reported sharing their shaving devices is even higher than the corresponding percentage of the general public’s sample.  This of course poses a serious risk to those whom they share such devices with. In addition, figures reported by the general public and by barbers and coiffures are quite alarming and deserve immediate interventions.

Figure 9: Sharing Personal Grooming Tools

Disinfection practices:

Given the high percentages of sharing personal items, it is important to know if such items are properly disinfected after each use. Respondents were asked about their usual conduct with blood spills on clothes or other surfaces. ‎47.3% of the general public mentioned antiseptic/Dettol and 13.6% mentioned chlorine, while 38.0% and 10.6% of the HCV patients’ sample mentioned the same choices. As would be expected, healthcare providers have better disinfection practices as 48.5% mentioned using antiseptic/Dettol and 47.8% mentioned chlorine. The conclusion is that all segments need to do better with disinfection practices.

The percentages of respondents who said that they use only water or a dry piece of cloth to clean blood is quite alarming, as the combined percentages reach 41% of the general public, 35% of HCV patients, and 17.5% of healthcare providers.

 Figure 10: Substances Used to Disinfect Blood Spells

Conclusion and Recommendations

It is apparent from the findings that there are several areas of deficient knowledge and insufficient preventive practices, not only among the general public, but also among hepatitis C patients and even many healthcare providers. Furthermore, there is a great deal of rumors and misinformation regarding the ways hepatitis C spreads, that may result in stigmatizing patients and developing unjustified negative attitudes towards them. Finally, the fact that a significant number of patients are not aware that they are infected poses a special challenge, since they not only waste precious time to start treatment and make lifestyle changes that could save their lives, but also continue to pose a real threat of unknowingly spreading the virus to those around them.

A nationwide mass education campaign is badly needed. The campaign will benefit the general public, patients and even most healthcare providers if it is disseminated through mass media that have the highest level of penetration. Data on media habits and preferences gathered in the surveys indicate that mobile phones reach almost everyone, television is watched daily by 78% of the general public, radio is followed regularly by 33% of the public, and the same figure holds true for access to the internet.

Priority messages for this mass education campaign should disseminate appropriate prevention practices, dispel rumors, misinformation and prejudice against patients, encourage high risk groups to get tested for possible infection, and motivate patients to seek the new and effective treatment.


[1] Http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/liv.13186/abstract

[2] C. Gore1, J. V. Lazarus, R. J. J. Peck, I. Sperle and K. Safreed-Harmon, Unnecessary Injecting Of Medicines Is Still a ‎Major Public Health Challenge Globally. Tropical Medicine and International Health, volume 18 no 9 pp 1157–1159 ‎September 2013.

المعرفة والاتجاهات والسلوك نحو التهاب الكبد سى فى مصر

د. فرج الكامل

مقدمة

يعد التهاب الكبد واحدا من أهم المشكلات الصحية بالعالم، ذلك أنه “يصيب مئات الملايين من البشر مما يسبب أمراض الكبد المزمنة والحادة والتى تؤدى إلى وفاة ما يقرب من مليون ونصف شخص فى كل عام، معظمهم بسبب التهاب الكبد “بى” و “سى”. هذه الوفيات قابلة للمنع ولكن معظم الناس لا يعرفون كيف يفعلون ذلك”. وقد كانت مصر من أكثر دول العالم تأثرا بالتهاب الكبد ” و تصل نسبة المصابين بالتهاب الكبد “سى” المزمن إلى 4.4% من السكان بها.[1] ومن أجل تصميم الحملة الإعلامية على أسس سليمة من البيانات، قامت وزارة الصحة و السكان و منظمة الصحة العالمية فى عام 2015 بتصميم ورعاية ثلاث دراسات لقياس الرأى العام من خلال عينات تمثل (1) الجمهور العام (2)المصابين بالتهاب الكبد “سى” (3) مقدمى الخدمات الصحية.

وقام المؤلف بصفته المستشار الإعلامى لمنظمة الصحة العالمية بتصميم هذه الدراسات الثلاثة والإشراف على تنفيذها كما قام أيضا بتحليل بياناتها وكتابة هذه الورقة البحثية.

العينة ومنهج البحث

تكون بحث الجمهور العام من مسح بالعينة لعدد 1027 مبحوث من خلال مقابلات تم إجراؤها فى الفترة من 20 إلى 22 مايو 2015 مع عينة عشوائية من السكان البالغين من العمر 18 عاما على الأقل. وتم سحب العينة من أرقام التليفونات من جميع محافظات الجمهورية، كما تم وزنها لتمثيل الاناث والذكور وكذلك توزيع السكان فى مختلف مناطق الجمهورية.

وكذلك تكونت عينة المصابين بالتهاب الكبد “سى” من ألف مبحوث تم إجراء مقابلات تليفونية معهم فى الفترة من 6 إلى 9 أبريل 2015، وتم سحب العينة من أرقام تليفونات المصابين التى اختاروها عند تقدمهم بتسجيل أسمائهم للعلاج فى 25 مركزا للكبد موزعة كالتالى: 7 مراكز فى محافظات حضرية، 11 مركزا فى الوجه البحرى، 6 مراكز فى الوجه القبلى، ومركزا واحدا فى إحدى المحافظات الحدودية. وقد تمت الاستعانة بتوزيع السيدات المتزوجات من 15-49 عاما فى المسح الصحى الديموغرافي لمصر عام 2014 كاطار لتوزيع العينة على المناطق المذكورة.

أما بالنسبة للبحث الذى أجرى على مقدمى الخدمة الصحية، فقد تم إجراء مقابلات مباشرة فى الفترة من 12 إلى 18 يونيو 2015 مع عينة مكونة من 556 شخصا تشمل 497 من مقدمى الخدمة الصحية الطبية (أطباء وصيادلة وممرضات وفنيي معامل طبية) بالإضافة إلى 59 من غير المدربين طبيا (العاملون فى صالونات الحلاقة ومحلات التجميل). وقد تم سحب العينة من إطار يشمل مقدمى الخدمة الصحية فى خمس محافظات تمثل كل منها أحد أقاليم الجمهورية، حيث تمثل القاهرة المحافظات الحضرية، وتمثل كل من الدقهلية والغربية محافظات الوجه البحرى، بينما تمثل المنيا وسوهاج محافظات الوجه القبلى.

النتائج الرئيسية

انتشار التهاب الكبد “سى” والعلم بالإصابة به

تشير نتائج بحث الجمهور العام إلى أن 3.6% من المبحوثين يعرفون أنهم مصابون بالتهاب الكبد “سى”. وذكر هؤلاء المصابون أيضا أنهم قد اكتشفوا اصابتهم بمحض الصدفة، سواء فى أثناء قيامهم بتحليل للدم قبل إجراء عملية جراحية أو السفر أو أثناء محاولتهم للتبرع بالدم. وهذا الرقم يشير إلى من يعلمون بإصابتهم من بين البالغين الذين أجرى عليهم البحث وليس مؤشرا لمعدل الإصابة بالفيروس فى مصر بشكل عام.

ويشير ذلك إلى أن هناك نسبة لا يستهان بها من المصابين الذين لا يعلمون بإصابتهم، وهو ما يعنى أن هناك فرصا ضائعة لتقليل مدى المعاناة من الإصابة بفيروس “سى” والإسراع بالعلاج منه، حيث أن التشخيص المبكر يعد أفضل فرصة للحصول على المساعدة الطبية. فهو يعنى قيام المصابين باتخاذ الاحتياطات اللازمة لمنع انتشار العدوى منهم إلى الآخرين، ويعنى أيضا إمكانية قيامهم بتغيير أسلوب حياتهم وأخذ الاحتياطات اللازم لحماية أكبادهم من المزيد من الأذى.

المعرفة بالتهاب الكبد “سى” وبالعلاج الجديد منه

برغم نسبة الاصابة بالتهاب الكبد “سى” والمعلن عنها رسميا فى مصر، فإن 13.1% من عينة الجمهور العام لم يسمعوا عنه من قبل، وتزيد هذه النسبة إلى 31.6% من الأميين، مقارنة بنسبة 1% فقط من ذوى التعليم الجامعى. وبالنسبة للعلاج الجديد، فإن 38.5% ممن لديهم معرفة بالتهاب الكبد “سى” لا يعرفون شيئا عن العلاج الجديد، وتزيد هذه النسبة إلى 70% من الأميين.

ومن ناحية أخرى، فمستوى معرفة مقدمى الخدمة الصحية تعتبر ممتازة، فجميع أفراد العينة باستثناء شخصين فقط قالوا أنهم سمعوا عن التهاب الكبد “سى”. وعلى الرغم من ذلك، فإن المعرفة بالعلاج الجديد ليست على نفس المستوى، كما هو واضح فى الشكل رقم (1).

الوعى بأساليب الوقاية

عندما وجهنا للمبحوثين سؤالا مفتوحا عن الإجراءات المختلفة التى يتعين اتخاذها للوقاية من انتقال العدوى من شخص مصاب بالتهاب الكبد “سى”، جاءت الاجابات أقل من المتوقع سواء من جانب عينة الجمهور العام أو عينة المصابين. فمن المثير للانتباه أن 40% فقط من الذكور ذكروا أن أدوات الحلاقة يمكن أن تنقل الفيروس، كما ذكر 57% فقط الأدوات الشخصية مثل المقص والمبرد والقصافة، كما هو موضح فى الشكل رقم (2).

وقد تم سؤال مقدمى الخدمة أيضا عن إجراءات الوقاية التى يتخذونها لحماية أنفسهم وعملائهم. وكما تشير النتائج المعروضة فى شكل رقم (3)، فإن أقل من ثلثى العينة ذكروا أنهم يرتدون القفاز الطبى أثناء العمل، وتنخفض النسبة إلى 9% فقط من العاملين فى صالونات الحلاقة والتجميل.

مستوى المعرفة بسلامة الدم والحقن الآمن

تم توجيه مجموعة من الأسئلة لعينات البحوث الثلاثة بهدف تقييم مدى معرفة المبحوثين بمفهوم سلامة الدم ومفهوم الحقن الآمن. ويوضح شكل (4) النسب المئوية للإجابات الصحيحة.

وتجدر الاشارة إلى أنه فى الوقت الذى يشير فيه الشكل رقم (4) إلى وجود معرفة جيدة بخصوص التبرع بالدم واستخدام السرينجات، فإننا لا يجب أن ننسى أن 13.1% من الجمهور العام ذكروا أنهم لم يسمعوا من قبل عن فيروس “سى”

المعلومات المغلوطة حول الاختلاط العادى مع المصابين

سعت البحوث الثلاثة أيضا إلى التعرف على مدى وجود معلومات خاطئة ومغلوطة لدى المبحوثين بشأن الاختلاط اليومى العادى مع المصابين بفيروس “سى”، وتم سؤالهم ليردوا بالإيجاب أو النفى على مجموعة من العبارات بشأن تسبب أشكال متعددة من الاختلاط فى نقل العدوى من عدمه. وقد تم توجيه هذه الأسئلة فقط لمن كانوا قد ذكروا أنهم سمعوا من قبل عن فيروس “سى”. وتمثل النسب المئوية المعروضة فى الشكل رقم (5) الإجابات الخاطئة التى أدلى بها المبحوثون سواء بموافقتهم على العبارات الخاطئة أو بالرد بأنهم لا يعرفون الاجابة الصحيحة.

ومن الواضح فى الشكل رقم (5) أن هناك معلومات خاطئة عديدة منتشرة ليس فقط بين أفراد الجمهور العام والمصابين، بل حتى بين مقدمى الخدمة الصحية وإن كان بدرجة أقل نسبيا. وتتمثل خطورة هذا الموقف فى أنه طالما استمرت هذه المعلومات الخاطئة فى التداول، فإن الاهتمام بالأسباب الحقيقة لنقل العدوى سوف يتأثر سلبا.

المعرفة بطرق انتشار فيروس سى

من المستحيل أن يعرف الشخص أنه يمكنه حماية نفسه من انتقال فيروس “سى” إليه إلا إذا عرف أولا طرق انتشار هذا الفيروس. لهذا السبب تم توجيه السؤال المفتوح التالى للمبحوثين: “كيف ينتقل فيروس “سى” من شخص مصاب إلى شخص سليم؟ ويوضح الشكل رقم (6) النسب المئوية للمبحوثين الذين ذكروا طرقا متعددة لانتقال الفيروس. وتشير النتائج إلى وجود قصور شديد فى معرفة الجمهور العام بطرق انتشار الفيروس. ويزداد مستوى المعرفة بين المصابين كما أنه يزداد كثيرا بين مقدمى الخدمة الصحية. ولكن تجدر ملاحظة أن معظم المبحوثين ذكروا الدم، بمعنى نقل الدم كأهم وسيلة لنقل العدوى، بينما تقل كثيرا نسبة من ذكروا الأدوات الملوثة بالدم، مثل السرينجات، وينطبق هذا الوضع على الجمهور العام والمصابين وحتى مقدمى الخدمة الصحية.

الاتجاهات نحو المصابين بالتهاب الكبد “سى”

يوجد بالنتائج ما يشير إلى وجود ما يسمى بوصمة العار تجاه المصابين بفيروس “سى”. وتشير النتائج المبينة فى شكل رقم (7) أن 10.2% من عينة الجمهور العام الذين سمعوا من قبل عن فيروس “سى” يلقون باللوم على المصابين  بالفيروس (4.4%) أو يذكرون إجابات أخرى تحمل نفس المعنى (5.8%). ويمكن أن يكون أحد أسباب هذا الاتجاه السلبى هو انتشار المعلومات المغلوطة حول انتقال الفيروس عن طريق الاختلاط اليومى مع المصابين به، كما هو موضح من قبل، وهو ما يؤدى إلى الخوف من مخالطتهم والتحيز ضدهم.  ومن الجدير بالذكر أن 2.5% من مقدمى الخدمة الصحية يلومون المصابين أيضا، وتصل النسبة إلى أكثر من الضعف (5.3%) بين العاملين فى صالونات الحلاقة ومحلات التجميل.

الاتجاهات نحو الحقن والأدوية الفمية

تشير عدة دراسات إلى أن نسبة اعتماد المصريين على الحقن تعد من أعلى النسب في العالم، ووجدت  دراسات حديثة[2] أجريت في كل من الصين ومصر أن نسبة الحقن غير الضرورى في مراكز الخدمة الصحية يصل في كل من البلدين على الترتيب إلى 57% و95% .

وقد تم سؤال المبحوثين عما إذا كانوا يفضلون الحقن أو الأدوية التى تؤخذ عن طريق الفم، وتبين أن الجمهور العام يفضل الحقن أكثر من الأدوية الفمية، بينما العكس هو الصحيح بالنسبة لكل من المصابين ومقدمى الخدمة الصحية. فقد ذكر 41.6% من أفراد العينة الممثلة للجمهور العام أنهم يفضلون الحقن، بينما وصلت النسبة إلى 22% من عينة المصابين و26.3% من عينة مقدمى الخدمة. وفى نفس الوقت فقد بلغت نسبة من يفضلون الأدوية عن طريق الفم إلى 36.5% من الجمهور العام، و36.3% من المصابين، و50.2% من مقدمى الخدمة.

وتتفاوت نسب تفضيل الحقن بين الفئات المختلفة لمقدمى الخدمة الصحية، فبينما تصل النسبة إلى 21.2% بين الأطباء والصيادلة، فإنها ترتفع إلى 28.5% بين الممرضات وفنيي المعامل، وترتفع بشدة إلى 40.7% بين العاملين فى صالونات الحلاقة ومحلات التجميل، ولهذه النسبة الأخيرة دلالة هامة، حيث أن بعض الحلاقين فى المناطق الريفية بوجه خاص يقومون أيضا بإعطاء الحقن وكذلك النصائح الطبية لأفراد الجمهور العام.

ومن الأهداف التى تسعى إليها مصر خفض نسبة الحقن وزيادة الاعتماد على الأدوية الفمية بدلا منها، برغم أن نسبة هائلة تبلغ 97.4% من عينة الجمهور العام أقروا بأنهم يعرفون أن السرينجة لا يجب أن تستخدم إلا مرة واحدة فقط، كما ذكر سابقا.

السلوك الوقائى نحو فيروس “سى”

إعادة استخدام الأدوات المحتمل تلوثها

تم سؤال أفراد عينة الجمهور العام عن سلوكياتهم فيما يتعلق بالمشاركة مع الآخرين فى استخدام الأدوات الشخصية التى من المحتمل أن تنقل العدوى كما تم سؤال عينة العاملين فى صالونات الحلاقة ومحلات التجميل عن سلوكياتهم فيما يتعلق باستخدام نفس الأدوات لأكثر من عميل واحد. ويوضح الشكل التالى النسب المئوية للمبحوثين من الجمهور العام الذين أقروا بالاشتراك مع الآخرين فى استخدام نفس الأدوات، وكذلك النسب المئوية للعاملين فى صالونات الحلاقة والتجميل الذين قالوا أنهم يستخدمون نفس الأدوات لأكثر من عميل واحد.

وبينما تقل نسبة الممارسات الخطرة بين المصابين عن مثيلتها بين أفراد الجمهور العام، فإنه استثناء من تلك النتيجة نجد أن نسبة المصابين الذين يشاركون الآخرين فى أدوات الحلاقة تزيد عن مثيلتها بين أفراد عينة الجمهور العام، وهو ما يمثل خطورة حقيقية على غير المصابين. وبشكل عام فإن نسب الممارسات الخطرة بين الجمهور العام والعاملين فى صالونات الحلاقة والتجميل تعد مصدرا حقيقيا للقلق وتدعو إلى ضرورة التدخل الفورى.

تطهير الأدوات

حيث أن هناك نسبة مرتفعة فى تبادل استخدام الأدوات الشخصية كما هو موضح سابقا، فإنه من الضرورى معرفة مدى الالتزام بتطهير تلك الأدوات قبل إعادة استخدامها. وبسؤال المبحوثين عن سلوكياتهم بهذا الشأن، وجدنا أن 47.3% من عينة الجمهور العام ذكروا أنهم يستخدمون المطهرات والديتول، وذكر 13.6% أنهم يستخدمون الكلور، فى حين أن 38% و 10.6% من عينة المصابين ذكروا نفس الاختيارات. وتزيد نسبة السلوكيات الإيجابية بين مقدمى الخدمة الصحية، حيث بلغت نسبة من قالوا أنهم يستخدمون المطهرات والديتول 48.5% ونسبة من يستخدمون الكلور 47.8%. ونستخلص من هذه النتائج أن جميع فئات المبحوثين تحتاج إلى تحسين سلوكياتها بهذا الشأن. ومن المقلق بشدة أن نسبة من ذكروا أنهم يستخدمون الماء فقط أو قطعة من القماش الجاف لتطهير الملابس والأسطح من الدم تبلغ 41% من عينة الجمهور العام و35% من عينة المصابين و17.5% من مقدمى الخدمة.

الخلاصة والتوصيات

تشير النتائج بوضوح إلى وجود قصور فى المعرفة وفى الإجراءات والسلوكيات الوقائية بين جميع فئات الجمهور بما فى ذلك الجمهور العام والمصابين ومقدمى الخدمات الصحية. وبالإضافة إلى ذلك فإن هناك العديد من الشائعات والمعلومات المغلوطة بشأن طرق انتشار فيروس “سى”، وهو ما يمكن أن يساعد فى تكوين الوصمة والاتجاهات السلبية نحو المصابين. وبالإضافة إلى ذلك فإن عدم معرفة نسبة كبيرة من المصابين بحقيقة اصابتهم يمثل تحديا كبيرا حيث يتسبب ذلك فى ضياع الكثير من الوقت الذى كان يمكنهم فيه من بدأ العلاج وتغيير سلوكياتهم لإنقاذ حياتهم فى الوقت المناسب. وبالإضافة إلى ذلك، فإن عدم وعى هؤلاء بإصابتهم يزيد من فرصة نقلهم للعدوى للآخرين من حولهم.

ويستدعى الأمر ضرورة البدء فى حملة قومية للإعلام والتوعية للجمهور العام والتى ستصل بالضرورة إلى المصابين ومقدمى الخدمات الصحية إذا استخدمت هذه الحملة أكثر الوسائل الاعلامية انتشارا. وتشير البيانات التى تم جمعها عن العادات الإعلامية للجمهور فى إطار هذا البحث إلى أن أجهزة التليفون المحمول قد أصبحت فى يد الجميع تقريبا، وأن 78% من الجمهور يشاهدون التليفزيون يوميا بانتظام، وأن حوالى 33% من المواطنين يستمعون إلى الراديو ويستخدمون الانترنت بشكل منتظم.

ويجب أن تركز الحملة على التوعية بأساليب الوقاية، وتفنيد الشائعات وتصحيح المعلومات المغلوطة، ومنع التحيز ضد المصابين، كما ينبغى على الحملة أيضا أن تشجع الفئات الأكثر عرضة للإصابة على إجراء اختبارات لمعرفة ما إذا كانوا مصابين بفيروس “سى” أم لا، وأت تحفز المصابين على الحصول على العلاج الجديد.


[1] Http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/liv.13186/abstract

[2] C. Gore1, J. V. Lazarus, R. J. J. Peck, I. Sperle and K. Safreed-Harmon, Unnecessary Injecting Of Medicines Is Still a ‎Major Public Health Challenge Globally. Tropical Medicine and International Health, volume 18 no 9 pp  1157–1159 ‎September 2013.

It’s either us or virus C : The HCV Campaign in Egypt

Results of the baseline study for the hepatitis C prevention and treatment campaign are published here:Hepatitis C Knowledge, Attitudes, and Practices in Egypt. A list of priority communication messages was extracted from the study findings, as shown just below.

Priority Messages for the First Wave of HCV TV Spots in Egypt

Based on Findings of the General Public Survey

By: Farag Elkamel, PhD. WHO Communication Expert

25/10/2015

This document summarizes the key results of the telephone poll that was conducted on a randomly drawn sample of the general public consisting of 1,027 respondents, 18 years of age and above. The sample was randomly drawn from all governorates, and weighted to represent gender and population distribution across all provinces in Egypt. The survey was conducted through cell phone numbers from May 20th to 22nd 2015. Furthermore, the current document concludes priority messages from these results for the first wave of TV spots targeting the general public

Prevalence

The study results show that 4.0% of respondents know that they have hepatitis C, and an additional 46.0 % know of someone else who has the virus.

When we look at age distribution, none of the 4% who knew that they have HCV is under 30 years old, while the percentage increases to 4.8% among respondents 30-50, and to 6.3% of those who are over 50 years old. It is interesting that these results are supported in large part by the findings of another KAP survey conducted on a sample of 1,000 persons who are infected with HCV. That survey revealed that only 7% were under 30, while 40% were 30-50 years old, and 53% were older than 50 years old. It is interesting that almost all of those who know that they have the virus found out this fact accidentally, either because they did blood tests because they got sick, or as a requirement for travel, or while attempting to donate blood.

Message Implications-1: HCV is widespread. Early diagnosis can lead to ‎a better response to medication. If you have ‎had ‎a surgery, blood transfusion, or injections ‎to treat bilharzias, asks your doctor’s advice for ‎blood ‎testing.‎

Knowledge:

Despite the very high prevalence of hepatitis C in Egypt, which is estimated by the EDHS 2014 to be 7% of the adult population, the KAP survey of the general public reveals that knowledge of different aspects of infection and prevention is severely lacking.

On the other hand, there are 13.1% who never heard of HCV, and of the rest who did, 38.5% never heard of the new treatment.

Message Implications-2: Good news for those who have HCV. There is a ‎new medicine which is highly effective. If you ‎have HCV, consult your doctor or register your ‎name at the NCCVH website immediately.‎

Respondents were asked the following important open question: “How is virus C transmitted?” The following are percentages of total respondents who mentioned various ways of transmission:

Through the blood‎ 52.7
Through items that are infected with the blood of an HCV patient 23.2
Through injection‎ 8.9
I don’t know 19.6

In response to a question regarding different ways a person can protect themselves from contracting the virus from an infected person, modest percentages of the total sample mentioned the following ways (without being prompted):

Don’t use an infected person’s tools 17.8
Don’t use an infected person’s shaving tools 5.3
Don’t do anything 20.2
I don’t know 13.8

Respondents who had heard of virus C were asked the following question: “If a person had HCV and was treated, can he/she still get it again or does he/she have ‎immunity against getting re-infected? ‎” It is quite alarming that only 35.5% gave the correct answer that the person can get re-infected, while 20.3% said that the person would have immunity, and 44.2% said that they didn’t know.

Message Implications-3: You can protect yourself. HCV is transmitted ‎only through blood or items that are ‎contaminated with it. No one should ever ‎share needles, razors, nail scissors, clippers, or ‎nail files with anyone else.‎

The study also investigated the presence of misinformation about how virus C may be transmitted. Respondents were asked to agree or disagree with a number of statements that represent misinformation regarding possibilities of transmission through casual daily contact with a person infected with HCV. Following are the percentages of the total sample who agreed with those false statements:

Sharing toilets 26.8
Drinking glasses 34.1
Eating utensils 36.8
Hugging, kissing or touching 46.4
Sexual intercourse 29.2

As will be discussed below, 90% of respondents believe that an infected person is not to blame for having the disease. However, 10% either blame the sick person or state that they aren’t sure whether to blame them or not. Part of this negative attitude or confusion can be attributed to the spread of the above mentioned misinformation, which leads the public to fear and avoid safe daily contact with infected persons, which contributes to the creation of an unnecessary stigma. There is another risk in not responding to these rumors, which is drawing attention away from the important behaviors that do matter in prevention.

Message Implications-4: Normal daily contact with a person who is ‎infected with HCV is safe, including kissing, ‎hugging, and the use of same drinking glasses ‎and eating utensils or using same bathroom.‎

Given the fact that almost half the households in Egypt either have someone who has HCV or know of someone who does, the essential knowledge necessary to cope with this disease becomes necessary to spread to the public. The current situation certainly requires an intervention given the following modest percentages of respondents who mentioned different practices that infected persons should engage in once they are diagnosed with HCV:

Go to a specialized doctor and follow his/her advice and get regular medical checkups 53.0
Eat a healthy and balanced diet that includes a lot of vegetables and fruit 12.1
Stay away from too much sugar and fat 6.3
Exercise regularly; and avoid smoking 1.1
Get the new treatment 28.4

It is recommended that the part of the campaign which targets healthcare providers includes messages to them regarding the need to give proper advice to HCV patients about lifestyle.

Attitudes:

Results show a mild indication of a stigma, as only 5.0% of those who ever heard of HCV say that infected persons only have themselves to blame, while 90.0% said that infected persons are victims and we should therefore support and stand by them. However, most of the remaining 5.0 stated that they didn’t know whether to blame or support the infected persons.

Injection is preferred over oral pills or tablets by 41.6% of respondents, compared with 36.5% who prefer the latter. The remaining 21.4% either didn’t have a clear preference or gave different answers that were mostly in favor of injection. When asked why they preferred injection, 87.7% of the respondents who made that choice said that injection has a faster and stronger effect, and 12% said that pills cause them stomach problems. On the other hand, 44% of respondents who preferred pills and capsules over injections said that pills and capsules  were easier, better and quicker, and 42.6% said that they didn’t like the pain associated with injections. Only 4.8 percent reject injection because it has the potential to transmit diseases.

It has been reported elsewhere that Egypt has one of the highest rates of injecting medicines in the world, and that “more recent studies in China and Egypt found unnecessary health facility injection rates of 57% and 95%, respectively[1].

Message Implications-5: Whenever possible, ask your doctor if you can ‎take an oral medicine instead of injection. ‎Oral medicine has the same treatment effect, ‎but is pain-free and avoids the risk of ‎infection.‎

Reduction of injection in favor of oral medicine continues to be a target for Egypt, despite what seems to be a comforting piece of evidence that an overwhelming 97.4% said that a syringe should only be used once. When we asked a follow up question on how to identify a new syringe, 98% of them said that a new syringe should be in a new and well-sealed wrapping.

Practices:

The study has also identified certain risky practices among the general public. Following are percentages of respondents who said that they shared specific items with other members of their families:

Shaving device (men only) 6.3
Nail clipper 49.2
Nail file 32.5
Nail Scissors 38.5
Toothbrush 2.4
Tools used for pedicure or ear piercing at a coiffeur (women only) 5.4

These results give additional confirmation to the urgent need for the content outlined in message implications-3 above.

Another aspect of risky practices that was investigated was what people do if blood is spelled over their clothes or other surfaces. The following percentages reflect the responses made by respondents regarding substances they use:

Water only 38.5
An antiseptic/Dettol 47.2
Chlorine 13.5
Washing powder or soap 18.8
Alcohol 1.1
A dry cloth or handkerchief 2.5

Finally, we asked those who said that they use chlorine a follow up question to investigate how they actually use it. Unfortunately, a small minority of them mentioned correct ways of using the substance. While the prototype message on this subject is to mix a cup of chlorine with four cups of water, only 7.2% of those who mentioned chlorine (1.0% of the total sample) gave this answer. Others either gave different answers or simply answered that they didn’t know. On the other hand, the healthcare providers’ survey showed that most of those who mentioned chlorine said that they mix one cup with nine cups of water, which may indicate a previous message or instructions to this effect. While the message on chlorine use as a disinfectant remains important, this issue of proper chlorine mixing needs to be sorted out in order to avoid confusion or negative feedback.

Communication Messages

There are plenty of messages that need to be communicated to the general public, HCV patients, and healthcare providers. Messages for all of these three segments of the audience have been presented here: Combating hepatitis-c in Egypt. Messages for the general public campaign were extracted from the baseline survey described above, and were organized according to Elkamel’s Knowledge & Social Change Model described elsewhere in this site.

Awareness Knowledge: (WHAT)

The objective of Awareness Knowledge is to make target audiences aware of hepatitis C and of the possibilities for its prevention and treatment. Awareness knowledge should thus include the following:

  1. There is a serious disease called hepatitis C
  2. There is a new and effective medicine to treat hepatitis C
  3. Hepatitis B is a serious disease (for HCV patients and healthcare providers)
  4. There is a vaccine for hepatitis B (for HCV patients and healthcare providers)

How-to-Knowledge: (HOW)

Individual need to know how they can protect themselves from getting infected, or get the treatment if they are hepatitis c patients. This facet of knowledge includes:

  1. Hepatitis C can be transmitted through sharing or ‎reusing personal items of infected individuals such as razors, scissors, ‎nail clippers, nail files, toothbrushes, as well as tattoo, ‎pedicure and ear piercing tools.‎
  2. Hepatitis C is not transmitted through casual daily contact including sharing toilets, drinking glasses or eating utensils, hugging, kissing or touching
  3. Hepatitis C patients should not donate their blood.
  4. Cured hepatitis C patients don’t have immunity. They can be re-infected just like anyone else if they are not careful.
  5. Safe Injection: use a new syringe that was never used by ‎anyone else before and dispose of it safely.‎
  6. If the same medicine is available in the form of injections or ‎oral tablets, choose the tablets because they are safer.‎
  7. Disinfect and cover open cuts on your skin with bandage until ‎they heal.‎
  8. Wash your hands thoroughly with soap and water if you ‎come in contact with blood.‎
  9. Promptly clean and disinfect surfaces or items contaminated with ‎blood or other potentially infectious materials with chlorine ‎solution (Clorox, Bleach) using 1 part bleach for every 9 parts ‎water.‎
  10. Hepatitis B can be prevented by getting its vaccine (for HCV patients and healthcare providers).

Principles Knowledge: (WHY)

This aspect of knowledge is meant to provide the rational for the actions that are promoted in the “how-to” messages, including:

  1. ‎Hepatitis C is preventable
  2. Virus C is transmitted only if the blood of an infected person enters the blood stream of another individual through ‎transfusion or infected instruments.‎
  3. If left untreated, Virus C may lead to Liver failure and Liver Cancer.

Priority Messages for the first wave TV Spots:

What is listed below, however is a list of only five key and priority messages for the first wave of TV and radio spots targeting the general public. Other messages for the general public as well as other target groups should be the subject for subsequent communication initiatives.

The Media Campaign

The World Health Organization has never developed or produced a media campaign in Egypt. They aren’t structured to do this kind of activity, and they don’t generally have it in their budget.

Given the urgency of the hepatitis c problem in Egypt, I persuaded them that I could develop and produce an urgent campaign consisting of 5 television commercials for only 10 thousand dollars! This was the cost for renting a studio to record the voice-over and the fees for a free lancer to do pencilmation! The cost for the strategy, concept development and script was nil, as I did that myself as the WHO’s senior communication adviser. In addition, I developed the campaign slogan, designed a poster and a pamphlet which were printed with minor support from regular funding by the ministry of health and population, and secured free broadcasting of the spots on a number of public and private TV channels.

I should mention here that the 10 thousand dollars which were spent to produce the five TV spots constitute only a small fraction of the market rate for producing TV spots in 2016, where the average cost to produce only ONE spot through commercial production houses or advertising agencies was about ten times that amount!

The concept of ​​the campaign is based on the idea of solidarity between the three segments of society: (1) the infected individuals (2) the healthcare providers, and (3) the families of infected persons and other members  of the general public, under the slogan “It’s Either US or Virus C.”

I also decided to use the pencilmation (two-dimensional cartoons) technique to convey simplicity and to avoid pinpointing specific characteristics of infected or susceptible individuals and to confirm the notion that everyone is vulnerable regardless of their age, gender or socio-economic status.

The popular movie and TV star Mohamed Henedi did the voice over totally free as a contribution to the campaign. In fact I’m grateful to his personal doctor whom I asked for help to persuade Henedi to this great service for the country.

Pretesting Campaign Materials

All materials mentioned above were pretested among experts, health officials, and the target audience. Below are sample shots of the script and story board for one of the TV spots. The storyboard received official approval by both WHO and MOHP before going into the final phase of producing the spots.

Dissemination

The campaign was disseminated in July-September 2016. Following is a review of the campaign elements.

TV Spot 1

HCV is widespread. Early diagnosis can lead to a better response to medication. If you have had a surgery, blood transfusion, or injections to treat bilharzia, asks your doctor’s advice for blood testing.

فيروس “سى” منتشر فى مصر. كل ما نكتشف المرض بدرى كل ما الاستجابة للعلاج تبقى أحسن. لو عملت عملية جراحية قبل كده أو اتنقل لك دم أو خدت حقن لعلاج البلهارسيا زمان، اسأل دكتور متخصص عن نوع تحليل الدم اللى مفروض تعمله عشان تتطمن على نفسك.


TV Spot 2

Good news for those who have HCV. There is a new medicine which is highly effective. If you have HCV, consult your doctor or register your name at the NCCVH website immediately.

فيه أخبار هايلة للى عندهم فيروس “سى”. دلوقتى فيه علاج جديد وممتاز للمرض. أستشير دكتور متخصص وسجل اسمك فى موقع الانترنت بتاع اللجنة القومية لمكافحة الفيروسات الكبدية اللى تبع وزارة الصحة.

TV Spot 3

You can protect yourself. HCV is transmitted only through blood or items that are contaminated with it. No one should ever share needles, razors, nail scissors, clippers, or nail files with anyone else.

انت تقدر تحمى نفسك من فيروس “سى”. الفيروس ده بيتقل عن طريق الدم أو الحاجات الملوثة بدم شخص يكون مصاب بيه. عشان كده أوعى تستعمل سرنجة أو دبوس حجاب أو موس أو قصافة أو مقص أو مبرد ضوافر بتوع حد تانى.

TV Spot 4

Normal daily contact with a person who is infected with HCV is safe, including kissing, hugging, and the use of same drinking glasses and eating utensils or using same bathroom.

الاختلاط العادى مع أى حد مصاب بفيروس “سى” ما بينقلش العدوى. ممكن قوى نسلم عليه ونبوسه ونحضنه  وياكل ويشرب معانا فى نفس الاطباق والكوبايات ونستعمل نفس الحمام اللى بيستعمله… ومن غير ما نقلق خالص.

TV Spot 5

Whenever possible, ask your doctor if you can take an oral medicine instead of injection. Oral medicine has the same treatment effect, but is pain-free and avoids the risk of infection.

ياريت دايما نطلب رأى الدكتور لو ينفع ناخد كبسولات أو أقراص بدل الحقن. الكبسولات والاقراص ليها نفس المفعول بس ما بتوجعش، وكمان مفيش احتمال خالص انها تنقل فيروس سى.

Poster

Pamphlet

just like the poster shown above, the pamphlet was also designed to integrate with the TV and radio spots. in addition to conveying the same five messages, in the same order, the pamphlet also used visuals from the relevant spots.

[1] C. Gore1, J. V. Lazarus, R. J. J. Peck, I. Sperle and K. Safreed-Harmon, Unnecessary Injecting Of Medicines Is Still a Major Public Health Challenge Globally. Tropical Medicine and International Health, volume 18 no 9 pp 1157–1159 September 2013

The Cairo University Campaign

During the Fall semester of 2016, Cairo University used the poster and pamphlet mentioned above, in addition to the radio and TV spots when it launched a campus-wide campaign for a “university free of virus c”. It’s worth mentioning that Cairo University has more than 250,000 B.A level students, 8,500 M.A students, 1,000 PhD students and more than 12,000 teaching staff.

Logo for the “Virus C Free” Cairo University initiative

The poster and pamphlet were only modified to feature the university logo alongside those of the ministry of health and WHO, as shown below.

Summary

Knowledge and Social Change: Impact of 40 Years of Health and Population Communication in Egypt

Farag Elkamel, Professor of Communication, Cairo University

المعرفة والتغيير الاجتماعي: تأثير 40 عامًا من الاتصال الصحي والسكانى في مصر

د. فرج الكامل – أستاذ الإعلام بجامعة القاهرة

Journal of Arab Media & Society, Issue 28, Summer/Fall 2019

Knowledge and Social Change: Impact of 40 Years of Health and Population Communication in Egypt
Farag Elkamel
Professor of Communication, Cairo University
المعرفة والتغيير الاجتماعي: تأثير 40 عامًا من الاتصال الصحي والسكانى في مصر
د. فرج الكامل
أستاذ الإعلام بجامعة القاهرة
Abstract
The main objective of this paper is to seek an answer to an important research question: Why did some communication campaigns on health and population issues in Egypt succeed, while others failed to make the desired impact on behavior and subsequent outcomes, such as reduced mortality or lower population growth over the last 40 years?
ملخص
الهدف الرئيسي من هذا المقال العلمى هو البحث عن إجابة لسؤال في غاية الأهمية: لماذا نجحت بعض حملات الاتصال فى قضايا الصحة والسكان في مصر بينما فشل البعض الآخر على مدار الأربعين عامًا الماضية في إحداث التأثير المطلوب على السلوك والنتائج المترتبة على هذا التأثير، مثل انخفاض معدل الوفيات أو انخفاض نسبة النمو السكاني.
Over the duration of these four decades, media campaigns have been launched in Egypt to tackle various health and population issues, but only some of these campaigns were grounded in communication theory and followed systematic methodologies. An analysis of evaluation studies and longitudinal data demonstrates that communication campaigns that were based on the Knowledge and Social Change Model (Elkamel 1981) have had a very positive impact on knowledge and behaviors, and helped save millions of lives, particularly those of women and children (Databank 2020; SRC 2012; El- Zanaty 2005; Moreland 2006).على مدار هذه العقود الأربعة، تم إطلاق حملات إعلامية في مصر حول عدد من قضايا الصحة والسكان، ولكن بعض هذه الحملات فقط كانت ترتكز على أسس نظرية علمية وإطار منهجى محدد. ويوضح تحليل دراسات التقييم والبيانات الإحصائية أن حملات الاتصال التي استندت إلى نموذج المعرفة والتغيير الاجتماعي (الكامل 1981) كان لها تأثير إيجابي للغاية على المعرفة والسلوك وساعدت في إنقاذ ملايين الأرواح، وخاصة حياة النساء والأطفال(Databank 2020; SRC 2012; El- Zanaty 2005; Moreland 2006).
Other campaigns that were not based on the model were not as successful because they did not use appropriate media channels, missed the real target audience, and conveyed messages that were too general and did not address their need for knowledge (Parlato 1988; Eldin 2008).
This paper reviews both types of campaigns: those that used the Knowledge and Social Change Model, and those that did not, documenting their respective impact, and presenting an analysis of the cost-effectiveness and cost-benefit of different mass media and interpersonal communication initiatives. The article also provides key recommendations for future behavioral-change communication campaigns for health and population.
أما الحملات الأخرى التي لم تكن مبنية على هذا النموذج فلم تكن ناجحة لأنها لم تستخدم المداخل الإعلامية المناسبة، ولم تخاطب الجمهور المستهدف الحقيقي، ونقلت إليهم رسائل عامة جدًا ولم تعالج حاجتهم للمعرفة. (Parlato 1988; Eldin 2008)
يستعرض هذا المقال العلمى كلا النوعين من الحملات: تلك التي استخدمت نموذج المعرفة والتغيير الاجتماعي، وتلك التي لم تستخدمه، ويوثق تأثير كل منها، كما يقدم تحليلاً مقارنا للتكلفة والفائدة المحققة من مختلف أشكال وسائل الإعلام الجماهيري والمباشر. وأخيرا، يقدم المقال أيضًا توصيات هامة لحملات الاتصال المستقبلية التي تهدف لتغيير السلوك الصحى والسكانى.
Introduction
The Oral Rehydration Solution (ORS), which saves children from child dehydration and likely death, was available in the Egyptian Ministry of Health centers since 1977, but after seven years of it being accessible to the public, the proportion of mothers who knew of the treatment did not exceed three percent, and only 1.5 percent had used it (Kamel N. 1984; SPAAC 1985). After a series of well-planned campaigns launched in 1983, targeting mothers and other caretakers, knowledge became almost universal and the majority of mothers used this newly-acquired knowledge to save their children, leading to a significant decrease in infant and child mortality in Egypt.
مقدمة
كان محلول معالجة الجفاف عن طريق الفم (ORS) ، الذي يقي الأطفال من الجفاف ومن الوفاة المحتملة ، متاحًا في مراكز وزارة الصحة المصرية منذ عام 1977 ، ولكن بعد سبع سنوات من إتاحته للجمهور، فإن نسبة الأمهات اللائي يعرفنه لم تتجاوز ثلاثة بالمائة ، ولم يستعمله سوى 1.5 بالمائة فقط (Kamel N. 1984; SPAAC 1985) . ولكن بعد سلسلة من الحملات المخططة جيدا والتي تم إطلاقها في عام 1983، والموجهة إلى الأمهات ومقدمي الخدمة الصحية، أصبحت المعرفة بمحلول معالجة الجفاف موجودة لدى الجميع، واستخدمت غالبية الأمهات هذه المعرفة المكتسبة حديثًا لإنقاذ أطفالهن، مما أدى إلى انخفاض كبير في معدل وفيات الرضع والأطفال في مصر.
Similarly, family planning campaigns during the period from 1986 to 1992 resulted in a significant increase in the use of contraceptive methods, which lead to an unparalleled decrease in Egypt’s population growth rate (Databank 2020); other campaigns before and after that time period failed to have such an impact, and some even resulted in having no impact at all (Databank 2020; SRC 2012; Parlato 1988).وبالمثل، فقد أسفرت حملات تنظيم الأسرة خلال الفترة من 1986 إلى 1992 عن زيادة كبيرة في معدل استخدام وسائل تنظيم الأسرة، مما أدى إلى انخفاض غير مسبوق في معدل النمو السكاني في مصر (Databank 2020) ؛ وقد فشلت جميع الحملات الأخرى قبل وبعد تلك الفترة الزمنية (1986-1992) في إحداث مثل هذا التأثير، بل إن بعضها لم يكن لها أي تأثير على الإطلاق (Databank 2020; SRC 2012; Parlato 1988).
Until 2002, the communication campaign for polio eradication was not able to convince all caretakers of children to immunize their children, resulting in a rise of confirmed polio cases in the country (El-Zanaty and Associates 2002). When the communication strategy and messages were revised, the campaign resulted in a near-universal knowledge and significant increase in the percentages of immunized children, which eventually led to polio eradication from Egypt (El- Zanaty and Associates 2005; polioeradication.org 2020).حتى عام 2002، فشلت الحملة الإعلامية لاستئصال شلل الأطفال فى إقناع القائمين على رعاية الأطفال بتطعيم أطفالهم، مما أدى إلى ارتفاع حالات شلل الأطفال المؤكدة في البلاد (الزناتي وشركاه 2002). ولكن عندما تمت مراجعة استراتيجية الاتصال والرسائل الإعلامية، أسفرت الحملة عن ارتفاع كبير جدا في المعرفة شبه وزيادة مواتية في نسب حصول الأطفال على التطعيم، وهو ما أدى في النهاية إلى القضاء على شلل الأطفال في مصر. (El- Zanaty and Associates 2005; polioeradication.org 2020).
The main objectives of this paper are: 1) To demonstrate and analyze how, and why, some campaigns in Egypt achieved their targets while others did not, over an extended time period of 40 years; and 2) To explain how the model of Knowledge and Social Change was used to plan behavioral-change communication campaigns on various health and population issues. The analysis of these two points sheds light on the parameters for effective use of communication in health and population in future campaigns.ويسعى هذا المقال العلمى إلى: 1) توضيح وتحليل الأسباب وراء كيفية تحقيق بعض الحملات في مصر لأهدافها بينما أخفقت حملات أخرى في تحقيق أهداف مماثلة على مدى فترة زمنية ممتدة تبلغ 40 عامًا. و2) شرح كيفية استخدام نموذج المعرفة والتغيير الاجتماعي لتخطيط حملات الاتصال لتغيير السلوك فى القضايا الصحية والسكانية. ويلقي تحليل هاتين النقطتين الضوء على معايير الاستخدام الفعال للاتصال في مجال الصحة والسكان في الحملات المستقبلية.
The Knowledge and Social Change Model was developed in the early 1980s (Elkamel 1981), and tested on data from a representative national cluster survey sample of 2,000 households in Egypt. The model was used over the following years as a conceptual framework for planning several communication campaigns for oral rehydration, family planning, polio eradication and combating hepatitis C in Egypt, between 1983 and 2016.لقد قمنا بتطوير نموذج المعرفة والتغيير الاجتماعي في أوائل الثمانينيات (Elkamel 1981)، واختباره على بيانات من عينة مسح اجتماعى ممثلة مكونة من 2000 أسرة في مصر. كما قمنا باستخدام النموذج على مدى السنوات التالية (من 1983 إلى 2016) كإطار نظرى لتخطيط العديد من حملات الاتصال لمكافحة الجفاف عند الأطفال، وتنظيم الأسرة، والقضاء على شلل الأطفال، ومكافحة التهاب الكبد الوبائي سي في مصر.
The model is based on the idea that knowledge influences behavior, and most often determines it. Accordingly, well-planned communication strategies must be based on a careful consideration of the interrelationships between socioeconomic status, communication, knowledge, and behavior, in a context of other intermediate variables that include attitudes, social norms, and a set of enabling variables, such as demographics, need, product availability, affordability, and the effort required to undertake the behavior.يعتمد النموذج على فكرة أن المعرفة تؤثر على السلوك، وغالبًا ما تحدده. وفقًا لذلك، فإنه يجب أن تستند استراتيجيات الاتصال جيدة التخطيط على دراسة متأنية وتفصيلية للعلاقات المتبادلة بين الحالة الاجتماعية والاقتصادية والاتصال والمعرفة والسلوك، في إطار من متغيرات وسيطة تشمل الاتجاهات والأعراف الاجتماعية ومجموعة من متغيرات التمكين، مثل التركيبة السكانية، والحاجة، وتوافر المنتج، والقدرة على تحمل التكاليف، والجهد المطلوب للقيام بالسلوك.
Once these factors are considered together, campaigns can disseminate the necessary knowledge to those who need it most, and avoid creating or widening any existing knowledge gaps that may be shaped along socioeconomic status lines.وعندما يتم اعتبار هذه العوامل معًا، فانه يمكن للحملات الإعلامية أن تنشر المعرفة الضرورية لمن هم في أمس الحاجة إليها، وتتجنب تكوين أو توسيع أي فجوات معرفية بين الفئات الاجتماعية أو الاقتصادية.
There are numerous theories and models that aim to explain and affect behavior change, however they do not all agree on the same mechanisms for change, though they have various elements in common. Furthermore, not all of these theories are intended as theoretical frameworks for behavioral change communication in particular, and not all are interested in health and population, per se. These theories include the Theory of Reasoned Action, the Health Action Process Approach, the Stages of Change Model, the Self-Efficacy Theory, the Diffusion of Innovations Theory, the Theory of Planned Behavior, and the Learning Theory, among others.هناك العديد من النظريات والنماذج العلمية التي تهدف إلى تفسير عملية تغيير السلوك والتأثير عليه، إلا أنها لا تتفق جميعًا على نفس آليات التغيير. وعلاوة على ذلك، فلم يكن مقصودا من هذه النظريات أن تكون أطرًا نظرية للاتصال من أجل تغيير السلوك على وجه الخصوص في قضايا الصحة والسكان. تشمل هذه النظريات نظرية السلوك المتعقل Reasoned Action، ومدخل عملية السلوك الصحي Health Action Process، ونموذج مراحل التغيير Stages of Change Model، ونظرية الكفاءة الذاتية Self-Efficacy Theory، ونظرية انتشار المستحدثات Diffusion of Innovations، ونظرية السلوك المخطط Theory of Planned Behavior، ونظرية التعلم Learning Theory، من بين عديد النظريات والنماذج الأمور أخرى.
Some of these theories, however, are more relevant than others to the Knowledge and Social Change Model, and some of their elements may be useful and complementary to the model’s implementation process, including the Learning Theory, in all its different variations (Gestalt principles, conditioning, and social learning). The Theory of Planned Behavior, which was developed by Martin Fishbein and Icek Ajzen in 1980, considers beliefs, attitudes, and intentions as determinants of behavior; its general concept is relevant to the Knowledge and Social Change Model.ومع ذلك، فإن بعض هذه النظريات أكثر صلة من غيرها بنموذج المعرفة والتغيير الاجتماعي، وقد تكون بعض عناصرها مفيدة ومكملة لعملية تطبيق النموذج، بما في ذلك نظرية التعلم، في جميع أشكالها المختلف (التعلم الذهنى، التعلم الشرطى، التعلم الاجتماعى.) وتعتبر نظرية السلوك المخطط، التي طورها مارتن فيشبين وأيسك أجزن في عام 1980، والتي ترى الاعتقادات والاتجاهات والنوايا السلوكية كمحددات للسلوك؛ من أقرب النماذج العلمية إلى نموذج المعرفة والتغيير الاجتماعي.
Many theories that addressed the issue of behavior formation and change, however, have arrived at the conviction that behavior is a function of attitude.وقد توصل معظم النظريات التي تناولت مسألة تشكيل السلوك وتغييره إلى الاقتناع بأن الاتجاه هو الذى يؤثر على السلوك.
Some of these conceptualizations are based on the assumption of rationality (Fishbein and Ajzen 1975), some have based their models on the need for cognitive consistency (Rosenberg 1960), balance (Newcomb 1953), or congruity (Osgood and Tannenbaum 1953). Furthermore, there are in fact those who see the relationship going in the opposite direction, from behaviors to attitudes, and assume that individuals form attitudes to rationalize their behaviors that have already taken place (Festinger 1957).بعض هذه النماذج مبنية على افتراض العقلانية (Fishbein and Ajzen 1975) ، بينما بنى والبعض الآخر نماذجهم على الحاجة إلى الاتساق المعرفي (Rosenberg 1960) ، التوازن (Newcomb 1953) ، أو التطابق (Osgood and Tannenbaum 1953). وعلاوة على ذلك، فإن هناك في الواقع أولئك الذين يرون العلاقة تسير في الاتجاه المعاكس، أي من السلوك إلى الاتجاه، ويفترضون أن الأفراد يشكلون اتجاهات لتبرير سلوكياتهم التي تكون قد حدثت بالفعل (Festinger 1957).
To various degrees, these approaches have been accused of being insensitive to socioeconomic conditions, and of being oriented towards an urban, educated, and Western types of populations.وقد تم اتهام هذه المداخل بدرجات متفاوتة بأنها غير حساسة للظروف الاجتماعية والاقتصادية، وأنها معنية أساسا بالحضريين والمتعلمين من مواطني الدول الغربية.
The Knowledge and Social Change Model, on the other hand, considers ―knowledge, not attitude, as the central independent variable that affects behavior, and places attitude as an intermediate one instead.ومن ناحية أخرى، يعتبر نموذج المعرفة والتغيير الاجتماعي أن “المعرفة”، وليس “الاتجاه”، هي المتغير المستقل الأساسى الذي يؤثر على السلوك، ويعتبر “الاتجاه” كمتغير وسيط بدلاً من ذلك.
In addition, the model differs from other theoretical approaches in at least two other aspects: it is intended specifically for application as a framework for behavioral change communication campaigns in health and population, and has been shaped, tested and applied in a developing country where certain elements may be different than in Western environments.بالإضافة إلى ذلك، يختلف النموذج عن الأطر النظرية الأخرى في جانبين آخرين على الأقل: فهو أولا مصمم خصيصًا للتطبيق كإطار علمى لحملات الاتصال لتغيير السلوك في مجال الصحة والسكان، وثانيا فقد تم بناؤه واختباره وتطبيقه في دولة نامية حيث قد توجد اختلافات في بعض العناصر عن مثيلاتها في بيئات الدول الغربية.
These differences include: (1) socioeconomic conditions, (2) the magnitude of influence by ―significant others‖ on the individual’s decision-making process, (3) literacy levels, and (4) the availability and affordability of relevant products and services.تشمل هذه الاختلافات: (1) الظروف الاجتماعية والاقتصادية، (2) حجم تأثير “الآخرين المهمين” على عملية صنع القرار للفرد، (3) مستويات التعليم، و (4) توافر المنتجات والخدمات ذات الصلة والقدرة على تحمل تكاليفها.
Knowledge is defined in the model as information that is necessary for decision-making with regard to an object or behavior. It has to be: 1) valid, 2) detailed, 3) salient, and 4) personally engaging, in order to have a positive impact on behavior; all of these four aspects can be measured empirically.يتم تعريف المعرفة في النموذج على أنها المعلومات الضرورية لاتخاذ القرار فيما يتعلق بشيء أو سلوك ما. يجب أن تكون: 1) متسمة بالصدق والصحة الموضوعية، 2) مفصلة، 3) بارزة، 4) تعنى الفرد بصفة شخصية، من أجل أن يكون لها تأثير إيجابي على السلوك ؛ وكل هذه الجوانب الأربعة يمكن قياسها تجريبياً.
The first characteristic of knowledge in this model is validity. Validity distinguishes knowledge from certain other social psychological terms such as “beliefs” which are subjective in nature.الخاصية الأولى للمعرفة في هذا النموذج هى الصدق والصحة الموضوعية، وهو مل يميز المعرفة عن بعض المصطلحات النفس-اجتماعية الأخرى مثل “الاعتقادات” التي هي ذاتية في طبيعتها.
The second characteristic of knowledge is that it has to be “detailed”, which means that knowledge is more than just “awareness”. “What is it?” “How does it work?” and “Why does it work?”.الخاصية الثانية للمعرفة هي أنه يجب أن تكون “مفصلة”، مما يعني أن المعرفة هي أكثر من مجرد “وعي” بوجود الشيء، بل تجيب على أسئلة ثلاثة هي: “ما هو الشيء؟” “كيف يعمل؟” و “لماذا يعمل؟”.
There are, therefore three types or degrees of knowledge: “awareness-knowledge” which is an awareness of the existence of an object, “how-to knowledge” which consists of information on how the object works, and “principles-knowledge” which deals with the basic facts underlying why the object works the way it does.لذلك، هناك ثلاثة أنواع أو درجات من المعرفة: أولها “الوعي” أى إدراك لوجود الشيء، و”معرفة الكيفية” أى كيفية عمل الشيء، و “معرفة المبادئ ” أي الحقائق الأساسية التي تكمن وراء سبب عمل الشىء بالطريقة التي يعمل بها..
The third characteristic of knowledge, namely, being salient, means that the individual is conscious of the object and has internalized the information to the extent that no prompting is needed to find out whether the person knows the object or not.الخاصية الثالثة للمعرفة، أي كونها بارزة، تعني أن الفرد مدرك للموضوع بوضوح ومستوعب للمعلومات إلى الحد الذي لا يلزم فيه أي حث إضافى لمعرفة ما إذا كان الشخص يعرف الشيء أم لا.
The fourth characteristic of knowledge in this framework is that the person is self-involved or can be directly affected by this knowledge. In other words, information should be relevant to the person’s own desires, needs, or interests.الخاصية الرابعة للمعرفة في هذا الإطار النظرى هي أن الشخص معنى بهذه المعرفة أو يمكن أن يتأثر بها بشكل مباشر. بمعنى آخر، يجب أن تكون المعلومات ذات صلة برغبات الشخص أو احتياجاته أو اهتماماته.
While knowledge is considered in this paradigm as an independent variable affecting behavior, it is also considered as a dependent variable that is affected by socioeconomic status and by communication. The relationship is more complex as both communication and socioeconomic status are themselves interrelated, making them have even more influence on knowledge.بينما تعتبر المعرفة في هذا النموذج متغيرًا مستقلاً يؤثر على السلوك، إلا أنها تعتبر أيضًا متغيرًا تابعًا يتأثر بالحالة الاجتماعية والاقتصادية والاتصال. العلاقة تصبح أكثر تعقيدًا من ذلك لأن هناك علاقة وتأثير متبادل بين كل من الاتصال من ناحية والحالة الاجتماعية والاقتصادية من ناحية أخرى، مما يجعلهما أكثر تأثيرًا على المعرفة.
It is because of the interrelationships of knowledge, communication, and socioeconomic status that knowledge and behavioral inequalities are created, and it is the understanding of these intricate relationships, or lack of it that causes many communication campaigns to succeed or fail.وكثيرا ما يحدث تفاوت في المعرفة والسلوك بين فئات الجمهور بسبب هذه العلاقات المتبادلة بين المعرفة والاتصال والحالة الاجتماعية والاقتصادية، ولذا فإن فهم هذه العلاقات المعقدة، أو الافتقار إليها هو الذي يتسبب في نجاح أو فشل العديد من حملات الاتصال.
Of course, knowledge is not acted upon all the time. In this model, factors which interfere with the causal link between knowledge and behavior are termed intervening variables, and three classes of such variables are specified: social norms, attitudes, and enabling variables.وبالطبع، فإن النموذج لا يفترض أن تتحول المعرفة دائما إلى سلوك، بل يحتوى النموذج على عدد من المتغيرات الوسيطة التي تتداخل مع الارتباط السببي بين المعرفة والسلوك، ويحدد النموذج ثلاث فئات من هذه المتغيرات هى: الأعراف الاجتماعية، والاتجاهات، ومتغيرات التمكين.
Communication can also play an important role in influencing at least two of these intervening variables, namely, attitudes, and social norms, which would further enhance the possibility of acting upon knowledge. As the relationship between knowledge and behavior is also influenced by attitudes and social norms, a behavior-change communication campaign must also identify such factors and include messages that aim to develop and/or enhance positive attitudes and tackle the perception of social norms, in order to facilitate the relationship between knowledge and behavior.ومن الجدير بالذكر أن النموذج يرى أن الاتصال يمكن أن يلعب أيضًا دورًا مهمًا في التأثير على اثنين على الأقل من هذه المتغيرات الوسيطة، وهي الاتجاهات والأعراف الاجتماعية، والتي من شأنها تعزيز إمكانية تحول المعرفة الى سلوك. ونظرا لأن العلاقة بين المعرفة والسلوك تتأثر أيضًا بالاتجاهات والأعراف الاجتماعية، فإنه يجب أن تحدد حملة الاتصال لتغيير السلوك أيضًا هذه العوامل وتتضمن رسائل تهدف إلى تكوين أو تعزيز الاتجاهات الإيجابية والتعامل مع فهم الجمهور للأعراف الاجتماعية، من أجل تسهيل تكون العلاقة الإيجابية بين المعرفة والسلوك.
Three significant challenges in sociology and communication literature can be resolved by this model. The first one concerns a rule that was professed by Everett Rogers (1983), regarding the effective role of mass communication vs. interpersonal communication. The second challenge stems from the phenomenon of the knowledge-gap or “information effects gap” that has been identified by Shingi and Mody (1976) and also reported by Rogers (1983: 409).هناك ثلاث تحديات هامة جدا في علم الاجتماع وأدبيات الاتصال يمكن حلها من خلال هذا النموذج. يتعلق الأول بالقاعدة التي أعلنها إيفريت روجرز (1983)، فيما يتعلق بالدور الفعال للاتصال الجماهيري مقارنة بالاتصال المباشر. التحدي الثاني هو ظاهرة فجوة المعرفة أو “فجوة تأثيرات المعلومات” التي تم تحديدها بواسطة Shingi and Mody (1976) والتي ذكرها روجرز أيضًا Rogers (1983: 409).
The Knowledge and Social Change model envisions that the comparison should not be between mass and interpersonal communication, but rather between messages with required knowledge, regardless of the means of communication, as long as such messages reach those who need them most, both effectively and efficiently.يرى نموذج المعرفة والتغيير الاجتماعي أن المقارنة لا ينبغي أن تكون بين الاتصال الجماهيرى والشخصي، بل يجب أن تكون بين الرسائل التي تحتوى على المعرفة المطلوبة، بغض النظر عن وسائل الاتصال في حد ذاتها، طالما أن هذه الرسائل تصل إلى من هم في أمس الحاجة إليها، بفعالية وكفاءة.
On the other hand, the so-called information gap is not inevitable and can be avoided by the careful consideration of the relationship between socioeconomic status and communication, on the one hand, and knowledge on the other hand. Careful consideration of mass media habits, preferences, as well as message design, development and testing could all circumvent the information gap, in order to suit the less advantaged segments of the population.من ناحية أخرى، فإن حدوث ما يسمى بفجوة المعرفة ليس أمرا حتميا ويمكن تجنبه من خلال دراسة متأنية للعلاقة بين متغيرات الوضع الاجتماعي والاقتصادي والاتصال من ناحية والمعرفة من ناحية أخرى. ويمكن أن يؤدي تحليل العادات والتفضيلات الإعلامية، فضلاً عن كيفية تصميم الرسائل وتطويرها واختبارها، إلى تجنب حدوث فجوة المعلومات، وتوصيل المعرفة المطلوبة إلى شرائح الجمهور الضعيفة اقتصاديا واجتماعيا.
The third challenge applies to family planning in particular, and arises from the deep differences between two schools of sociologists and demographers regarding the need for family planning in general and its communication component in particular.أما التحدي الثالث فهو ينطبق على تنظيم الأسرة بشكل خاص، ونشأ بسبب الاختلافات الجوهرية بين فريقين من علماء الاجتماع فيما يتعلق بالحاجة إلى تنظيم الأسرة بشكل عام وإلى مكون الاتصال بشكل خاص.
On the one hand, there are those who consider family planning as necessary for social and economic development (Bogue 1967), and there are demographers who do not see any particularly important role for communication in fertility reduction. Their argument is that overall social and economic development will itself solve the problem of the population explosion. These authors have reached the conclusion that “population will take care of itself if you take care of it‖, and that no communication activities on behalf of family planning are necessary (Davis 1963).فمن ناحية، هناك من يعتبرون تنظيم الأسرة ضروريًا للتنمية الاجتماعية والاقتصادية (Bogue 1967) ، ومن ناحية أخرى هناك فريق ثان من علماء الاجتماع والديموغرافيين لا يرون أهمية لتنظيم الأسرة أو الاتصال في هذا الشأن، وحجتهم في ذلك هي أن التنمية الاجتماعية والاقتصادية الشاملة هي التى ستحل مشكلة الانفجار السكاني ودون الحاجة لبرامج تنظيم الأسرة. وتوصل هؤلاء الباحثين إلى مقولة مفادها أن “السكان سيهتمون بأنفسهم إذا اهتممت بهم،” وأنه لا توجد حاجة لأنشطة اتصال للحث على تنظيم الأسرة (Davis 1963).
Demographers who are advocates of the development approach do not offer an explanation as to why education, urbanization, income, and other factors, would lead to a change in fertility behaviour; they only offered “associations” between such variables. The present model considers that knowledge is the mechanism through which socioeconomic development influences behaviour; it argues that, if socioeconomic development does not lead to a change in knowledge, behaviour is not expected to be influenced by socioeconomic status (SES).ولكن الديموغرافيين الذين يدافعون عن هذا الادعاء لا يقدمون تفسيرا واضحا للسبب في أن ارتفاع مستوى التعليم وازدياد الدخل ونسبة العيش في المناطق الحضرية وغيرها من العوامل تؤدي إلى تغيير في السلوك الانجابى؛ بل عرضوا فقط “ارتباطات” بين هذه المتغيرات. أما النموذج الحالي فإنه يعتبر أن المعرفة هي الآلية التي من خلالها تؤثر التنمية الاجتماعية والاقتصادية على السلوك؛ ويؤكد أنه إذا لم تؤد التنمية الاجتماعية والاقتصادية إلى تغيير في المعرفة، فمن غير المتوقع أن يتأثر السلوك بالوضع الاجتماعي والاقتصادي (SES).
First Testing of the Model
The first testing of the model was done on data collected from a national survey, the Egyptian National Family Planning Communication Baseline Survey (Elkamel 1981). The survey was conducted among 2,000 married men and women of reproductive age, between January and June of 1980. The urban and rural populations of Egypt were represented in the sample, according to the proportion of each in the population census of 1976.
الاختبار الأول للنموذج
تم إجراء الاختبار الأول للنموذج على البيانات التي تم جمعها من مسح على عينة ممثلة للجمهورية وهو المسح القومي المصري للاتصال وتنظيم الأسرة (الكامل 1981). وقد تم إجراؤه على عينة من 2000 رجل وامرأة من المتزوجين في سن الإنجاب، وذلك في الفترة ما بين يناير ويونيو 1980. وتم تمثيل سكان الحضر والريف في مصر في العينة، وفقًا لنسبة كل منهم في التعداد السكاني لعام 1976.
It should be noted that even though the hypotheses and their empirical investigation in the first testing of the model (Elkamel 1981) were specific to fertility behavior- manifested in the use of contraceptive methods- the model was envisaged as having a wider scope as a framework. This is so that it could explain broader issues in communication and social development, especially when they involve behavioral change.وتجدر الإشارة إلى أنه على الرغم من أن الفروض والاختبار الميدانى في هذا الاختبار الأول للنموذج (Elkamel 1981) كانت مهتمة بالسلوك الانجابى، وخاصة استخدام وسائل تنظيم الأسرة، إلا أن النموذج قد تم بناؤه للاستخدام كإطار نظرى أكثر شمولا من هذه القضية، حيث يمكن تطبيقه على قضايا أخرى في مجال الاتصال والتنمية الاجتماعية، لا سيما عندما تنطوي القضية على ضرورة حدوث تغيير فى السلوك.
Findings of the National Family Planning Communication Baseline Survey (Elkamel 1981) supported all of the model’s arguments: It was found that low socioeconomic status groups have low levels of knowledge regarding family planning and its methods. Low levels of knowledge were also found to characterize groups with little access and low exposure to communication.وقد أكدت نتائج المسح القومي المصري للاتصال وتنظيم الأسرة (الكامل 1981) جميع الفروض النظرية للنموذج، حيث أشارت النتائج إلى أن الفئات الاجتماعية والاقتصادية الضعيفة لديها مستويات منخفضة من المعرفة فيما يتعلق بتنظيم الأسرة ووسائلها. كما أثبتت النتائج أيضا وجود مستويات منخفضة من المعرفة لدى الفئات التي ينخفض لديها معدل ملكية وسائل الاتصال أو التعرض لها.
Furthermore, low socioeconomic groups and individuals were found to have little access and exposure to communication, as well as different media habits (Elkamel 1981).وعلاوة على ذلك، فقد وجدت الدراسة الميدانية أن الأفراد ذوى المستوى الاجتماعى والاقتصادي المنخفض هم أقل من ذوى المستوى المرتفع في ملكية وسائل الاتصال والتعرض لها، بالإضافة إلى اختلاف عادات وأنماط التعرض لديهم عن الفئات الأخرى(الكامل 1981).
Using a quasi-experimental design, data analysis was executed using various statistical tools such as three-way and four-way cross tabulations as well as regression and factor analysis, with the aim of examining the likelihood of practicing family planning under varying combinations of knowledge, communication and socioeconomic status. The findings were solidly consistent in support of the major hypothesis. Thus, it was established that family planning behavior is more likely under high levels of knowledge (even if levels of socioeconomic status are low), than it is under low levels of knowledge (even when levels of socioeconomic status are high).وباستخدام تصميم شبه تجريبي، تم تحليل البيانات باستخدام أساليب إحصائية مختلفة مثل الجداول الثلاثية والرباعية، بالإضافة إلى تحليل معامل الانحدار وتحليل العوامل (factor analysis)، وذلك بهدف تحديد مدى احتمالية ممارسة تنظيم الأسرة في ظل ظروف وتركيبات مختلفة من المعرفة والاتصال والوضع الاجتماعي والاقتصادي. وجاءت النتائج متوافقة تماما مع الفرض الرئيسي للنموذج. وعليه فقد ثبت أن حدوث السلوك الإيجابى نحو تنظيم الأسرة يكون أكثر احتمالا في ظل مستويات عالية من المعرفة (حتى ولو كانت مستويات الحالة الاجتماعية والاقتصادية منخفضة) ، من احتمال حدوثه في ظل مستويات منخفضة من المعرفة (حتى ولو كانت مستويات الحالة الاجتماعية والاقتصادية مرتفعة).
The positive relationship between knowledge and behavior was established in all socioeconomic subclasses. A challenging conclusion of the analysis was that a rural, illiterate, and poor person who acquires a high level of knowledge of family planning was more likely to have practiced, to be practicing, and to intend to practice family planning methods than an urban, educated, and rich person who did not have a high level of knowledge about family planning. This is illustrated in table (1) below (Elkamel 1981: 93-94).وأثبتت النتائج وجود علاقة إيجابية بين المعرفة والسلوك في جميع المستويات الاجتماعية والاقتصادية. ومن هنا فقد أصبح الاستنتاج المثير لهذا التحليل هو أن الشخص الريفي والأمي والفقير الذي لديه مستوى عالٍ من المعرفة بتنظيم الأسرة هو الأكثر احتمالا لأن يكون قد مارس تنظيم الأسرة سابقا أو يمارسها حاليا أو لديه النية لممارستها مستقبلا، من احتمال ممارسة تنظيم الأسرة من شخص حضري متعلم.، وولديه مقدرة اقتصادية مرتفعة، ولكن ليس لديه مستوى عالٍ من المعرفة حول تنظيم الأسرة. وهذا ما يوضحه الجدول (1) أدناه (الكامل 1981: 93-94).
Applying the Model in Health and Population Campaigns
Good planning of development communication for health, population and the environment should empower the less advantaged segments of the population with the necessary knowledge, to undertake the desired positive behavior. As mentioned above, this can be achieved if the communication effort is based on a careful analysis of the interrelationships between relevant variables in the Knowledge and Social Change Model. It is within this theoretical framework that family planning, oral rehydration and polio eradication campaigns that have been undertaken in Egypt during the last 40 years, will be discussed and analyzed in the remainder of this article.
تطبيق النموذج في حملات الصحة والسكان
إن التخطيط الجيد للاتصال الصحى والسكانى والبيئى يجب أن يمكّن الشرائح الأقل حظًا من السكان من التسلح بالمعرفة اللازمة للقيام بالسلوك الإيجابي المنشود. وكما ذكر أعلاه، فإنه يمكن تحقيق ذلك إذا كانت جهود الاتصال مبنية على تحليل دقيق للعلاقات المتبادلة بين المتغيرات ذات الصلة في نموذج المعرفة والتغيير الاجتماعي. لقد تم بنجاح تخطيط وتنفيذ حملات عديدة في مصر في خلال الأربعين عاما الماضية بناء على هذا الإطار النظرى، منها حملات تنظيم الأسرة، ومكافحة الجفاف، والقضاء على شلل الأطفال، وهو ما سوف نتناوله بالتحليل في الجزء المتبقي من هذه المقال العلمى.
The methodology utilized here in presenting and analyzing three case studies, relies on data that has been published by various researchers, national institutions, and international databanks, utilizing findings of national surveys, census data as well as vital statistics. Many of the campaigns that are reviewed in this article were based on the theoretical framework described above, however, some were not, therefore the utmost level of transparency and scientific integrity is observed in presenting the results and impact of all campaigns. The paper excludes research findings of studies conducted by the author; in order to remain completely objective, it only uses research data and results that have been collected and published by other researchers and institutions.يعتمد المنهج المستخدم هنا فى عرض وتحليل ثلاث دراسات حالة على البيانات التي تم نشرها من قبل مختلف الباحثين والمؤسسات الوطنية والدولية، والتي استندت فيها على نتائج المسوح الاجتماعية والصحية الوطنية وبيانات التعداد والإحصاءات الحيوية. تم تخطيط بعض الحملات التي سنقوم بمراجعتها فيما يلى من هذا المقال العلمى بناء على الإطار النظري لنموذج المعرفة والتغيير الاجتماعى، ولكن البعض الآخر من هذه الحملات لم يعتمد علي النموذج، لذلك فسوف تتم مراعاة أقصى درجات الشفافية والنزاهة العلمية في عرض نتائج وتأثير جميع تلك الحملات، سواء اعتمدت على النموذج أو لم تعتمد عليه. وسوف نستبعد من التحليل نتائج البحوث والدراسات التي أجراها المؤلف نفسه حتى يكون العرض والتحليل موضوعيا تمامًا، وسوف نستخدم فقط بيانات ونتائج البحوث والدراسات التي تم جمعها ونشرها من قبل باحثين ومؤسسات أخرى.

حملة علاج الجفاف عن طريق الفم 1983-1989

نهر النيل هو شريان الحياة لمصر. كل قطرة من مياهه تضفي حياة خضراء على الأرض وشعبها. والمزارع المصري، الذي زرع هذه الأرض منذ سبعة آلاف عام، يعرف ذلك جيدًا. إنه يسمي حالة نضوب مياه النيل “الجفاف”. ومن هنا أصبحت هذه الكلمة أنسب وصف لحالة فقدان الجسم للسوائل والأملاح الضرورية لاستمرار الحياة.
حتى عام 1983، كانت مصر تفقد حوالي 150 ألف طفل يموتون سنويًا بسبب الجفاف، وهو ما كان يمثل نصف عدد وفيات الأطفال دون سن الخامسة. هذه المأساة يمكن تجنبها عن طريق العلاج بمزيج من الملح والسكر والماء بنسب محددة، وهو ما يسمى “محلول معالجة الجفاف” عن طريق الفم (ORS) والذي تم توفيره في جميع المستشفيات ومراكز الرعاية الصحية الأولية في مصر منذ عام 1977. ولكن الأبحاث التي تم إجراؤها في عام 1983 وجدت أن الغالبية العظمى من الأمهات لم يعرفن ما هو الجفاف، ولم يكن على علم بوجود وسائل معالجة الجفاف عن طريق الفم ، والتي تتضمن، بالإضافة إلى “محلول معالجة الجفاف” ممارسات أخرى مثل استمرار الرضاعة الطبيعية (خاصة أثناء نوبات الإسهال) ، و إعطاء الطفل الكثير من السوائل.
بسبب نقص معرفتهم بهذه القضية، وجدت الأبحاث التي أجريت أن الأمهات يستخدمن طرقًا غير صحيحة لعلاج الإسهال، بما في ذلك حرمان الطفل المصاب بالإسهال من السوائل تمامًا. ومما زاد الطين بلة، أن غالبية الأطباء في مصر، بمن فيهم أطباء الأطفال، لم يكونوا مقتنعين بعلاج الجفاف عن طريق الفم، وكانوا يعتمدون على المحلول الوريدي لعلاج الجفاف. كما كاموا ينصحون الأمهات بالتوقف عن الرضاعة لمدة 24 ساعة أو أكثر، مع الإسراف في وصف المضادات الحيوية والأدوية المضادة للإسهال.
في عام 1983، بدأت وزارة الصحة المشروع القومى المكافحة أمراض الإسهال، ووضع المؤلف خطة الحملة الإعلامية للمشروع وأشرف على تنفيذها، واعتمد تخطيط وتنفيذ الحملة على نموذج المعرفة والتغيير الاجتماعي الذي تمت مناقشته أعلاه. في الصفحات القليلة التالية نعرض للاستراتيجية الإعلامية التي وضعها المؤلف قبل بداية الحملة فى عام 1983بصفته خبير الاتصال ومدير الحملة القومية لمعالجة الجفاف. ويعد الالتزام بهذه الاستراتيجية والتطبيق شبه الحرفى لها طوال مدة الحملة من 1983 إلى 1989 أحد الأسباب الرئيسية لما أدت إليه من نتائج سوف نقوم بعرضها فيما بعد.
استندت رؤية الحملة بالاعتماد بشكل كبير على التلفزيون إلى حقيقة أنه كان موجودًا في أكثر من 90 بالمائة من منازل الأسر المصرية في ذلك الوقت، وأن حوالي 50 بالمائة من جميع المصريين – بما في ذلك 70 بالمائة من جميع النساء البالغات – كانوا أميين، ومع ذلك، فقد كان لدى معظمهم إمكانية التعرض إلى التلفزيون (MEAG 1984). وبالإضافة إلى ذلك، فقد جاء تصميم الرسائل الإعلامية مبنيا على دراسة احتياجات الجمهور وفقا لنموذج المعرفة والتغيير الاجتماعى.
بعد إطلاق حملة تجريبية لمدة ثلاثة أشهر، حصريًا في الإسكندرية، بين أغسطس وأكتوبر من عام 1983، حيث كانت الإذاعة هي الوسيلة الرئيسية، تم إطلاق حملة تجريبية من خلال التليفزيون لمدة أسبوعين على مستوى الجمهورية في يناير / فبراير 1984؛ باستخدام ثلاثة إعلانات (PSAs). وكان الدرس الأول المستفاد من الحملة التجريبية هو تأكيد الفرضية القائلة بأن التلفزيون سيكون أكثر فعالية من أية وسيلة أخرى .
تم إطلاق أول حملة تليفزيونية شاملة على مستوى الجمهورية في سبتمبر 1984. وبالإضافة إلى الرسائل الرئيسية حول ماهية الجفاف وكيفية التعرف على علاماته، قدمت الحملة المنتج الجديد “محلول معالجة الجفاف” ومفهوم معالجة الجفاف، بما في ذلك إرشادات حول كيفية المزج السليم للمحلول وكيفية إعطائه للطفل، والتأكيد على أهميته لإنقاذ حياة الطفل، وكذلك رسائل عن مسببات الجفاف، وطرق الوقاية من الإسهال. وتتابعت بع ذلك حملات أخرى حتى عام 1989، مع تحديث الرسائل الإعلامية سنويا استجابة لنتائج بحوث التقييم والمتابعة التي تهدف إلى تقييم تأثير كل حملة وتحديد احتياجات الجمهور لرسائل جديدة.

التأثير على المعرفة والسلوك
منذ بدء الحملة الإعلانية التلفزيونية للإرواء عن طريق الفم في عام 1984، أصبحت الكلمة العربية “جفاف” تعني الجفاف الجسدي وهى التي كانت في الماضى تشير إلى نضوب مياه النيل. لقد أصبح مفهوم الجفاف معروفًا بدرجة كبيرة جدًا بسبب الإعلانات التلفزيونية لدرجة أن الكاتب الشهير أنيس منصور عبّر عن دهشته في عموده اليومي بجريدة الأهرام قائلا: “طُلب من أطفال المدارس في امتحانهم النهائي كتابة مقال عن الجفاف المائى للنيل، لكنهم كتبوا عن الجفاف عند الأطفال بدلاً من ذلك ” .
وفقًا لمسوح التقييم التي أجريت على مستوى الجمهورية، فقد ارتفع مستوى المعرفة واستعمال محلول معالجة الجفاف بشكل كبير جدا نتيجة للحملات الإعلامية بين عامي 1983 و1988 في حين أن هذه المعرفة والاستعمال كانا شبه غائبين تماما قبل عام 1983. لقد ارتفعت النسبة المئوية للنساء اللائي يعرفن محلول معالجة الجفاف من 3% في عام 1983 إلى 94 في المائة في عام 1984، و98 في المائة في عام 1988. (Elkamel and Hirschhorn 1984; British Medical Journal 1985; SPAAC 1984, 1985, 1986, 1988; El-Rafie 1990). وزادت نسبة استعمال المحلول بنفس الوتيرة، حيث ارتفعت النسبة من أقل من 2% عام 1983 إلى 50 في المائة في عام 1984، ثم إلى 66 في المائة في عام 1988 (الرافعي 1990). وعلاوة على ذلك، فإن المعرفة الصحيحة بكيفية خلط وتحضير المحلول زادت إلى 53 في المائة في عام 1984، وإلى 96 في المائة في عام 1988 (الرافعي 1990). وهذه النتائج معروضة في الجدول (2) أدناه:

كشفت الأبحاث الميدانية التي أجريت فى خلال مرحلة التخطيط لحملة المشروع القومى لمكافحة الجفاف أن هناك توزيعًا مثيرًا للاهتمام فيما يتعلق بمشاهدة المسلسلات الدرامية والأفلام المصرية في التليفزيون المصرى، حيث كانت نسبة مشاهدة المسلسلات والأفلام الدرامية بين الإناث ذوات المستوى المنعدم أو القليل من التعليم أعلى بكثير من النسب المئوية لمشاهدة هذه الأشكال التليفزيونية بين الحاصلات على تعليم عالٍ؛ ومن ناحية أخرى كشفت الأبحاث عن وجود نمط مشابه ومماثل في توزيع حالات الإصابة بالإسهال، حيث تزداد نسبة الإصابة لدى أطفال الأمهات الأقل تعليماً (MEAG 1984; Kamel 1984). كانت هذه النتائج وغيرها في غاية الأهمية لتخطيط الحملة الإعلامية بحيث لا ينتج عنها خلل في وصول المعلومات إلى من يستحقونها.
لقد تم أيضا مراعاة العديد من العوامل الأخرى لتجنب خلق ما يسمى بفجوة المعرفة أو “فجوة تأثيرات المعلومات”، مثل التركيز على اختيار الشخصيات الريفية والحضرية ذوى المستويات الاجتماعية والاقتصادية المنخفضة، والاختيار الدقيق لأزياء وإكسسوار الشخصيات، ومواقع التصوير؛ وعلاوة على ذلك فقد تم الاختيار المتعمد لشكل الإعلانات التليفزيونية ليماثل شكل المسلسلات التلفزيونية والأفلام، كما تم إذاعة الإعلانات قبل بث المسلسلات والأفلام مباشرة. وأخيرا، فقد تم استخدام لغة بسيطة ومرئيات سهلة الفهم، وتم عمل اختبار مسبق للإعلانات قبل بثها، للتأكد من سهولة فهمها وقبولها اجتماعيا من قبل جميع شرائح الجمهور، وخاصة الأمهات الريفيات وغير المتعلمات وغيرهن من المسئولين عن رعاية الأطفال.
يظهر تأثير هذه الحملات، التي اعتمدت بشكل أساسي على التلفزيون، أنه قد نجح في زيادة المعرفة والمهارات، فضلاً عن تغيير السلوك، ودون خلق فجوات معرفية بين الشرائح الدنيا والعليا من السكان (MEAG 1984). لقد تمكن التلفزيون من التغلب على عقبة الأمية وتوصيل المعلومات الصحية وذات الأهمية لجميع شرائح الجمهور. وكنتيجة لكل ذلك تم تحقيق التأثير المطلوب كما هو موضح في الجدول (3) أدناه، والمشتق من بيانات المسح القومى. ومن المثير للاهتمام حقا، أن الفئات ذات المستويات التعليمية المنخفضة قد استفادت أكثر من الحملة لأن عاداتهم الإعلامية ومستوياتهم التعليمية وأنماطهم الثقافية تم أخذها في الاعتبار في مراحل التخطيط والإنتاج المختلفة. وعلى عكس نتائج العديد من حملات الاتصال الأخرى التي نوقشت في أدبيات الدراسات الإعلامية، وعلى عكس ما يفترض أن يحدث وفقا لنظرية “فجوة المعرفة” ، فقد تبنت الشرائح الأقل تعليماً من السكان المصريين هذا الابتكار الجديد (محلول معالجة الجفاف) أكثر من الشرائح الأكثر تعليماً، كما هو موضح في هذه النتائج لاستخدام محلول معالجة الجفاف بعد حملات 1983 و1984 .

التأثير على وفيات الرضع والأطفال
بعد عامين من إطلاق الحملة الأولى، بدأت الإحصاءات الحيوية وغيرها من البيانات في إظهار مدى تأثير زيادة معرفة الأمهات، واستخدام محلول معالجة الجفاف على وفيات الرضع والأطفال. وخلصت المجلة الطبية البريطانية إلى أن ” لقد تم إنقاذ حياة أكثر من 100.000 طفل في مصر، فيما قد يكون أنجح برنامج للتثقيف الصحي في العالم” (ص 1249). وأضافت المجلة: ” انبهرت منظمة الصحة العالمية بنتائج الحملة المصرية لدرجة أنها الآن تشجع دولاً أخرى على تبني برامج مماثلة” (ص 1249).
في العام التالي، قام فريق مكون من ثمانية مصريين و أحد عشر خبير دولي يمثلون وزارة الصحة المصرية والوكالة الأمريكية للتنمية الدولية واليونيسف ومنظمة الصحة العالمية بتقييم المشروع، وتوصلوا إلى الاستنتاج التالي: “بما يتوافق مع نتائج عدد من الدراسات التي أجراها المشروع، فقد وجد فريق التقييم أن هناك مستوى مبهرا من المعرفة والاستعمال لمحلول معالجة الجفاف بين الأمهات، فمن بين 161 أم تمت مقابلتهن أثناء هذه المراجعة، عرفت 96 بالمائة منهن الغرض من استخدام محلول معالجة الجفاف ، و 82 بالمائة قلن إنهن قاموا باستعمالها فعليا، و 71 بالمائة عرفن بعض علامات الجفاف. من بين مستخدمي محلول معالجة الجفاف، يمكن لـ 97 في المائة مزجها بشكل صحيح . وعلاوة على ذلك، فقد أكد التقرير أنه: “من الواضح أن النتائج المذكورة أعلاه يمكن أن تُعزى في معظمها إلى الخطة الإعلامية جيدة التخطيط والتنفيذ والتي تعتمد إلى حد كبير على الإعلانات التلفزيونية. وقد أدى التركيز الحكيم على الجمهور المستهدف الرئيسى، أي الأمهات، إلى تكوين نظام يحركه الطلب وهو ما يعد في غاية الأهمية في استمرار واستدامة إنجازات المشروع” .
عند الانتهاء من المشروع، نشرت مجلة “لانسيت” حول تأثير الحملة جاء فيه: “أصبحت عبوات أملاح معالجة الجفاف عن طريق الفم متاحة الآن على نطاق واسع؛ وأصبح علاج الجفاف عن طريق الفم يستخدم بشكل صحيح في معظم نوبات الإسهال؛ كما أصبح معظم الأمهات يستمررن في إطعام الرضع والأطفال أثناء مرض الطفل؛ وأصبح معظم الأطباء يصفون محلول معالجة الجفاف. لقد أدت هذه التغييرات في التعامل مع حالات الإسهال الحاد إلى انخفاض حاد في معدل الوفيات من الإسهال، في الوقت الذى ظلت فيه نسب وفيات الأطفال لأسباب أخرى ثابتة تقريبًا” واستنادا إلى بيانات التعداد والإحصاءات الحيوية، يخلص المقال إلى نتيجة مذهلة: “لقد انخفض معدل وفيات الرضع بسبب الإسهال من 29.1 في عام 1983 إلى 12.3 في عام 1987، في حين انخفض معدل وفيات الرضع لأسباب أخرى خلال نفس الفترة بنسبة ضئيلة جدا، من 35.6 عام 1983 إلى 32.8 عام 1987 .
وبالإضافة إلى ذلك، خلصت روث ليفين إلى أن “العنصر الأكثر تأثيرا في مكونات البرنامج هو التسويق الاجتماعي وحملة الاتصال الجماهيري.”. وتقدر ليفين أنه “بسبب الانخفاض في معدل وفيات الأطفال الناتجة عن الإسهال بين عامي 1982 و1989، فقد تم انقاذ 300 ألف طفل من الوفاة.” وبشكل أكثر تحديدا، خلص بيتر ميللر ونوربرت هيرشهورن ، إلى أنه قد تم إنقاذ حياة 316,61 طفلًا في مصر بين عامي 1982 و 1989 ، منهم 316,612 من الأطفال الرضع و 114,499 طفلًا ممن تتراوح أعمارهم بين عام واحد وأربعة أعوام.
بعد ثلاث سنوات من انتهاء المشروع والحملة الإعلامية، خلص المسح الصحى الديموجرافي لمصر (EDHS 1992: 145) إلى أنه “من الواضح أن المعرفة بمحلول معالجة الجفاف أصبحت موجودة لدى الجميع تقريبًا؛ حيث أن 99 في المائة من الأمهات يعرفن المحلول. كما أن مستويات الاستعمال مرتفعة أيضًا حيث تصل إلى 70 في المائة من كل الأمهات “. وفي عام 1995، وجدت المسح الصحى الديموجرافي لمصر لذلك العام أن 98.2 من الأمهات يعرفن محلول معالجة الجفاف (EDHS 1995) . وبعد مرور عشر سنوات كاملة على انتهاء الحملة، وجد المسح الصحى الديموجرافي لمصر (EDHS 2000: 157) أن “جميع الأمهات تقريبًا (98 في المائة) على دراية بتوافر عبوات أملاح المحلول التي يمكن استخدامها لمنع الجفاف.”
إن هذه النتائج البحثية تعد مؤشرًا إضافيًا هاما على أن تمكين الأمهات بالمعرفة والمهارات اللازمة لعلاج أطفالهن وحمايتهم من الوفاة بسبب الجفاف، قد أدى إلى تغيير إيجابي، وأصبحت تدابير الرعاية اللازمة مغروسة في قلوب وعقول الأمهات وغيرهم من القائمين على رعاية الأطفال، وأنهم يواصلون نقل هذه المعرفة والمهارات التي اكتسبوها إلى الجيل القادم من الأمهات.


الاتصال وتنظيم الأسرة في مصر من 1979 إلى 2018

المشكلة السكانية في مصر
تم شرح الانفجار السكاني في مصر والدول النامية الأخرى في سياق نظرية التحول الديموجرافي، والتي تشير إلى تحول تاريخي من معدلات المواليد المرتفعة المصحوبة بارتفاع معدلات وفيات الأطفال الرضع، إلى معدلات المواليد المنخفضة المصحوبة بمعدلات وفيات منخفضة عندما يصبح المجتمع أكثر تطورا. وعلى الرغم من حدوث هذا التحول التاريخى في البلدان الغربية، إلا أن الانخفاض السريع في معدلات الوفيات في البلدان النامية بعد الحرب العالمية الثانية لم يتبعه انخفاض في معدلات المواليد بسرعة كافية وكانت النتيجة هي ما أصبح يعرف باسم “الانفجار السكاني”.

واعتبرت برامج تنظيم الأسرة وسيلة لمواجهة هذه الظاهرة، من أجل تسريع وتيرة الانخفاض في معدل المواليد، وأصبحت مصر من أوائل الدول النامية التي تبنت تنظيم الأسرة كمدخل لتحسين الصحة وخفض معدل النمو السكاني. في عام 1962 تبنت الحكومة ميثاقًا وطنيًا نص على أن النمو السكاني المرتفع يعد تهديدًا لتحسين الأوضاع الاقتصادية للشعب المصري، وأن الزيادة السكانية السريعة هي أخطر عقبة تواجه الشعب المصري في سعيه نحو رفع مستوى المعيشة. وفي عام 1965، أصبحت مصر أول دولة في العالم العربي تنشئ برنامجًا رسميًا لتنظيم الأسرة. ولكن بالرغم من التأسيس المبكر لهذا البرنامج، وحدوث انخفاض في معدل النمو السكاني لعدة سنوات، إلا أن الدعم السياسي له لم يكن منتظما، وظلت نسبة المواليد مرتفعة حتى ثمانينيات القرن الماضي.

بدأ الاهتمام الجاد بالاتصال فيما يتعلق بتنظيم الأسرة في عام 1979، عندما بدأت فى مصر أول حملة وطنية من خلال مركز الإعلام والتعليم والاتصال (IEC) التابع للهيئة العامة للاستعلامات. وعلى مدار 40 عامًا من 1979 إلى 2018، تم إطلاق حملات عدة استخدمت فيها أساليب ومداخل مختلفة.

الاتصال وتنظيم الأسرة في مصر: 1979-1985
في خلال هذه الفترة الزمنية اعتمدت الحملة في الغالب على وسائل الإعلام المطبوعة، وذلك على الرغم من ارتفاع مستوى الأمية في مصر في ذلك الوقت. لقد تم وضع ملصقات في القاهرة، بغض النظر عن حقيقة أن غالبية الجمهور المستهدف كانوا في أماكن أخرى. نشرت الحملة رسائلها الرئيسية تحت هذه الشعارات الثلاثة: (1) “انظر حولك … مصر تعانى من مشكلة سكانية؛ (2)” الأسر الصغيرة = حياة أفضل”؛ و (3)” الاختيار لك”. وتمت إضافة إعلان تلفزيوني لاحقًا مدته أربع دقائق بعنوان “حسنين ومحمدين”، عبارة عن أغنية بصوت مطربة شعبية ويقوم فيه ممثلان مغموران بتمثيل دور أخوين من صعيد مصر، الأول بائس لأن لديه سبعة أبناء، بينما الأخ الآخر الذي لديه طفلان فقط، سعيد وناجح في حياته.

كشفت الدراسة المسحية للمتابعة والتي أجريت بعد عامين من إطلاق الحملة عن الانتشار غير السليم لهذه الرسائل بين شرائح الجمهور المختلفة في مصر. وعلى الرغم من أن الحملة كانت على مستوى الجمهورية، إلا أن أعدادا كبيرة جدا من المواطنين لم تصلها أيً من الرسائل الأربع المذكورة أعلاه مما أدى إلى حدوث فجوة معرفية خلال هذين العامين بين الفئات الاجتماعية والاقتصادية المختلفة. والجدير بالذكر أن هذه النتائج مستمدة من نتائج مسح المتابعة لعام 1982 الذي أجراه الجهاز المركزي للتعبئة العامة والإحصاء بالتعاون مع الهيئة العامة للاستعلامات ومركز التنمية الاجتماعية في شيكاغو.

قدم بارلاتو وآخرون (1988:19) تقريرًا عن الحملة المذكورة أعلاه بالإضافة إلى حملات الهيئة العامة للاستعلامات الأخرى خلال نفس الفترة الزمنية، وخلص إلى أنه: “بين عامي 1979 و1986، جربت الهيئة العامة للاستعلامات ثلاثة مداخل مختلفة للإعلان التلفزيوني: الأول من خلال أغنية شعبية، والثاني من خلال الرسوم المتحركة، والثالث باستخدام أسلوب التخويف الشديد. وبالإضافة إلى الإعلان التلفزيوني، واصلت الهيئة العامة للاستعلامات استخدام الملصقات، والكتيبات، واللوحات الإعلانية، والبرامج الإذاعية والتلفزيونية التي ترعاها، وكذلك الاتصال المباشر مع الأفراد في شكل تجمعات عامة تنظمها المكاتب المحلية للهيئة العامة للاستعلامات. ومع ذلك، فإنه في خلال معظم هذه الفترة، كانت هناك صعوبتان واضحتان في الاستراتيجية الإعلامية للرسائل حول تنظيم الأسرة: الأولى هي الافتقار إلى الرسائل التي تركز على الموضوع والجمهور المستهدف والثانية هي التقليل من شأن المبادئ العلمية للعلوم الاجتماعية كأساس لصياغة وإنتاج الرسالة الإعلامية “.

وخلص دونالد بوج أيضًا إلى أن: “الرسائل الإذاعية والتلفزيونية في أواخر السبعينيات وأوائل الثمانينيات من القرن الماضي كانت تعليمية بشكل عام، حيث ركزت على موضوع زيادة النمو السكاني كمشكلة وطنية، لكنها لم تبذل سوى القليل من الجهد لربط هذه المشكلة الوطنية بالمشاكل الاجتماعية والاقتصادية اليومية للمشاهدين والمستمعين. كما افتقرت الرسائل إلى أي معلومات خاصة بوسائل تنظيم الأسرة، وفوائد استعمالها، وأماكن توفرها، أو آثارها الجانبية المحتملة “.

وتؤكد بيانات الدراسات الزمنية المستمرة التي أصبحت متاحة مؤخرًا أنه لم يكن هناك تأثير حقيقي للحملات الإعلامية على النمو السكاني في مصر خلال الفترة من 1980 إلى 1985، حيث كان معدل النمو 2.319 في عام 1978، قبل بدء الحملة الأولى، واستمر في الارتفاع بشكل مطرد طوال الفترة التي احتوت على ثلاث حملات إعلامية، ووصلت نسبة النمو السكانى بعد الحملة الثالثة في عام 1985 إلى 2.654، وهو ما يمثل زيادة فعلية بنسبة 14٪ في معدل النمو السكاني خلال تلك الفترة.

الاتصال وتنظيم الأسرة في مصر: 1986-1992
خلال الفترة من 1986 إلى 1992، تم الاعتماد بشكل أساسى على نموذج المعرفة والتغيير الاجتماعي في تخطيط وتنفيذ الحملات الإعلامية لتنظيم الأسرة في مصر. وقام مؤلف هذا المقال بتخطيط وإنتاج حملات تنظيم الأسرة في الجمهورية، بما في ذلك أربع حملات قومية من خلال التعاقد مع مركز الإعلام والتعليم والاتصال التابع للهيئة العامة الاستعلامات في الفترة من 1987 إلى 1991. وقد ركزت هذه الحملات على التصدى للشائعات حول تنظيم الأسرة بشكل عام ووسائل تنظيم الأسرة بشكل خاص، بالإضافة إلى التركيز على كيفية الاستعمال الصحيح لهذه الوسائل وبيان مخاطر الزواج المبكر وتشجيع مفهوم المباعدة بين الولادات.

وقد ذكر بارلاتو وآخرون (1988) نتائج المسح الشامل لعدد 1800 أسرة بهدف تقييم الحملة الأولى من هذه الحملات، والمعروفة باسم حملة “الزنانة” 1987. ومن المثير للاهتمام حقا، أن هذه الحملة، مثل حملة مكافحة الجفاف التي عرضناها فيما سبق، تحدت فرضية “فجوة تأثيرات الاتصال” أو “فجوة المعرفة” بل إنها عكست “فجوة المعرفة” المتوقعة.

كما تم تخطيط وتنفيذ ثلاث حملات إعلامية أخرى لتنظيم الأسرة على أساس نموذج المعرفة والتغيير الاجتماعي بين عامي 1988 و1990-1991. تناولت هذه الحملات مزيدًا من التفاصيل فيما يتعلق بالاستخدام الصحيح لوسائل تنظيم الأسرة وكيفية التعامل مع آثارها الجانبية المحتملة. كما تناولت قضية اللوم المفرط على النساء من قبل أزواجهن لعدم إنجابهن أبناء ذكورا وأوضحت أن الزوج وليست الزوجة هو المسئول علميا عن تحديد نوع المولود. كما ركزت هذه الحملات على توافر وسائل منع الحمل وأهمية الاختيار المناسب والاستخدام الصحيح لها؛ والمخاطر الصحية للزواج المبكر؛ وحقوق الأطفال؛ وأهمية استشارة الطبيب. ومفهوم التنظيم نفسه.
تم تقييم هذه الحملات من خلال دراسة استقصائية على مستوى الجمهورية، أجريت على عينة قوامها 2400 فردا. لم تجد الدراسة أي فروق تذكر في نسبة مشاهدة الإعلانات بين سكان الحضر والريف، أو بين مختلف المستويات التعليمية. وأكدت الدراسة أيضًا أن غالبية المشاهدين، بغض النظر عن شرائحهم الديموجرافية، كانوا قادرين على تذكر رسائل الحملة بشكل صحيح.
عالجت حملة عام 1989 قضايا أكثر عمقا مثل القدرية، والحاجة إلى بدء المباعدة بين الأطفال بعد ولادة الطفل الأول، فضلاً عن ضرورة مشاركة الرجال وواجبهم في دعم زوجاتهم في اتخاذ قرارات تنظيم الأسرة. وركزت حملة 1990-1991 على النساء في المناطق الريفية وتناولت قضايا الاختيار والاستعمال الصحيح للوسائل، وتضمنت إعلانا عن كيفية معاملة الرجال لنسائهم باحترام وكرامة. استمر بث معظم الإعلانات التلفزيونية التي تم إنتاجها في هذه الحملة طوال عام 1992.

الاتصال بتنظيم الأسرة في مصر بعد عام 1992
بين عامي 1993 و2002، أطلقت وزارة الصحة بدعم من الوكالة الأمريكية للتنمية الدولية مبادرات مختلفة مثل برنامج “النجمة الذهبية” وعددا من الإعلانات التلفزيونية من بطولة الممثل الشهير أحمد ماهر. كما تضمنت هذه الفترة سلسلة إعلانات تلفزيونية أخرى أنتجتها وزارة الصحة. وشهدت السنوات التالية مشاريع أكثر تكلفة، مثل مشروع “الاتصال من أجل حياة صحية” برعاية وتمويل الوكالة الأمريكية للتنمية الدولية كما شهدت هذه الفترة أيضا (عام 2008) حملة “وقفة مصرية”.

في مشروع “الاتصال لحياة صحية”، تم دمج رسائل تنظيم الأسرة مع مجموعة كبيرة جدًا من الرسائل الصحية الأخرى، وهو ما لم يسفر عن نتيجة إيجابية، إذ اعترف تقرير شامل عن هذه الفترة بأن “الاتجاه التصاعدي في معدل استعمال وسائل تنظيم الأسرة قد تلاشى منذ عام 2003، كما تباطأ الانخفاض في معدل الإنجاب الإجمالي، حتى توقف الانخفاض تماما بين عامي 2005 و2008 “.

تزامنت حملة “وقفة مصرية” مع برنامج “الاتصال لحياة صحية” في صيف عام 2008، عندما تشاركت عدة وزارات في توفير تمويل ضخم لحملة إعلامية جديدة حول تنظيم الأسرة. ولجأت الحملة إلى نفس الأساليب القديمة التي كانت سائدة في أوائل الثمانينيات واستخدمت شعارات شديدة العمومية تلوم المواطنين بشكل غير مباشر على التسبب في المشكلة السكانية. كانت درية شرف الدين (2008)، عضوا ومتحدثة باسم المجلس القومي للمرأة في ذلك الوقت، وانتقدت الحملة بشدة، حيث طرحت عدة أسئلة رئيسية: ” من الذي هندس تلك الحملة؟ ومن اختار ذلك الشعار (وقفة مصرية)؟ من الذي بعثر المعني علي لافتات متتالية في الشوارع وعلي مطالع الكباري وفي الأحياء غير الشعبية وغير المكتظة بالسكان ثم نسأل من يتسبب في زيادة النسل في مصر؟ وأضافت: ” سألت البعض من الذين قدرت أنهم من المستهدفين من تلك الحملة هل لاحظتم إعلانات في الطريق عن تحديد النسل؟ أجاب معظمهم بالنفي، والبعض اعتقد أن إعلانات الحملة إنما هي إعلانات عن برنامج البيت بيتك بالتليفزيون حيث إن شعار الحملة «وقفة مصرية» يشبه في طريقة كتابته والإطار الذي يحتويه عنوان البرنامج،”. (المصري اليوم 2008).

من الواضح أن هذه الحملة تشبه حملة أوائل الثمانينيات من عدة نواحٍ: فقد استخدمت كلتاهما قنوات إعلامية غير ملائمة ولم تستطع الوصول إلى الجمهور المستهدف الأساسي لحملات تنظيم الأسرة، وكلتاهما نشرت رسائل عامة وغامضة. إن إلقاء نظرة فاحصة على الشعارات المستخدمة في كلتا الحملتين يكشف عن نمط متكرر، فقد استخدمت الحملة في أوائل الثمانينيات شعار “انظر حولك… مصر تعانى من مشكلة سكانية”، واستخدمت هذه الحملة شعار ” نحكم عقلنا نشرب كلنا، نحكم عقلنا نستريح كلنا، نتعالج كلنا” وهلم جرا، والذي يمكن رؤيته على أنه دعاية حكومية فجة بدلاً من رسائل مدروسة لتنظيم الأسرة.

نتائج وتأثير حملات الاتصال لتنظيم الأسرة في مصر
قام مركز البحوث الاجتماعية التابع للجامعة الأمريكية بالقاهرة فى2012 بدراسة التغير في استخدام وسائل منع الحمل خلال الفترة الزمنية البالغة 30 عامًا، وخلص إلى أن “تحليل نسبة الاستعمال الحالية لوسائل تنظيم الأسرة خلال الفترة 1984-2008 تظهر بوضوح أن القفزة الكبرى قد حدثت خلال الفترة 1984-1992، حيث زاد معدل الاستعمال بأكثر من 50 في المائة، من 30.3 في المائة عام 1984 إلى 47.1 في المائة في عام 1992” ومن ناحية أخرى، فقد وجد المسح الصحى الديموجرافي المصري لعام 1992 أن 73 بالمائة من الرجال و71 بالمائة من النساء ذكروا أن التلفزيون هو المصدر الأول لمعلوماتهم حول تنظيم الأسرة. وفى مقابلة مع رئيس المجلس الأعلى للسكان، أكد إن “الزيادة الكبيرة في معدل ممارسة تنظيم الأسرة من 38 في المائة في عام 1988 إلى 47 في المائة في عام 1992 يمكن أن تُعزى إلى برنامج الإعلام والتعليم والاتصال وخاصة الاستخدام الفعال للتلفزيون الذى احتوى على رسائل مقنعة عن تنظيم الأسرة، خاصة وأن نسبة الأمية لا تزال مرتفعة في مصر “.

وعلاوة على ذلك، فإن تقرير تحليل الوضع السكاني الصادر عن صندوق الأمم المتحدة للسكان في 2016 عن مصر، يُظهر انخفاضًا حادًا في معدل المواليد من 39.0 بالألف في عام 1987 إلى 29.0 بالألف في عام 1992. وتأتى أهمية الزيادة في نسبة استعمال وسائل منع الحمل في كونها السبب في انخفاض معدل وفيات المواليد وما يترتب على ذلك من تأثير على معدل النمو السكاني في مصر، وتم تحليل ذلك باستفاضة من قبل سكوت مورلاند، والذي خلص إلى أن “التغير في نسبة استعمال وسائل تنظيم الأسرة هو العامل الوحيد الأكثر أهمية في التأثير على انخفاض معدل المواليد”.

تقدم مؤشرات التنمية العالمية للبنك الدولى، والتي يتم تجميعها ونشرها لجميع دول العالم، بيانات زمنية ممتدة قيمة تعكس التأثير المتغير لأنشطة الاتصال عن تنظيم الأسرة في مصر خلال فترة 40 عامًا من 1979 إلى 2018، كما هو موضح بيانياً في الشكل البيانى رقم 2) والمأخوذ من مؤشرات التنمية العالمية ويظهر بوضوح أن الحملات الإعلامية عن تنظيم الأسرة في الفترة 1980-1985 لم يكن لها تأثير يذكر على معدل النمو السكاني في مصر. وذلك لأن معدل النمو السنوي لسكان مصر كان 2.434 في المائة عام 1980 عندما انطلقت الحملة الأولى، وبدلا من أن ينخفض زاد بعد تلك المرحلة من الحملات الإعلامية. من ناحية أخرى، يوضح الرسم البياني أن معدل النمو السكانى في مصر قد انخفض إلى 2.048 في المائة في عام 1993، مع نهاية بث الحملات الأربع من 1987 إلى 1992، وهو انخفاض ملحوظ في معدل النمو السكاني بأكثر من 24 في المائة. ويعد هذا الانخفاض في معدل النمو السكاني في مصر خلال تلك الفترة الزمنية حثا لم يتكرر قبل أو بعد هذه الفترة الزمنية حتى الآن. وتجدر الإشارة إلى أن نموذج المعرفة والتغيير الاجتماعي كان هو الإطار العلمى لجميع حملات تنظيم الأسرة التي تم تخطيطها وتنفيذها في مصر خلال تلك الفترة من 1987 إلى 1992، وتعكس هذه النتائج مرة أخرى تأثير استخدام هذا النموذج العلمى في الحملات الإعلامية لتغيير السلوك، وهذه المرة في قضية تنظيم الأسرة بعد ما نتج عن هذه الحملات من انخفاض معدل النمو السكاني بشكل غير مسبوق كما تمت مناقشته أعلاه.

وتجدر الإشارة إلى أن هذا الانخفاض في معدل النمو السكاني قد تحقق على الرغم من الانخفاض المتسارع في معدلات وفيات الرضع والأطفال بسبب حملة مكافحة الجفاف التي كانت تحدث في نفس الفترة الزمنية والتي عرضناها سابقًا. وأخيرًا، فإن الرسم البياني المشار إليه يوضح أن حملات تنظيم الأسرة كان لها تأثير ضئيل أو منعدم على معدل النمو السكاني في مصر خلال الفترة من 1993 إلى 2009. وفي الواقع، فإن الرسم البياني يوضح أنه على مدار 25 عامًا بين عامي 1993 و2018، وعلى الرغم من العديد من الحملات الإعلامية الأخرى التي تم إطلاقها خلال تلك الفترة، فإن معدل النمو السكاني في مصر لم يشهد أي تغيير. لقد كان آخر معدل نمو سنوي موثق لسكان مصر في عام 2018 هو 2.033، وهو تقريبًا نفس ما كان عليه الحال في عام 1993 بعد سلسلة الحملات التي قمنا بها من 1986 و1992 والتي تمت مناقشتها أعلاه.

يؤكد تقرير “تحليل الوضع السكاني في مصر” لصندوق الأمم المتحدة للسكان (2016) النتيجة المذكورة أعلاه ويؤكد أن “معدل المواليد في مصر انخفض من 37 في الألف عام 1985 إلى 30 في الألف في عام 1993، وظل معدل المواليد في مصر دون تغيير يذكر بعدد ذلك، حيث كان يتأرجح حول 27 في الألف لما يقرب من 17 عامًا حتى عام 2010. ولسوء الحظ، فقد “بدأ في الارتفاع مرة أخرى ووصل إلى ذروته عند 31.9 بالألف في عام 2012” (صندوق الأمم المتحدة للسكان 2016: 28)، وهو أعلى مما كان عليه في عام 1993.
تكمن أهمية نتائج صندوق الأمم المتحدة للسكان في حقيقة أن الانخفاض في معدل النمو السكاني خلال الفترة الزمنية التي تم فيها تطبيق نموذج المعرفة والتغيير الاجتماعي (1987-1992)، كما هو موضح في الشكل (2) أعلاه، يرتبط بالزيادة في معدل انتشار وسائل تنظيم الأسرة، وبالتالي لا يمكن أن يعزى هذا الانخفاض إلى أسباب أخرى مثل حدوث زيادة حادة مفاجئة في معدل الوفيات أو انخفاض كبير في معدل الزواج لسبب ما على سبيل المثال. لقد كان الاختيار والاستعمال الصحيح لوسائل تنظيم الأسرة هو محور معظم رسائل الحملة خلال نفس الفترة وهو ما أدى إلى زيادة نسبة استعمال هذه الوسائل وانخفاض معدل المواليد وما تبع ذلك من انخفاض معدل النمو السكانى.

التكلفة والعائد لتنظيم الأسرة في مصر
خلص سكوت مورلاند في 2006 إلى أن فوائد برنامج تنظيم الأسرة في مصر حتى عام 2005 كانت كبيرة، حيث أدى إلى انخفاض عدد السكان عما كان متوقعا في حال عدم وجود هذا البرنامج بمقدار 12 مليون شخص. وقام مورلاند بحساب تحليل التكلفة والعائد لبرنامج تنظيم الأسرة في مصر واستنج أن خفض معدل المواليد قد تحقق بتكلفة إجمالية قدرها 2 مليار و402 مليون جنيه تم إنفاقها على حملات تنظيم الأسرة بين عامي 1980 و2005. يقول مورلاند: “لقد أدى انفاق هذا المبلغ إلى توفير 45 مليار و838 مليون جنيه من التكاليف المقدرة التي كانت ستصرف على دعم الرعاية الصحية للأطفال والتعليم ودعم التموين “. وفقًا لبيانات وتحليلات مورلاند، فقد كان المتوسط السنوي لإجمالى الإنفاق على تنظيم الأسرة خلال الفترة من 1987-1992 (والتي شهدت أفضل تأثير على معدل النمو السكانى) 64 مليون جنيه، بينما كان المتوسط لـلسنوات العشرة التالية هو 136 مليون. وتجدر الإشارة إلى أن أرقام النفقات المذكورة هنا تغطي جميع جوانب برامج تنظيم الأسرة في مصر، بما في ذلك خدمات تنظيم الأسرة وتكاليف الإدارة ورواتب الخبراء الأجانب والمستشارين المحليين والخدمات اللوجستية، بالإضافة إلى الإعلام.

تأثير تنظيم الأسرة على وفيات الأم والطفل
خلص المسح الصحي الديموجرافي لمصر في 1988 إلى أن “معدل وفيات الأطفال الرضع ينخفض من 153 حالة وفاة لكل ألف ولادة في حالة قصر الفترة الزمنية بين الولادات عن سنتين إلى حوالي 58 حالة وفاة لكل ألف بالنسبة في حال زادت تلك الفترة إلى فترة أطول تتراوح من سنتين إلى ثلاث سنوات أو أكثر. وبالإضافة إلى ذلك، فإن معدل الوفيات يزداد بنسبة 31 في المائة بين الأطفال المولودين لأمهات تقل أعمارهن عن 20 عامًا “، بل إن الأمر يزداد سوءا إذا كانت الأم أقل من ذلك في العمر، ويشير البرنامج الإنمائي للأمم المتحدة إلى أنه “إذا كانت الأم أقل من 18 عامًا، فإن خطر وفاة طفلها في السنة الأولى من العمر أكبر بنسبة 60 في المائة من خطر وفاة طفل مولود للأمهات الأكبر سنا”.

تشير هذه الدلالات إلى أن مخاطر وفيات الأطفال المصريين قد انخفضت بشكل كبير نتيجة للرسائل الرئيسية في الحملات الإعلامية لتنظيم الأسرة. وقد خلص مورلاند إلى أن برنامج تنظيم الأسرة في مصر قد أدى خلال السنوات الخمس والعشرين الماضية إلى انخفاض معدل وفيات الأطفال، حيث أدى إلى تقليل عدد وفيات الأطفال الرضع بأكثر من 3 ملايين طفلا، كما أدى إلى أيضا إلى تقليل وفيات الأطفال دون سن الخامسة بأكثر من 6 ملايين طفلا، وذلك بالإضافة إلى تقليل عدد وفيات الأمهات، وإنقاذ حياة 17000 أم.
ومن الجدير بالإشارة أن مورلاند قد جمع أنشطة تنظيم الأسرة على مدار 25 عامًا معًا، ودون تمييز بين الفترات الزمنية المختلفة في خلال تلك المدة الزمنية الطويلة، ودون تحليل لأى من هذه الفترات كان لها تأثير أكبر على إنقاذ الأرواح من غيرها. وفي ضوء البيانات التي نشرها البنك الدولي وصندوق الأمم المتحدة للسكان والموضحة سابقًا، فربما يقوم هو أو غيره بهذا التحليل في وقت ما في المستقبل. وينطبق الشيء نفسه على حساب الأعباء المالية التي تم توفيرها نتيجة لتنظيم الأسرة خلال تلك السنوات الخمس والعشرين


استئصال شلل الأطفال من مصر

بدأت حملات التطعيم ضد شلل الأطفال في مصر في تسعينيات القرن العشرين، بعدما تم توفير التطعيم الدورى ضد شلل الأطفال مجانًا من قبل وزارة الصحة. واستمرت الأعداد المؤكدة للإصابات الجديدة بشلل الأطفال في الانخفاض التدريجى، ولكن حدثت حالة من القلق في 2001-2002، حيث توقف هذا الانخفاض التدريجى في أعداد الحالات، والأدهى من ذلك أن حالات شلل الأطفال المؤكدة بدأت في الارتفاع مرة أخرى. فبعد ما كانت قد انخفضت إلى أربع حالات فقط في عام 2000، زادت بعد ذلك إلى خمس حالات في عام 2001 وإلى سبع حالات في عام 2002. وكان هذا القلق مبررًا، حيث أن منظمة الصحة العالمية لا تستطيع إعلان دولة خالية من شلل الأطفال طالما كانت هناك حالة واحدة من الإصابة. وكانت مصر في ذلك الوقت واحدة من ست دول فقط في العالم لا يزال شلل الأطفال موجودًا بها، وما كان يُعتقد أنه الخطوة الأخيرة نحو استئصال شلل الأطفال في مصر بدا فجأة أطول من ذلك.
تؤكد الزناتي وشركاؤها أنه في عام 2002، قامت المجموعة الاستشارية الفنية (TAG) ، التي تتكون من مسؤولين مصريين وممثلى الدول المانحة، بدعوة اليونيسف إلى مساعدة وزارة الصحة في القيام بأنشطة الاتصال وتحريك المجتمع لتدعيم استراتيجية الذهاب من منزل إلى منزل التي اعتمدتها الوزارة لاستئصال شلل الأطفال من مصر. وقامت اليونيسف باختيار هذا المؤلف كمستشار الاتصال الرئيسي لها في عام 2002، مع تفويضه بمراجعة وتعديل مسار حملة الاتصال وتحريك المجتمع اذا رأى ضرورة لذلك.
كانت القضايا والمشاكل الرئيسية التي تبينت من المراجعة والزيارات الميدانية والمسح الاجتماعى الأساسي كما يلي:

  1. كان هناك تركيز مبالغ فيه في حملات الاتصال على تغيير الاتجاهات، في حين أن جميع الأمهات تقريبا وغيرهن من المسئولين عن رعاية الأطفال كانت لديهم بالفعل اتجاهات إيجابية للغاية.
  2. افتقر مضمون الرسائل فى حملات الاتصال إلى نصائح للأمهات وغيرهن من المسئولين عن رعاية الأطفال حول كيفية التأكد من وجود الطفل بالمنزل عند قدوم التطعيم إلى المنزل.
  3. خصصت الحملات السابقة ميزانيات ومجهودات كبيرة لوسائل إعلامية غير مناسبة مثل المطبوعات، ولم يتم توجيه الاهتمام الكافي لاستخدام وسائل اتصال أكثر فعالية وملاءمة، بما في ذلك الإعلانات التليفزيونية ومكبرات الصوت على مستوى المجتمع المحلي.
  4. افتقار العاملين في وزارة الصحة إلى مهارات تصميم الاستراتيجيات والخطط والمحتوى، وكذلك افتقارهم إلى مهارات الاتصال اللازمة لتنفيذ التعبئة المجتمعية الفعالة.
  5. اتضح من المراجعة أيضا أن الاتجاهات الإيجابية الموجودة لدى الجميع تقريبا لم تكن كافية لتؤدي إلى السلوكيات المرغوبة، مما يؤكد فرضية نموذج المعرفة والتغيير الاجتماعي بأن الاتجاهات مهمة فقط كمتغير وسيط بين المعرفة والسلوك. كما واجه العديد من الأمهات وغيرهن من القائمين على رعاية الأطفال مشاكل أخرى مثل المعلومات المضللة التي تسببت في الإحجام عن تطعيم أطفالهن، على الرغم من الاتجاهات الإيجابية نحو التطعيم والتي هي بالفعل موجودة لديهن.

توجهات استراتيجية جديدة منذ عام 2002
استندت استراتيجية الاتصال المعدلة إلى نموذج المعرفة والتغيير الاجتماعي. وتضمنت هذه الاستراتيجية الجديدة المكونات الثلاثة التالية: 1) تعديل استراتيجية الاتصال واختيار وسائل وقنوات الاتصال. 2) مراجعة استراتيجية المحتوى والرسائل الإعلامية. 3) استخدام وسائل محدودة ومنتقاة لتحريك المجتمع في المناطق عالية الخطورة والتى تم اكتشاف حالات شلل الأطفال الأخيرة بها.

أ. مراجعة استراتيجية الاتصال واختيار وسائل الإعلام
أظهرت مؤشرات العادات الإعلامية، كما تم قياسها في المسح الأساسي أن مشاهدة التلفزيون منتشرة بشكل يفوق الاستماع إلى الراديو أو الإعلام المطبوع بدرجة كبيرة جدا، وأن ملكية أجهزة التلفزيون تفوق ملكية أجهزة الراديو في مصر. وأفاد 93 في المائة من العينة الأساسية أنهم يشاهدون التلفزيون، مقارنة بـ 42 في المائة فقط ذكروا أنهم يستمعون إلى الراديو كما ذكر 8.5 في المائة فقط من العينة إنهم يقرؤون الصحف والمجلات بشكل منتظم.
ولم تتطلب الإستراتيجية المعدلة أية زيادة في الميزانية، بل كان العكس هو الصحيح. وفقًا للأرقام الدقيقة التي أوردتها الزناتي وشركاؤها فقد كان متوسط تكلفة الاتصال السنوية خلال الأعوام 2003-2005 أقل بنسبة 43 في المائة عن التكلفة فى عام 2002. وقد تحقق ذلك من خلال تعديل المزيج الإعلامى، كما هو موضح في الجدول رقم (7) أدناه، والذي يحتوى على البيانات الواردة في دراسة الزناتي وشركائها (2005).

ب. تعديل استراتيجية محتوى الرسائل
أظهرت التقارير الميدانية ونتائج المسح الأساسي الذى تم إجراؤه على عينة من 2048 أسرة على مستوى الجمهورية في يوليو 2002 أن هناك مؤشرات سلبية قد تكون مسؤولة عن النتائج الغير جيدة لمؤشرات التطعيم خلال الحملة القومية للتطعيم في عام 2002. وتشمل هذه المؤشرات انتشار شائعات مختلفة ومفاهيم خاطئة حول الآثار الجانبية للقاح شلل الأطفال. كما أثبتت النتائج عدم تجاوب عدد من الأمهات وغيرهن من المسئولين عن رعاية الأطفال مع الحملة القومية للتطعيم لأنهم كانوا قد أعطوا أطفالهم جرعة أو اثنتين من التطعيم الروتينى وظنوا أنهم بذلك لا يحتاجون إلى إعطاء هؤلاء الأطفال تطعيم الحملة القومية. واعتمدت الاستراتيجية الجديدة لمحتوى الرسائل لحملات الاتصال 2003-2005 على تصنيف المعرفة (الوعي، والكيفية، ومعرفة المبدئ) وفقا لنموذج المعرفة والتغيير الاجتماعي.

ج. تعزيز التعبئة المجتمعية
إن المفهوم الخاطئ بأن الاتصال المباشر أكثر فاعلية من وسائل الإعلام، وهو ما قمنا بتفنيده سابقًا، قد تم تحديه من خلال النتائج الفعلية لمختلف الحملات الإعلامية الناجحة التي تم عرضها فيما سبق. ونكرر هنا أيضا أن المقارنة ينبغي أن تكون بين الحملات جيدة التخطيط والحملات سيئة التخطيط وليس بين الاتصال المباشر والجماهيرى في حد ذاتهما. وفي موضوع حملات القضاء على شلل الأطفال بالذات، حددت السلطات الصحية والإدارات المسئولة عن الترصد عددا من المجتمعات المحلية عالية الخطورة، والتى كان فيروس شلل الأطفال لا يزال موجودا فيها، وفى نفس الوقت وجدت إحصاءات المتابعة أن نسبة التطعيم فيها غير جيدة. لذلك تضمنت الاستراتيجية الجديدة للاتصال وتحريك المجتمع مكونا خاصا لهذه المناطق ذات الخطورة العالية، يعتمد على أنشطة محددة لتحريك المجتمع. لذلك كان من الضروري رفع مستوى مهارات الاتصال وتحريك المجتمع بين موظفي وزارة الصحة من خلال منهج تدريبى معد خصيصا لهم وورش عمل تدريبية لآلاف المدربين والموظفين المكلفين بحملات التطعيم والمشرفين عليهم. وكان من الضروري أيضًا تطوير خطط تفصيلية ليتم تنفيذها على المستوى المحلى، مع تحديد وسائل تحريك المجتمع الواجب استخدامها، والرسائل التي يجب توصيلها. وقد شملت الوسائل التي تم التركيز عليها للوصول إلى الأمهات والقائمين على رعاية الأطفال كلا من المدارس، ومكبرات الصوت، ومراكز وزارة الصحة، وأماكن العبادة، ومنظمات المجتمع المدنى (النوادي الاجتماعية والرياضية، والشركات، والمنظمات غير الحكومية، إلخ.) وفى الحقيقة فإن هذه الوسائل قد تم تحديدها واختيارها كأنجح الوسائل للوصول إلى الجمهور المستهدف من قبل الأمهات وغيرهن من المسئولين عن رعاية الطفل أنفسهم، وذلك من خلال أبحاث المجموعات المستهدفة التى تم إجراؤها في إطار التخطيط للحملة.

النتائج: التأثير على المعرفة والاتجاهات والسلوك
تم تحقيق تحسن كبير جدا في المعرفة والاتجاهات والسلوك خلال 2003-2005، كما هو موضح في الجدول (8) أدناه، والذي يعتمد على البيانات الواردة في دراسة الزناتي وشركائها.

التأثير على استئصال شلل الأطفال
بدأت حالات شلل الأطفال المؤكدة في الانخفاض في عام 2003 ثم اختفت تمامًا في عام 2005 كان شلل الأطفال موجودًا في مصر منذ آلاف السنين – كما هو واضح على إحدى اللوحات التي تصور كاهنًا مصابًا بأعراض المرض – ولأول مرة في التاريخ يتم القضاء عليه وإعلان مصر خالية من شلل الأطفال؛ وأعلن ذلك وزير الصحة والسكان في 29 أغسطس 2005، ثم منظمة اليونيسف ومنظمة الصحة العالمية في 1 فبراير 2006.

فعالية التكلفة لقنوات وأشكال الاتصال
تعد دراسات فعالية تكلفة حملات الاتصال نادرة جدًا، ومع ذلك، فإن تقييم حملات استئصال شلل الأطفال قد اشتمل على فحص فعالية تكلفة الحملات المذكورة، بل إنه قد تم القيام بمسح اجتماعى خصيصا لمتابعة هذا الأمر، وتم نشر النتائج الخاصة به بالتفصيل في التقرير النهائي لدراسة الزناتي وشركائها في 2005.
يوضح الجدول رقم (10) عدد الأمهات وغيرهن من القائمين على رعاية الأطفال وقنوات وأشكال الاتصال التي أثرت على سلوكهم وفقا لنتائج مسح المتابعة. فقد بلغ العدد الإجمالي للأمهات والقائمين على رعاية الأطفال الذين شملهم الاستطلاع في مسح المتابعة هذا 1549 فردا. ووفقًا للبيانات الواردة في الجدول، فإن 72 في المائة من الذين قاموا بتحصين أطفالهم في هذه العينة أكدوا أن الإعلانات التلفزيونية كانت هي المؤثر الرئيسى على سلوكهم الإيجابى، بينما ذكر 2 في المائة فقط أن البرامج التلفزيونية (الممولة) هي التي أثرت عليهم، في حين ذكر 2 في المائة أنهم تأثروا بالراديو، وذكر7 في المائة أنهم تأثروا بمكبرات الصوت.
لتقدير عدد من تأثروا بكل وسيلة إعلامية من بين الأمهات وغيرهن من القائمين على رعاية الأطفال في حملة شلل الأطفال في سبتمبر 2005، تم استخدام منهجية متقدمة نسبيا، كما هو مفصل في تقرير الزناتي وشركائها (2005). فقد استندت التقديرات إلى ما يلي: (1) عدد الأطفال الذين تم تطعيمهم خلال شهر سبتمبر 2005، في إطار الحملة القومية للتطعيم (NID)، (2) عدد الأطفال الذين تم تطعيمهم في عينة مسح المتابعة، (3) عدد الأمهات وغيرهن من القائمين على رعاية الأطفال الذين ذكروا أن وسائل إعلام محددة هي التي أثرت على سلوكهم الإيجابى وحفزتهم لتطعيم أطفالهم، و (4) تكلفة كل وسيلة إعلامية أو شكل إعلامى في الحملة القومية.
لمقارنة فعالية الأنواع المختلفة من الوسائل المستخدمة، تم اشتقاق نسبة فعالية التكلفة لكل وسيلة / شكل إعلامى بقسمة متوسط تكلفة كل منها على عدد الأمهات وغيرهن من القائمين بمسئولية رعاية الأطفال الذين تأثروا بها. وتبين من التحليل أن الوسيلة التي لديها أفضل مؤشر للفعالية من حيث التكلفة هي الإعلانات التلفزيونية (أقل من أربع جنيهات ونصف لكل 1000 فرد تأثر بها) ، تليها مكبرات الصوت (حوالى عشرون جنيها لكل 1000 فرد تأثر بها) ، ثم الراديو (ثمانية وأربعون جنيها لكل 1000 فرد تأثر بها)، وأخيرًا البرامج التلفزيونية العادية الممولة (حوالى ثمانية وسبعون جنيهًا لكل 1000 فرد). ووفقًا لهذه النتائج، فإن الإعلانات التلفزيونية هي الوسيلة الأكثر فعالية من حيث فعالية التكلفة، في حين أن البرامج التلفزيونية العادية الممولة هي الأقل. وتجدر الإشارة هنا إلى أن تكلفة الإعلانات التلفزيونية لا تشمل تكلفة البث التي تبرعت بها القنوات التلفزيونية المملوكة للدولة، كما ننوه أيضا إلى أنه لم يتم قياس فعالية وسائل تحريك المجتمع في المناطق التي تم استخدامها فيها بكثافة حيث أن هذه الدراسة كانت على عينة ممثلة للجمهورية وليس لهذه المناطق بالتحديد.


القضاء على فيروس سى

يعد التهاب الكبد الوبائي “سى” واحدا من أهم التحديات الصحية العالمية؛ حيث تشير التقديرات العلمية إلى أن أكثر من 80 مليون شخص مصابون به على مستوى العالم، مع حدوث ما يتراوح بين ثلاثة وأربعة ملايين إصابة جديدة وحوالى ثلث مليون حالة وفاة كل عام بسبب المضاعفات المرتبطة بالإصابة بهذا المرض. وظلت مصر لسنوات عديدة تعانى من وجود أعلى معدلات الإصابة بالتهاب الكبد الوبائي سي في العالم، وبالإضافة إلى ذلك، كان مائة وخمسون ألف شخص جديد يصابون سنويًا، ويموت عشرات الآلاف كل عام بسبب مضاعفات التهاب الكبد الوبائي. ففي عام 2015، قام مسح القضايا الصحية المصرية ببحث مدى انتشار التهاب الكبد الوبائي في مصر وتم إجراء هذا المسح على عينة من 27,549 رجلاً وامرأة تتراوح أعمارهم بين 15-59 عامًا، بالإضافة إلى10,878 طفلا تتراوح أعمارهم بين 1-14 عامًا. طُلب من المبحوثين تقديم عينات من الدم للفحص المعملي لتحديد ما إذا كانوا قد أصيبوا بالتهاب الكبد الوبائى “سى” في الماضي، وإذا أظهرت النتائج أنهم قد أصيبوا يتم إجراء اختبار ثانٍ لتحديد ما إذا كانوا مصابين حاليًا بفيروس التهاب الكبد “سى” أم لا. في الفئات العمرية 15-59 سنة، وجد المسح أن معدل انتشار الأجسام المضادة للفيروس (أي معدل من أصيبوا بالفيروس في الماضى) يبلغ 10.0٪ وأن نسبة المصابين الحاليين تبلغ 7.0٪، مما يعني أن حوالى 3.7 مليون مصري لديهم عدوى نشطة بفيروس “سى”.

ويعد هذا التقدير أقل من الإجمالي الحقيقى لأعداد المصابين في مصر، ذلك أن الفئات العمرية الأكبر من 59 عامًا، حيث معدلات الانتشار أعلى بكثير، لم يتم تضمينها في عينة المسح ومن المعروف أن هناك علاقة إيجابية قوية بين العمر ومعدل الإصابة بفيروس “سى” في مصر. ووفقا لمسح القضايا الصحية المصرية المشار إليه سابقا، فقد تراوحت نسبة الإصابة بعدوى التهاب الكبد “سى” النشطة من أقل من 1 في المائة بين الأفراد الذين تقل أعمارهم عن 20 عامًا إلى 22 في المائة بين أولئك الذين تتراوح أعمارهم بين 55 و59 عامًا. وقدرت دراسة علمية نشرت في عام 2016 نسبة من أصيبوا بالعدوى من بين الأشخاص الذين تتعدى أعمارهم 59 عاما بأنها تبلغ 39.4 في المائة، والمصابون حاليًا (في عام 2016) من هذه الفئة العمرية يمثلون 27.4 في المائة، وبذلك يبلغ العدد الإجمالي للأشخاص المصابين في 2016 والذين تزيد أعمارهم عن 59 عاما حوالى مليون وستمائة ألف شخص. فإذا تمت إضافة عدد المصابين من السكان الذين تقل أعمارهم عن 15 عامًا، ومن بين أولئك الذين تزيد أعمارهم عن 59 عامًا، فسيكون إجمالي عدد المرضى المصابين بفيروس التهاب الكبد سي في مصر هو خمسة ملايين وستمائة ألف وفقا لتقديرات عام 2016.

وفقًا لهذا المسح، فإن سكان الريف، والفئات الأقل تعليماً، وذوى الدخل المنخفض هم الأكثر إصابة بالتهاب الكبد الوبائي “سى”. وتظهر النتائج أيضًا أن معدلات الإصابة كانت أعلى بين أولئك الذين تم إدخالهم إلى مستشفى لأى سبب من الأسباب عن أولئك الذين لم يدخلوا المستشفى مطلقًا، وكانت أعلى أيضا بين أولئك الذين خضعوا لإجراءات طبية معينة، مثل نقل الدم أو المنظار الطبى.

ويُعزى ارتفاع مستوى الإصابة بفيروس التهاب الكبد الفيروسي في مصر جزئيًا إلى عدم استخدام الإبر المعقمة بشكل كافٍ أثناء الحملات الجماعية التي نُفِّذت لعلاج داء البلهارسيا خلال الستينيات وحتى أوائل الثمانينيات من القرن العشرين. ومنذ ذلك الحين أدى الافتقار إلى الوعي الكافي بمرض التهاب الكبد الفيروسي (سي) وتدابير الوقاية منه على المستوى الفردي وفي أماكن تقديم الخدمة الصحية إلى تفاقم المشكلة مما أدى إلى الوصول إلى وضع خطير للغاية في مصر.

ونظرًا لأن المصاب بالتهاب الكبد الفيروسي يمكن أن يستمر لعقود من الزمن دون أن تظهر عليه أية أعراض، فقد ظل الملايين من المصريين غير مدركين لحقيقة إصابتهم بالعدوى، ومن ثم لم يتلقوا الرعاية الصحية أو العلاج اللازم. ويتعرض الأشخاص المصابون بالتهاب الكبد الفيروسي لخطر متزايد للإصابة بتليف الكبد وسرطان الكبد، وعلى الرغم من عدم حتمية حدوث هذه المضاعفات لجميع الأشخاص المصابين بالتهاب الكبد الفيروسي، فإن المعاناة الصحية والاقتصادية التي يتكبدها هؤلاء الأشخاص كبيرة جدا. وحتى عام 2015، كان التهاب الكبد الفيروسي من الأسباب الرئيسية للوفيات في مصر، وأكدت التوقعات العلمية إلى أنه ما لم يتم القيام بالتدخل الفعال بأسرع وقت ممكن، فسوف تواجه مصر حدوث زيادة كبيرة في حالات تليف الكبد وسرطان الكبد في السنوات القادمة.

يشير مسح 2015 أيضًا إلى مدى معرفة النساء والرجال الذين تتراوح أعمارهم بين 15 و59 عامًا بالتهاب الكبد “سى”، ومدى فهمهم لطرق انتقال العدوى وكيفية الوقاية منها، وكذلك المصادر التي تلقوا معلومات منها مؤخرًا حول التهاب الكبد سي .

وكما يتنبأ نموذج المعرفة والتغيير الاجتماعي، تشير نتائج مسح القضايا الصحية في مصر لعام 2015 إلى أن المعرفة بفيروس التهاب الكبد الوبائي، وطرق انتقاله، وكيفية الوقاية منه ومعالجته تتباين وفقًا للحالة الاجتماعية والاقتصادية للفرد، حيث وجد البحث أن الأفراد الأفضل تعليماً وأولئك الذين ينتمون إلى الشرائح الأكثر ثراء كانوا الأكثر دراية بالتهاب الكبد “سي”. وعلاوة على ذلك، تشير النتائج إلى أن المعرفة حول طرق انتقال التهاب الكبد “سى” كانت أكثر شيوعًا بين سكان الحضر عنها بين سكان الريف.

الإعلام والوقاية والعلاج

في عام 2006، قامت وزارة الصحة والسكان بإنشاء اللجنة الوطنية لمكافحة الفيروسات الكبدية، وفي عام 2014 أطلقت “خطة العمل للوقاية والرعاية والعلاج من الفيروسات الكبدية “. وركزت هذه الخطة على مكونات سبعة رئيسية للوقاية من التهاب الكبد الفيروسي ومكافحته هى: المراقبة، والوقاية من العدوى ومكافحتها، وسلامة الدم، والتطعيم ضد التهاب الكبد B ، والرعاية والعلاج ، والإعلام ، والبحوث.

وفي أكتوبر 2014، تم تقديم عقار سوفوسبوفير الجديد، في مراكز العلاج الحكومية المنتشرة على مستوى الدولة لعلاج عدوى فيروس التهاب الكبد الوبائي “سى”. وكان هذا الدواء هو أول علاج مضاد للفيروسات عالي الفعالية، وأكثر أمانًا من العلاجات القديمة، كما ثبت أنه يؤدى إلى شفاء أكثر من 90٪ ممن يكملون جرعات العلاج به.

قبل تقديم العلاج الجديد، أنشأت اللجنة الوطنية لمكافحة الفيروسات الكبدية نظام تسجيل على شبكة الإنترنت لجدولة مواعيد المرضى لتلقي العلاج. وبحلول منتصف عام 2015، كان ما يقرب من مليون مريض مصاب بعدوى التهاب الكبد الفيروسي قد سجلوا بياناتهم للعلاج في 32 مركزًا علاجيًا لفحص وتقييم أهليتهم لتلقي الدواء الجديد وفقًا للقواعد والإجراءات المعتمدة.

وتجدر الإشارة هنا إلى أن مسح 2015 المذكور أعلاه قد وجد أن 3.7 مليون مصري بين عمر 15 و59 عاما مصابون بعدوى فيروس التهاب الكبد الوبائي “سى”، علاوة على الأعداد الأخرى من المصابين الذين تبلغ أعمارهم أقل من 15 أو أكثر من 59 عاما، مما يعني أن الغالبية العظمى من المصابين لم يتقدموا بطلب لتلقى العلاج برغم توفر العلاج الجديد الذى اختلف بشكل جذرى عن العلاجات السابقة بفعاليته الكبيرة وتجنبه للأعراض الجانبية التي كانت مصاحبة لتلك العلاجات.

عندما تم إطلاق “خطة العمل الوطنية للوقاية والرعاية والعلاج من التهاب الكبد الفيروسي”، طلبت وزارة الصحة والسكان المساعدة الفنية من منظمة الصحة العالمية، والتي تعاقدت بدورها مع هذا المؤلف كخبير أول للاتصال يتولى مسئولية تطوير وتطبيق استراتيجية جديدة وحملة إعلامية بالتنسيق الوثيق مع منظمة الصحة العالمية ووزارة الصحة واللجنة القومية لمكافحة الفيروسات الكبدية والشركاء الآخرين. ومن هنا قمنا بتطوير “الاستراتيجية والخطة الإعلامية التنفيذية” كأساس علمى لحملة إعلامية شاملة للوقاية والعلاج من التهاب الكبد الفيروسي “سلى”. وحددت الإستراتيجية الأهداف قصيرة الأجل والأخرى طويلة الأجل، وشرائح الجماهير المستهدفة، والرسائل الإعلامية، وقنوات الاتصال، وأبحاث الجمهور المطلوب إجراؤها للتحقق من الرسائل النهائية قبل بدأ الحملة.

أشارت الخطة إلى الأهمية القصوى لتصميم وإجراء دراسة مسحية حول المعرفة والاتجاهات والسلوك (KAP) على ثلاث شرائح من الجمهور هم المرضى بفيروس سى، ومقدمى الخدمة الصحية، والجمهور العام.  وتم بالفعل إجراء هذه المسوح في عام 2015. ويصف الجزء التالي الإطار المنهجى للدراسات الثلاث ونتائجها.

الإطار المنهجى

استندت الاستراتيجية الإعلامية التي ذكرناها سابقا، ومن ثم الدراسات المسحية عن المعرفة والاتجاهات والسلوك (KAP) على الإطار العلمى لنموذج المعرفة والتغيير الاجتماعي حيث قامت بالتركيز على المتغيرات التي يمكن استخدامها في تطوير الحملة القومية للإعلام بهدف القضاء على التهاب الكبد الوبائي سي. وركزت هذه الدراسات على قياس الجوانب أو المستويات الثلاثة للمعرفة كما حددها النموذج، وهى “الوعى ” و”معرفة الكيفية” و”معرفة المبادئ” وبالإضافة إلى ذلك قامت هذه الدراسات بقياس الاتجاهات والسلوكيات والأعراف الاجتماعية ومتغيرات التمكين ذات الصلة، حتى تكون رسائل الحملة التي سيتم تطويرها لاحقًا صائبة وواقعية وفعالة.

اعتمدت منظمة الصحة العالمية الاستراتيجية الإعلامية ومخطط إجراء الدراسات المسحية ومحتويات استمارات الاستبيان، وتعاقدت مع المركز المصري لبحوث الرأي العام “بصيرة” لتنفيذ المسوحات الثلاثة. وتصف الصفحات التالية النتائج الرئيسية لهذه الدراسات، مع التركيز بشكل خاص على استطلاع رأي الجمهور العام.

توزيع العينة وخصائصها

تم إجراء استطلاع رأي الجمهور العام عبر الهاتف من خلال أرقام الهواتف المحمولة في الفترة من 20 إلى 22 مايو 2015 على عينة تتكون من 1027 مبحوثا ممن تبلغ أعمارهم 18 عامًا فأكثر. وتم سحب العينة عشوائياً من جميع المحافظات مع مراعاة التوزيع السكاني وفقا لبيانات الجهاز المركزى للتعبئة والإحصاء.

وتم إجراء المسح الخاص بمرضى التهاب الكبد الوبائي “سى” عبر الهاتف أيضًا في الفترة من 6 إلى 9 أبريل 2015 على 1000 مريض ممن سجلوا أسماءهم وبياناتهم في 25 مركزًا للكبد موزعين على النحو التالي: 7 مراكز في المحافظات الحضرية ، و11 في الوجه البحري ، و6 في صعيد مصر ، ومركز واحد في المحافظات الحدودية.

أما مسح مقدمي الرعاية الصحية فقد تم إجراؤه باستخدام المقابلات الفردية وجهًا لوجه خلال الفترة من 12 إلى 18 يونيو 2015 على عينة من 556 شخصًا، يشملون 497 من مقدمي الخدمات الطبية المدربين (أطباء، وصيادلة، وممرضات، وفنيي مختبرات) و59 شخصًا من فئات أخرى لها علاقة بإمكانية نشر العدوى (حلاقون – مصففوا الشعر). وتم سحب العينة بشكل عشوائي من إطار عام لمقدمي الخدمات الصحية في 5 محافظات، تمثل كل منها إقليما رئيسيا، حيث تمثل القاهرة المحافظات الحضرية؛ والدقهلية والغربية تمثلان الوجه البحري، والمنيا وسوهاج تمثلان صعيد مصر.

النتائج والتحليل

انتشار التهاب الكبد الوبائي سي ومدى الوعى به

تشير نتائج استطلاع رأي الجمهور العام إلى أن 3.6٪ من المبحوثين يعرفون أنهم مصابون بالتهاب الكبد الوبائي سي، لكن هذه النسبة تزداد إلى 4.6٪ بين أفراد العينة الذين تتراوح أعمارهم بين 30-50 عامًا، وإلى 5.3٪ ممن تزيد أعمارهم عن 50 عامًا. ومن الجدير بالذكر هنا أنه في حين أن نتائج الدراسة الصحية لنفس العام تشير إلى أن 7٪ من السكان البالغين (15-59) في مصر مصابون بالفعل بالتهاب الكبد سى، وحيث أن هذا المسح للجمهور العام (18-59) يشير إلى أن 3.6٪ فقط يعرفون أنهم مصابون، فإنه يمكن الاستنتاج بأن حوالي 50 ٪ من المصابين البالغين الذين تقل أعمارهم عن 60 عامًا لا يعرفون حقيقة إصابتهم! وعلاوة على ذلك، ففي حين أن 5.3٪ ممن تتراوح أعمارهم بين 50-59 عامًا قالوا إنهم يعلمون بإصابتهم، فإن نتائج الدراسة الصحية لنفس العام تبين أن 14.8٪ من هذه الفئة العمرية مصابون بالفعل بفيروس التهاب الكبد سى، مما يعني أن حوالي ثلثي المصابين بالعدوى لا يعرفون حقيقة إصابتهم.

وجدير بالذكر أن جميع الذين يعرفون أنهم مصابون بالتهاب الكبد سي تقريبًا في المسح العام ذكروا أنهم قد اكتشفوا هذه الحقيقة عن طريق الصدفة، سواء كان ذلك في أثناء إجراء فحوصات الدم كشرط لعملية جراحية أو السفر، أو أثناء محاولتهم التبرع بالدم.

تشير النتائج المذكورة أعلاه إلى أن هناك فرصًا مهدرة لتقليل معاناة المرضى والحصول على العلاج المناسب، ذلك أن “التشخيص المبكر يوفر أفضل فرصة للدعم الطبي الفعال. كما يسمح للمصابين باتخاذ الإجراءات اللازمة لمنع انتقال المرض للآخرين. وعلاوة على ذلك، فإنه يسمح لهم باتباع نمط الحياة المناسب لحماية الكبد من أضرار إضافية مثل تجنب بعض الأدوية التي قد تكون ضارة بالكبد.

الوعي بالتهاب الكبد الوبائي سي

على الرغم من الانتشار الواسع للغاية لالتهاب الكبد الوبائي سي في مصر، فقد أظهر مسح الجمهور العام أن 13.1٪ من العينة لم يسمعوا به من قبل، وهذه النسبة تقترب من نتائج مسح القضايا الصحية في مصر لعام 2015 (14٪ بين النساء و9٪ بين الرجال). وبالإضافة إلى ذلك، فإن هناك اختلافات كبيرة على أساس الحالة الاجتماعية والاقتصادية للمبحوثين، لا سيما مستوى التعليم. فبينما نجد أن 31.6٪ من الأميين لم يسمعوا من قبل عن التهاب الكبد الوبائي سي، فإن نسبة الحاصلين على تعليم جامعي الذين لم يسمعوا به من قبل تقل عن 1 في المائة. وعلى نفس الوتيرة، فإن 7.1٪ من سكان الحضر لم يسمعوا عن التهاب الكبد الوبائي سي من قبل، مقارنة بـ 18.4٪ من سكان الريف.

وتزيد أيضا نسبة غياب الوعى بالعلاج الجديد بين أفراد الجمهور العام، حيث ذكر 38.5٪ من المبحوثين الذين سمعوا عن التهاب الكبد سى إنهم لم يسمعوا أبدًا بالعلاج الجديد، ويزيد هذا الرقم إلى 60٪ من المبحوثين في الريف، وإلى 70٪ من الأميين. وبالإضافة إلى ذلك فإن معرفة مقدمي الرعاية الصحية بالعلاج الجديد كانت غير جيدة، حيث لم يسمع 22٪ منهم عن العلاج الجديد، وإن كان هذا الرقم ينخفض ​​إلى 14.1٪ من الأطباء والصيادلة في العينة، ولكنه يرتفع إلى 23٪ من الممرضات وفنيي المختبرات وإلى 52.6٪ من الحلاقين ومصففي الشعر.

معرفة الكيفية

رداً على سؤال بشأن التدابير المختلفة التي يجب أن يتخذها الأشخاص لحماية أنفسهم من الإصابة بفيروس سى من شخص مصاب به، كان لدى نسب قليلة للغاية من الجمهور العام معرفة بارزة، أي ذكروا هذه الطرق من تلقاء أنفسهم ودون أن يعطيهم القائم بالمقابلة بدائل للإجابة يقومون بالاختيار منها.  تشير النتائج إلى أن تدابير الحماية التي ذكرت تعد قاصرة إلى حد كبير. وفي حين أن مستوى المعرفة لدى مرضى التهاب الكبد سي كان أفضل نسبيا، إلا أن نسبة كبيرة منهم لا تزال تفتقر إلى هذه المعرفة الأساسية.

ومن ناحية أخرى، فقد سُئل مقدمو الخدمات الصحية أيضًا عما يفعلونه لحماية أنفسهم وعملائهم من الإصابة بفيروس سى. وتشير النتائج إلى عدم اتخاذ بعض التدابير الأساسية من قبل نسبة لا يستهان بها منهم، بما في ذلك الأطباء والصيادلة. ومن الملفت للنظر أن 39% من الأطباء، و34% من الممرضات وأكثر من 90٪ من الحلاقين ومصففي الشعر لم يذكروا أنهم يرتدون القفازات الطبية أثناء العمل.

معرفة المبادئ وفهم خطورة عدوى التهاب الكبد الفيروسي

هناك نقص شديد في معرفة عواقب عدوى التهاب الكبد بين الجمهور العام. فعندما سئلوا عن المضاعفات الصحية المحتملة التي قد يتعرض لها الشخص المصاب إذا لم يتم علاجه، ذكر 46٪ من المبحوثين إنهم لا يعرفون، وأعطى 37٪ أخرون إجابات عامة مثل احتمال حدوث تضخم الكبد. وذكرت بقية العينة مجموعة من الأمراض الأخرى التي لا يُعرف أنها ناجمة عن عدوى التهاب الكبد الوبائي سي.

وبالطبع فإنه من المستحيل على الأفراد أن “يعرفوا” أن التهاب الكبد الفيروسي (سي) يمكن الوقاية منه ما لم يعرفوا أولا كيف ينتقل الفيروس المسبب له. لذلك تم طرح السؤال المفتوح التالي على المبحوثين: “كيف تنتقل عدوى التهاب الكبد سي؟”

تظهر نتائج مسح الجمهور العام أن المعرفة بالجوانب المختلفة لكيفية حدوث العدوى والوقاية ضعيفة للغاية. وقد وجد المسح الذى أجرى على المصابين وكذلك مسح العاملين بالمجال الصحى مستويات أفضل للمعرفة بين الأشخاص المصابين وبين مقدمي الخدمات الصحية، لكن هذه المستويات لاتزال أقل مما يجب أن تكون عليه لإحداث تغيير ملموس في السلوك والممارسات الوقائية.

وتجدر الإشارة أيضًا إلى أن معظم المبحوثين قد ذكروا نقل الدم، في حين لم تذكر إلا نسبة قليلة منهم إمكانية انتقال العدوى من الأشخاص المصابين إلى غيرهم عن طريق إعادة استعمال الإبر أو الأدوات الأخرى التي يمكن أن تصيح وسائل لنقل العدوى إذا تلوثت بدم الشخص المصاب. وتوجد هذه المشكلة المعرفية في جميع الفئات، بما في ذلك الجمهور العام، والمرضى أنفسهم، وحتى مقدمي الخدمات الصحية.

تم طرح السؤال التالي على المبحوثين: “إذا كان الشخص مصابًا بفيروس التهاب الكبد الوبائي ثم تلقى العلاج وشفى منه، فهل يمكن أن تعاوده الإصابة به مرة أخرى أم أنه يتمتع بمناعة ضد العدوى؟” الأغلبية العظمى من أفراد الجمهور العام ومن المرضى أنفسهم لم يعرفوا الإجابة الصحيحة وهى أن الشخص يمكن أن يصاب بالعدوى مرة أخرى. فلم يعرف هذه الإجابة إلا 30.9٪ فقط من عينة الجمهور العام و47.9٪ من عينة المرضى. وعلاوة على ذلك فإن هناك اختلافات جوهرية في مستويات المعرفة بين أفراد الجمهور العام، تبعا لمستوياتهم التعليمية، حيث تراوحت نسبة أولئك الذين قالوا إن الشخص يمكن أن تعاوده الإصابة بين 13.1٪ فقط من الأميين و26.6٪ من ذوى التعليم المتوسط و44.2 من الحاصلين على تعليم جامعي. وعلى الرغم من أن 78.1٪ من مقدمي الخدمات الصحية قد ذكروا الإجابة الصحيحة، فإن نسبة لا يستهان بها تبلغ 21.9٪ منهم ذكروا أن الشخص المعالج يتمتع بحصانة، وهى بالطبع إجابة خاطئة، أو ذكروا أنهم لا يعرفون الإجابة على السؤال.

وفى إطار تحديد مدى انتشار المعلومات الخاطئة حول كيفية انتقال فيروس التهاب الكبد الوبائي سي. طُلب من المبحوثين الذين قالوا إنهم قد سمعوا عنه من قبل إبداء الموافقة أو عدم الموافقة على عدد من العبارات التي تمثل معلومات خاطئة بشأن احتمالات الانتقال من خلال التعامل اليومي العادى مع شخص مصاب بالفيروس.

تشير النتائج إلى أن هناك التباسا كبيرًا في هذا الصدد، خاصة بين أفراد الجمهور العام، حيث يوجد عدد كبير من المفاهيم الخاطئة حول انتقال فيروس “سى”. ومن المثير للقلق أيضًا وجود مثل هذه المستويات العالية من المفاهيم الخاطئة بين المرضى أنفسهم، والأسوأ من ذلك وجودها بين مقدمي الخدمات الصحية. وما لم تتم معالجة مثل هذه المفاهيم الخاطئة، فهناك خطر حقيقي في زيادة “الوصمة” والتحيز ضد الأشخاص المصابين، بالإضافة إلى عدم الانتباه إلى الأسباب الحقيقية والسلوكيات المهمة المطلوبة للوقاية من الإصابة بالعدوى.

الاتجاهات

تدل النتائج على أن هناك تحيزا إلى حد ما ضد مرضى التهاب الكبد الوبائي “سى”، ذلك أن 10.2٪ من عامة المبحوثين ممن ذكروا أنهم يعرفون فيروس “سى” يلومون المرضى المصابين به (4.4٪) أو يذكرون أشياء أخرى بنفس المعنى تقريبا (5.8٪). ويمكن أن يُعزى جزء من هذا الالتباس إلى انتشار المعلومات الخاطئة المتعلقة بالاختلاط اليومي العرضي مع المصابين، كما هو موضح سابقًا، مما يقود إلى الاعتقادات الخاطئة بأن مثل هذا الاختلاط ينقل العدوى، وهو ما قد يؤدي في النهاية إلى وصم المرضى بالتهاب الكبد الوبائي سي والتمييز ضدهم.

تفضيل الحقن أو الأدوية الفموية

تشير نتائج العديد من الدراسات إلى أن معدلات تناول الأدوية عن طريق الحقن في مصر يعد من أعلى المعدلات في العالم، وقد وجدت إحدى الدراسات الحديثة التي أجريت في مصر أن 95% من حالات إعطاء الحقن في المستشفيات والمراكز الصحية لم تكن ضرورية (Gore, C., et. al. 2013). وبالنظر إلى حقيقة أن الحقن غير الآمن هو أحد الأسباب الهامة لنشر عدوى التهاب الكبد الوبائي، فقد تم سؤال المبحوثين عما إذا كانوا يفضلون تناول الدواء عن طريق الحقن أو الأدوية الفموية. وتشير النتائج إلى أن معظم الناس يفضلون الحقن أكثر من الأدوية الفموية، حيث أعربت نسبة 41.6٪ من عينة الجمهور العام عن تفضيل الحقن، مقابل 35.6٪ ذكروا أنهم يفضلون تناول الأدوية عن طريق الفم. وذكرت النسبة المتبقية (22.8%) أن الأمر سواء لديهم، وأنهم لا يفضلون أيا من الطريقتين عن الأخرى.

وذكر معظم الذين فضلوا الحقن أن تأثيرها أسرع وأقوى، بينما قالت نسبة أخرى منهم أن الحبوب تسبب مشاكل في المعدة. ومن ناحية أخرى، قال أغلب الذين فضلوا الحبوب والأقراص على الحقن أن تناول الدواء عن طريق الفم يعد أسهل وأفضل وأسرع، وأنهم لا يحبون الألم المصاحب للحقن. ومن الملفت للانتباه في هذا الصدد أن 4.8 في المائة فقط من إجمالي العينة ذكروا أنهم يرفضون الحقن لأنها قد تساعد على العدوى ونقل الأمراض.

ممارسات الوقاية من التهاب الكبد الوبائي سي

تبادل الأشياء المحتمل تلوثها

ولتحديد مدى انتشار الممارسات المحفوفة بالمخاطر، طُلب من أفراد عينتى الجمهور العام والمرضى أن يذكروا ما إذا كانوا يشاركون أشياء وأدوات معينة مع أفراد آخرين من عائلاتهم أم لا، وطُلب من الحلاقين ومصففي الشعر تحديد ما إذا كانوا يستخدمون نفس الأدوات لأكثر من عميل. النسب المئوية للمصابين بفيروس سى الذين ذكروا أنهم يتشاركون في هذه الأشياء مع غيرهم تعد أقل من نسب المبحوثين في عينة الجمهور العام الذين ذكروا نفس الشيء، إلا أن نسبة المصابين الذين قالوا أنهم يشاركون غيرهم في استعمال أجهزة الحلاقة الخاصة بهم تعد أعلى من النسبة المئوية لأفراد الجمهور العام الذين ذكروا نفس السلوك. وتشكل هذه الممارسة بالطبع خطرًا جسيمًا على غير المصابين الذين يستخدمون هذه الأجهزة لأن احتمال تلوثها بالدم هو احتمال حقيقى وكبير. وبالإضافة إلى ذلك، فإن النسب الخاصة بالسلوكيات الأخرى المحفوفة بالمخاطر والمنتشرة بين المرضى وأفراد الجمهور العام والحلاقين والمصففين تعد مرتفعة ومقلقة للغاية، وخاصة فيما يتعلق بأدوات قص وتقليم الأظافر، والتي يزيد كثيرا احتمال تلوثها بالدم. 

الخلاصة التوصيات

بناء على النتائج التي عرضناها أعلاه، يمكننا أن نستخلص ما يلى:

  1. وجود قصور فى المعرفة وفى الإجراءات والسلوكيات الوقائية بين جميع فئات الجمهور بما فى ذلك الجمهور العام والمصابين ومقدمى الخدمات الصحية.
  2. هناك العديد من الشائعات والمعلومات المغلوطة بشأن طرق انتشار فيروس “سى”، وهو ما يمكن أن يساعد فى تكوين الوصمة والاتجاهات السلبية نحو المصابين، علاوة على عدم اتباع أساليب الوقاية اللازمة.
  3. عدم معرفة نسبة كبيرة من المصابين بحقيقة اصابتهم يمثل تحديا كبيرا حيث يتسبب ذلك فى ضياع الكثير من الوقت الذى كان يمكنهم فيه من بدأ العلاج وتغيير سلوكياتهم لإنقاذ حياتهم فى الوقت المناسب، ويزيد من فرصة نقلهم للعدوى للآخرين من حولهم.
  4. عدم معرفة نسبة كبيرة من المصابين بوجود العلاج الجديد يمثل مشكلة كبيرة لهم ولمن حولهم.

وتدعم هذه النتائج أهمية البدء فى حملة قومية للإعلام والتوعية للجمهور العام وفقا للاستراتيجية الإعلامية التي تم إقرارها. وسوف تصل هذه الحملة بالضرورة إلى المصابين وإلى مقدمى الخدمات الصحية إذا استخدمت أكثر الوسائل الاعلامية انتشارا. وتشير البيانات التى تم جمعها عن العادات الإعلامية للجمهور فى إطار هذا البحث إلى أن أجهزة التليفون المحمول قد أصبحت فى يد الجميع تقريبا، وأن 78% من الجمهور يشاهدون التليفزيون يوميا، وأن حوالى 33% من المواطنين يستمعون إلى الراديو ويستخدمون الانترنت بشكل منتظم. ويجب أن تركز الحملة على التوعية بأساليب الوقاية، وتفنيد الشائعات وتصحيح المعلومات المغلوطة، ومنع التحيز ضد المصابين، كما ينبغى على الحملة أيضا أن تشجع الفئات الأكثر عرضة للإصابة على إجراء اختبارات لمعرفة ما إذا كانوا مصابين بفيروس “سى” أم لا، وأن تحفز المصابين على الحصول على العلاج الجديد وتقدم لهم المعلومات اللازمة عن كيفية الحصول عليه.

الحملة الإعلامية الأولى (أكتوبر 2015 – سبتمبر 2016)

قام المؤلف، ممثلا لمنظمة الصحة العالمية، وبالتنسيق مع وزارة الصحة والسكان واللجنة القومية لمكافحة الفيروسات الكبدية، باستخلاص الرسائل الإعلامية ذات الأولوية من نتائج المسوح الاجتماعية التي عرضناها أعلاه، وأشرف على تحويل هذه الرسائل إلى إعلانات تليفزيونية وإذاعية، كما أشرف على جميع مراحل انتاج هذه الرسائل في خمس إعلانات تلفزيونية ومثلها إذاعية، بالإضافة إلى مطوية وملصق. وبينما احتوى الملصق والمطوية على جميع الرسائل الخمسة، فقد احتوى كل إعلان تلفزيوني أو إذاعي على رسالة واحدة منهم. والرسائل الخمسة المستخلصة من نتائج الأبحاث التي تمت مراجعتها أعلاه هي:

  1. التهاب الكبد الفيروسي (سي) منتشر في مصر. يمكن أن يؤدي التشخيص المبكر إلى استجابة أفضل للعلاج. إذا كنت قد خضعت لعملية جراحية أو نقل دم أو حقن لعلاج البلهارسيا من قبل، فاطلب فورا نصيحة طبيبك حول نوع فحص الدم الذى يجب أن تقوم بعمله.
  2. بشرى سارة للمصابين بالتهاب الكبد الفيروسي “سى”. يوجد الآن دواء جديد فعال للغاية. إذا كنت مصابًا بفيروس التهاب الكبد سى، فاستشر طبيبك أو سجل اسمك على الفور فى موقع اللجنة القومية لمكافحة الفيروسات الكبدية.
  3. يمكنك حماية نفسك. التهاب الكبد الفيروسي سى ينتقل فقط عن طريق الدم أو الأشياء الملوثة به. لذلك لا ينبغي لأحد أن يشارك الإبر أو شفرات الحلاقة أو مقصات الأظافر أو مبارد الأظافر مع أي شخص آخر.
  4. لا يوجد أي مبرر للخوف من التعامل اليومي العادي مع شخص مصاب بفيروس التهاب الكبد الوبائي سى، بما في ذلك التقبيل والمعانقة واستخدام نفس أكواب الشرب وأواني الأكل أو استخدام نفس الحمام.
  5. اسأل طبيبك إذا كان يمكنك تناول دواءك عن طريق الفم بدلا من الحقن. الدواء عن طريق الفم (الأقراص والحبوب والكبسولات) له نفس التأثير العلاجي، لكنه غير مؤلم ويجنبك خطر العدوى.

فكرة الحملة

تقوم فكرة هذه الحملة على الترابط والتكافل بين عناصر ثلاثة هم (1) المصابون (2) مقدمو الخدمة الصحية (3) أسر المصابين وغيرهم من المواطنين، وذلك تحت شعار وضعناه باللغة العامية معناه “إما أن نقضى على فيروس سى، أو أن يقضى هو علينا”. وتم انتاج الإعلانات التليفزيونية باستخدام الرسوم الكارتونية ثنائية الأبعاد Pencilmation بهدف إضافة عنصر البساطة وتجنب تحديد المستويات الاجتماعية أو الاقتصادية وذلك بهدف تأكيد فكرة أن الجميع معرض للإصابة بغض النظر عن تلك العوامل. وتم استعمال نفس المواد البصرية في الملصق والمطوية. وتبرع الفنان محمد هنيدى بأجره كاملا عن الاستعانة بصوته في الإعلانات التليفزيونية والإذاعية كمساهمة منه فى الحملة. وأذيعت الحملة لمدة شهرين بدون مقابل في عدد من القنوات التليفزيونية العامة والخاصة وكذلك في بعض المحطات الإذاعية. كما تم توزيع المطوية والملصق في مواقع الخدمة المنتشرة في أنحاء الجمهورية.

الحملة الثانية: 100 مليون صحة: أكتوبر 2018- أبريل 2019

في عام 2018 تبنى رئيس الجمهورية مبادرة بعنوان ” 100 مليون صحة” وكانعدد السكان في مصر قد اقترب من هذا العدد ووصل إليه بالفعل بعد ذلك بقليل، وتحديدا في 11 فبراير 2020. هذه المبادرة تؤكد ما ذكرناه في مقدمة هذا الكتاب من حتمية الدعم السياسى لنجاح الإعلام في التصدي للمشكلات الاجتماعية والصحية والسكانية، والذى وصل في هذه القضية إلى مستويات لم يبلغها من قبل في تاريخ مصر الحديث.  لقد تم إطلاق المبادرة الرئاسية المصرية التي في أكتوبر 2018 بهدف فحص جميع السكان البالغين في مصر للكشف المبكر عن الإصابة بفيروس سي والأمراض غير السارية. وتميزت هذه الحملة بالتنسيق والتكامل بين الإعلام والخدمات الصحية واللوجستية، وذلك من خلال تشكيل لجنة فنية عليا لمؤسسات الدولة المعنية، وبعضوية المؤلف بصفته خبيرا إعلاميا قام بوضع الاستراتيجية الإعلامية وبتخطيط الحملة الأولى. وتم تقسيم الحملة إلى مراحل ثلاثة، شملت كل منها عددا من محافظات الجمهورية. وتم تنسيق الحملة الإعلامية مع الجدول الزمنى للمراحل الثلاثة، بهدف الوصول لجميع الفئات المستهدفة والتعريف بما تقوم به الحملة، وتحفيز المواطنين للمشاركة. وتم التركيز على استخدام التليفزيون بكثافة مع اختيار أكثر القنوات والبرامج مشاهدة ووضع إعلانات بها طوال الفترة من أكتوبر 2018 إلى أبريل 2019. وبينما انخفض معدل الاستماع للإذاعة بشكل عام، وجدت أبحاث الجمهور أن إذاعة القرآن الكريم تتمتع بنسبة استماع عالية، فتم استخدامها في الحملة بكثافة. وبالإضافة إلى غير ذلك من وسائل الاتصال الجماهيرى، فقد تم التنسيق مع شركات التليفون المحمول لتنفيذ حملة للإشعارات على الهواتف المحمولة وصلت إلى 34 مليون مستخدم أرسلت لهم رسائل نصية وفقا للجدول الزمنى للحملة والمحافظة التابع لها كل مستخدم.

النتائج والتأثير

تم فحص 60 مليون شخص، وعلاج حوالى 4 ملايين مصاب بالتهاب الكبد الوبائي سي. وبعد فحص جميع الراغبين من البالغين لفيروس التهاب الكبد الوبائي، حولت حملة ” 100 مليون صحة” انتباهها إلى فحص الطلاب الذين تتراوح أعمارهم بين 6 و18 عامًا، بعد الحصول على موافقة أولياء أمورهم، وتم بالفعل فحص 3.8 مليون طالب في جميع أنحاء مصر بين مايو 2019 ويناير 2020.  وأثنت منظمة الصحة العالمية على هذه المبادرة غير المسبوقة قائلة أن مصر “قد أثبتت جدوى تنفيذ برنامج استئصال شامل عندما يكون هناك التزام سياسي رفيع المستوى “. وأعلنت وزارة الصحة يوم الثلاثاء الموافق 28 يوليو 2020 أنه قد ” تم فحص 60 مليون مصري للكشف عن التهاب الكبد في سبعة أشهر فقط، كجزء من مبادرة 100 مليون صحة. ومصر اليوم هي الدولة الأولى التي تنجح في مكافحة التهاب الكبد الوبائي سي وتتغلب عليه، وتصبح خالية منه.” 

ولا شك في أن ما تم تحقيقه يعد إنجازا تاريخيا يكاد يكون غير مسبوق فى مصر والعالم، فإنه من المهم أن يتم توضيح بعض الجوانب المتعلقة بهذه النتائج حتى لا نكون كم يدفن رأسه في الرمال. ذلك أن القول بأن مصر قد أصبحت “خالية من فيروس سى” ليس دقيقا بالمعنى الحرفى له، ولكن التعبير الأدق هو أن مصر قد أصبحت خالية منه كوباء، ولكنه لا يزال موجودا كمرض على مستوى العديد من الأشخاص في مصر. ذلك أن منظمة الصحة العالمية تعرف استئصال فيروس سى كمشكلة صحة عامة بعدة مؤشرات هي: خفض معدل الإصابة بنسبة 80%، وخفض معدل الوفيات الناتجة عنه بنسبة 65%، والوصول بنسبة الإصابة السنوية إلى أقل من خمسة لكل مائة ألف مواطن، وإلى نسبة وفيات تقل عن حالتين لكل مائة ألف مواطن. وبالنسبة للتشخيص والعلاج، فإن المعايير التي نشرتها المنظمة تشترط فحص وتشخيص 90% على الأقل من جميع المصابين بفيروس سى، وعلاج 80% منهم على الأقل. وبالنسبة للوقاية، يشترط أن تصل نسبة الحقن غير الآمن إلى صفر في المائة وأن تصل نسبة مأمونية الدم إلى 100%.

وفى ضوء الأعداد المقدرة للمصابين في جميع الأعمار في مصر، وكذلك السلوكيات الخطرة التي لا تراعى الوقاية من انتشار العدوى، سواء على المستوى الفردى أو المؤسسى، وخاصة في أماكن تقديم الخدمات الصحية، فإنه من المستحيل ان يكون قد تم اكتشاف جميع الحالات المصابة وعلاجها. ومن هنا تأتى ضرورة الاستمرار فى حملات التوعية بضرورة الكشف المبكر لعلاج المصابين وحماية المخالطين لهم. وتأتى أيضا حتمية استمرار بث رسائل الوقاية من فيروس سى حتى لا يعود للانتشار مرة أخرى، والعمل على الوصول بإجراءات السلامة والوقاية في المنشآت الصحية والعاملين بها إلى المستوى الأمثل، وهو تحد كبير في ضوء النتائج البحثية التي عرضناها من قبل.

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Beliefs

الفصل السادس

الاعتقادات ودورها فى الاتصال الاقناعى

         تحدثنا فى فصل سابق عن عملية الإدراك، وقلنا أننا ى النهاية نكون مدركات على المستوى الوجدانى تسمى اتجاهات. وفى هذا الفصل نتعرض لمفهوم الاعتقادات بالشرح، كما نصت إحدى النظريات الحديثة التى تتخذ من هذا المفهوم الركيزة الأساسية للاتصال الاقناعى.

         فقد قام مارتين فيشباين وأيسيك أجزين بالترويج لمفهوم الاعتقادات وأهميتها النظرية والمنهجية فى الاتصال. وتبعا لنظرية فيشباين وأجزين، فان هناك سلسلة من العلاقات السببية، والتى تتكون بناء على المعلومات المتاحة للفرد، والاتجاهات، وتربط بين الاعتقادات والاتجاهات من ناحية والنوايا السلوكية من ناحية أخرى، وتربط أخيرا بين النوايا السلوكية والسلوك الفعلى.

         وحيث أن السلوك فى حد ذاته قد يزود المرء بمعلومات جديدة، فان ذلك يؤثر بالتالى على اعتقاداته، ومن ثم تبدأ سلسلة العلاقات السببية من جديد.

         وهكذا استطاع فيشباين وأجزين الخروج من المأزق الذى وقعت فيه نظريات أخرى حددت اتجاه العلاقة بين الاعتقادات والاتجاهات من ناحية، والسلوك من ناحية أخرى. فعلى سبيل المثال، فان نظرية “التوازن الذهنى والوجدانى” التى قدمها أبيلسون وميلتون روزنبرج تؤكد وجود علاقة إيجابية بين الاتجاه والسلوك، بحيث يجئ السلوك معتمدا على الاتجاه.

         ومن ناحية أخرى، فان نظرية ليون فستنجر عن “تنافر المعرفة” والتى تؤكد أيضا وجود علاقة بين الاتجاهات والسلوك، ترى أن العامل المستقل هو السلوك الذى يؤثر على الأفكار والاتجاهات.

         وهكذا فان فيشباين وأجزين يؤكدان أن العلاقة بين الاعتقادات والسلوك هى علاقة تأثير متبادل، وليست علاقة فى اتجاه واحد من السلوك إلى الاعتقادات أو من الاعتقادات إلى السلوك.

         ويعرف الاعتقادات بأنه الإيمان بوجود علاقة بين شيء وشيء آخر أو قيمة أو مفهوم أو خاصية. وتختلف الاعتقادات فى قوتها باختلاف درجة احتمال وجود هذه العلاقة بين شيئين. ومن ناحية أخرى، فان هناك تقييما لكل اعتقاد من الاعتقادات التى يؤمن بها الإنسان، وهذا التقييم يكون بالسلب أو الإيجاب.

         ويقسم فيشباين وأجزين الاعتقادات حسب مصادر المعلومات وطرق تكوين هذه الاعتقادات، إلى ثلاثة أنواع هى الاعتقادات الوصفية، والاعتقادات الاستنباطية، والاعتقادات الإعلامية.

أولا: الاعتقادات الوصفية: هذا النوع من الاعتقادات يتكون عن طريق الملاحظة المباشرة لما يحدث فى البيئة أمام الفرد. وهناك الكثير من الحالات التى يختلف فيها الأفراد فى وصف الأحداث التى وقعت أمامهم، فقد يختلف شهود العيان فى وصف الجريمة أو الحادثة التى وقعت عندما كانوا فى مسرح الحادث. وبصفة عامة فان الفرد قد يكون اعتقادات وصفية غير صحيحة إذا وقعت الأحداث بشكل مفاجئ أمامه، أو إذا لم يكن لديه الوقت الكافى لملاحظة ما يحدث بدقة. أيضا فقد أجريت عدة دراسات عن تأثير الخداع البصرى على تكوين الاعتقادات الوصفية، وقد توصلت هذه الدراسات إلى أن الأفراد قد يخطئون فى وصف ما شاهدوه نتيجة وجود عوامل معينة تؤدى إلى خداع بصرى.

         ومن ناحية أخرى، فان هناك جدلا فى دراسات الاتصال يتعلق بالقدرة على تذكر المعلومات الواردة فى الرسالة، وما إذا كانت المعلومات التى ترد فى بداية أو نهاية الرسالة تبقى فى الذاكرة مدة أطول. ولم تستطع معظم الدراسات التى أجريت فى هذا الشأن أن تحسم هذه القضية حتى الآن. ولكن يبدو أن هناك عاملا آخر يؤثر أكثر على تذكر أو نسيان مضمون الرسالة، وهو طبيعة المنبه. فقد توصلت دراسات عديدة إلى أن المنبهات الواضحة والمفهومة يسهل تذكرها عن المنبهات الغامضة وغير المفهومة. أيضا توصلت هذه الدراسات إلى أن المنبهات الإيجابية أو السلبية يسهل تذكرها عن المنبهات المحايدة.

         معنى ذلك، أن الإنسان حينما يلاحظ ما يحدث أمامه فانه سيكون أقدر على تكوين اعتقادات وصفية إذا كان ما يحدث له معنى مفهوم بالنسبة له. وبالإضافة إلى ذلك، فانه إذا كان الحدث لا يعنيه فى شيء ، فان قدرة الإنسان على وصفه سوف تختلف عنها فى حالة ما إذا كانت الأحداث تهمه، سواء كان بشكل  إيجابي أو سلبى.

         وبالرغم من ذلك كله، فان الاعتقادات الوصفية هى أقل أنواع الاعتقادات تأثرا بالاعتقادات والاتجاهات وخصائص الشخصية الموجودة لدى الفرد. وبصفة عامة، فان الاعتقادات الوصفية التى يكونها الفرد تعكس إلى حد كبير ما حدث بالفعل أمام الفرد، بدون تحيز أو تشويه. هذه الخاصية تميز الاعتقادات الوصفية عن غيرها من أنواع الاعتقادات، والتى نتحدث عنها فيما يلى.

         ثانيا: الاعتقادات الاستنباطية: الخاصية الرئيسية لهذا النوع من الاعتقادات هى أن الفرد يستعين بمعرفته وخبرته السابقة. بالإضافة إلى المنبهات الحالية. فى تكوين الاعتقادات الاستنباطية. فإذا عرفت عن شخص ما أنه غير أمين، وفى نفس الوقت فانك تؤمن بأن التدين والأمانة خاصيتان مرتبطتان. فانك تستنبط من هذين الاعتقادين اعتقادا ثالثا مفاده أن هذا شخص غير متدين.

         وهناك العديد من النماذج والنظريات العلمية التى تشرح كيفية قيامنا بتموين الاعتقادات الاستنباطية. وبصفة عامة، فانه يمكن تقسيم هذه النظريات والنماذج الى نوعين، الأول منها يقوم على التوازن التقييمى Evaluative Consistency   بينما يقوم النوع الثانى على التوازن الاحتمالي Probabilistic Consistency.

         التوازن التقييمى والاعتقادات الاستنباطية

         مدخل التوازن التقييمى هو أساس معظم النماذج النفسية ـ الاجتماعية التى تشرح تكوين وقياس الاتجاهات، مثل نظريات التوازن والتآلف وتنافر المعرفة والتوازن الذهنى ـ الوجدانى.

         ويمكن أن نعتبر نموذج هايدر Heider مثالا للمدخل التقييمى فنموذج هايدر مبنى على فكرة مؤداها أن الإنسان يدرك عنصرين على أنهما مرتبطان إذا كان العنصران يتفقان فى كيفية إدراك الفرد لكل منهما، أى إذا كان تقييم الفرد لكليهما إيجابيا أو سلبيا، أما إذا كان تقييم الفرد لأحد العنصرين إيجابيا وللعنصر الآخر سلبيا، فانه لن يدرك العنصرين فى علاقة أو فى وحدة واحدة. هذه الأفكار يتضمنها نموذج (أ ـ ب ـ ش) الذى عرضناه فى فصل سابق، حيث ناقشنا حالات التوازن وعدم التوازن بناء على العلاقات بين شخص وآخر وشيء أو شخص أو حدث ثالث. وطبقا لنموذج التوازن فان الفرد ـ فى مثالنا السابق ـ يعتقد أن الشخص الآخر غير أمين، وفى نفس الوقت يعتقد أن الأمانة والتدين خاصيتان مرتبطتان. يستنتج الفرد من ذلك الاعتقاد الاستنباطى بأن الشخص الآخر غير متدين، أو أن احتمال تدين الفرد الآخر ضعيف.

         التوازن الاحتمالى والاعتقادات الاستنباطية

         التوازن الاحتمالى يقوم على الاستدلال المنطقى ـ وليس التقييمى المبنى على الاتجاه النفسى. ومن الدراسات التى حاولت فهم عملية استنتاج الخصائص نذكر الدراسات التى قام بها آش Asch. ففى إحدى دراساته قام الباحث بتقسيم عملية البحث إلى مجموعتين، وقرأ لكل منهما قائمة بخصائص شخصية يتصف بها شخص حقيقي. وكانت قائمة الخصائص واحدة فى المجموعتين. مع اختلاف واحد، وهو أن الخاصية الرابعة ـ من مجموع قائمة الخصائص والتى اشتملت على سبع خصائص ـ اختلفت فى كل من المجموعتين، فكانت “بارد العواطف” فى المجموعة الأولى و”متعاطف” فى المجموعة الثانية. وقد اشتملت القائمتان على الخصائص التالية: ذكى، ماهر، جاد (بارد العواطف أو متعاطف)، لديه إصرار، عملى، حذر.

         بعد أن قرأ الباحث قائمة الصفات والخصائص على كل مجموعة على حدة طلب من كل من أفراد المجموعة أن يكتب وصفا مختصرا لشخصية الفرد الذى يتمتع بهذه الصفات. وبالإضافة إلى ذلك، فقد طلب من كل من أفراد العينة أن يختار الصفات الأخرى التى يعتقد أن ذلك الشخص المفترض يتصف بها، وقد قدم الباحث قائمة بست وثلاثين صفة، رتبها فى ثنائيات بحيث يكون على المبحوث أن يعمل ثمانية عشر اختيارا بين خصائص إيجابية وأخرى سلبية.

         وقد توصل آش إلى أن المجموعتين اختلفتا اختلافات جوهرية فيما يتعلق بالوصف الذى كتبوه لشخصية الفرد صاحب الصفات، كما أن المجموعتين اختلفتا بشدة فى انتقاء الخصائص الإيجابية أو السلبية من القائمة التى اشتملت على ثمانية عشر زوجا من الصفات. فالمجموعة التى قيل لها أن الشخص “متعاطف” استنبطت أن الشخص أيضا كريم ومرح واجتماعى ومحبوب من زملائه، فى حين أن المجموعة الأخرى استنتجت عكس هذه الصفات.

         الاستدلال المنطقى والاعتقادات الاستنباطية

         من القضايا التى شغلت بال الفلاسفة منذ عهد طويل قضية استخلاص نتائج صحيحة من مقدمات منطقية محددة. وقد أسفرت جهود هؤلاء الفلاسفة عن تحديد مجموعة من القواعد التى تتبع فى هذا الشأن.

         ويتكون الاستدلال المنطقى من افتراضات أو اعتقادات ثلاثة، تكون اثنتان منهما بمثابة مقدمات والثالثة نتيجة. فعلى سبيل المثال، يمكن أن يكون الفرد اعتقادا استنباطيا كالتالى:

         مقدمة 1: الصيف حار فى مصر.

         مقدمة 2: يونيو فى فصل الصيف.

         خلاصة: يونيو حار فى مصر.

         الاعتقادات من هذا النوع تربط بين شيء وصفة أو خاصية معينة. فإذا رمزنا للشيء بالرمز (ش) وللصفة بالرمز (ص)، فإننا نستطيع القول بأن هناك أربعة أشكال للاعتقادات من هذا النوع:

         “ـ 1-عام ـ إيجابي: كل “ش” يتصف بـ “ص

         “ـ 2-عام ـ سلبى: لا يوجد “ش” يتصف بـ “ص

         “ـ 3-خاص ـ إيجابي: بعض “ش” يتصف بـ “ص

         “ـ 4-خاص ـ سلبى: بعض “ش” لا يتصف بـ “ص

         وتعتمد الطريقة السابقة لتكوين الاعتقادات عن طريق الاستدلال المنطقى، والتى تخلص إلى وجود علاقة (إيجابية أو سلبية، عامة أو خاصة) بين الشيء (ش) والصفة (ص) على ربط الشيء (ش) بعنصر وسيط، يمكن الرمز إليه هنا بالرمز (و)، وربط العنصر الوسيط (و) بالخاصية أو الصفة (ًص)، واستخلاص طبيعة العلاقة بين (ش) و(ص) من المقدمتين السابقتين. فعلى سبيل المثال، يمكن صياغة المثال السابق عن طريق هذه الرموز كالتالى:

         المقدمة الرئيسية: (و) هى (ص) (الصيف حار فى مصر).

         المقدمة الفرعية: (ش) هى (و) (يونيو فى فصل الصيف).

         الخلاصـــــ­­­ـــــــــــــــــــــــة: (ش) هى (ص) (يونيو حار فى مصر).

         ولكن المشكلة الرئيسية فى هذا المثال هى أن الخلاصة (يونيو حار فى مصر) تعتبر صحيحة فى حالة واحدة فقط وهى اذا كانت كل من المقدمتين الرئيسية والفرعية مصاغة فى الشكل العام الإيجابي، أى إذا كانت هاتان المقدمتان هما، على التوالى، “كل شهور الصيف حارة فى مصر” و” يونيو دائما فى شهور الصيف فى مصر”.

         وبصفة عامة، فان النتيجة أو الخلاصة الوحيدة الصحيحة دائما هى تلك التى تبنى على مقدمتين منطقيتين كل منهما مصاغة فى الشكل العام ـ الإيجابي. أما إذا كانت المقدمتان أو إحداهما مصاغة فى شكل من الأشكال الثلاثة الأخرى، فان الخلاصة تكون صحيحة فى بعض الأحيان فقط، وأحيانا يصعب الحكم بما إذا كانت صحيحة من عدمه.

         نماذج الاحتمالية والاعتقادات الاستنباطية

         هناك العديد من نماذج الاحتمالية التى يمكن أن تفيدنا فى معرفة الكيفية التى يتم بها التوصل إلى الاعتقادات الاستنباطية. وتجدر الإشارة هنا إلى أن هذه النماذج لا تهتم بوصف ما يحدث بالفعل، يقدر اهتمامها بالتوصل إلى ما “يجب” أن يحدث إذا فكر الإنسان بشكل عقلى منطقى. وهكذا فان هذه النماذج تقدم لنا “النموذج” الذى ينبغى أن تكون عليه الاعتقادات التى يتوصل إليها الفرد بناء على المعلومات التى لديه، ويعد الاختلاف بين الاعتقادات الاستنباطية التى يتوصل إليها الفرد فى الواقع وبين “النموذج” راجعا إلى عوامل أخرى “غير عقلية” مثل اتجاهات الفرد أو خصائص وسمات شخصيته.

         نموذج التوازن المنطقى

         بعد النموذج الذى طوره ماكجواير McGuire فى عام 1960 من أولى المحاولات التى بذلت للتوصل الى تقديرات كيفية للتوازن بين الاعتقادات. وقد استفاد ماكجواير فى نموذجه من مبادئ المنطق (منطق أرسطو) ونظرية الاحتمالات، معا.

         وقد استخدم ماكجواير فى اختبار نموذجه جملا أو اعتقادات من النوع العام الايجابى الذى عرفناه فيما سبق. ومن الأمثلة المستخدمة مثال يفترض وجود ثلاث قضايا متداخلة ومرتبطة ببعضها البعض، بحيث أن الفرد الذى يتخذ الموقف (أ) فى القضية الأولى والموقف (ب) فى القضية الثانية، سوف يتخذ الموقف (ج) فى القضية الثالثة لكى يكون منطقيا ومتسقا فى تفكيره. معنى ذلك أن المواقف الثلاثة مرتبطة منطقيا، وأن الموقف (ج) هو الخلاصة الصحيحة المبنية على الاحتمالية المشتركة للموقفين (أ) و(ب).

         ثالثا ـ الاعتقادات الإعلامية

         تحدثنا فى هذا الفصل حتى الآن عن نوعين من أنواع الاعتقادات الأول هو الاعتقادات الوصفية، والثانى هو الاعتقادات الاستنباطية. وباختصار شديد، فان الاعتقادات الوصفية تتكون بناء على التجربة المباشرة للفرد، وملاحظته لوجود علاقات بين الأشياء يقوم الفرد بإدراكها عن طريق الحواس. أما الاعتقادات الاستنباطية، فإنها تقوم على ربط الاعتقادات الوصفية بما لدى الفرد من خبرة أو أفكار عن الشيء. ويمكن أن تتكون اعتقادات استنباطية بناء على اعتقادات استنباطية أخرى، وذلك عن طريق عمليات التوازن التقييمى أو التوازن المنطقى الاحتمالى.

         أما الاعتقادات الإعلامية، فإنها تتكون بشكل يختلف عن كيفية تكوين كل من الاعتقادات الوصفية والاستنباطية. فكثير من اعتقاداتنا يتكون بناء على اشتراكنا فى عملية الاتصال، وذلك عندما نقبل معلومات عن شيء أو شخص أو موقف أو حدث معين حيث يكون مصدر هذه المعلومات الصحف أو المجلات أو الكتب أو الراديو أو التليفزيون أو الأصدقاء أو الأقارب أو الزملاء فى العمل. الخ.

         فعلى سبيل المثال، قد نقرأ فى صحيفة الأهرام أن وزير المواصلات أصيب فى حادثة سيارة، فى هذه الحالة، فإننا لم نتوصل عن طريق الحواس، أو عن طريق الاستنباط إلى أن وزير المواصلات أصيب فى حادثة سيارة، بل توصلنا إليه عن طريق الاتصال. الاعتقادات من هذا النوع تسمى الاعتقادات الإعلامية. فبناء على ما قرأناه فى الأهرام فإننا قد نكون اعتقادا مفاده أن وزير المواصلات قد أصيب فى حادثة سيارة.

         وفى حين أن ملاحظتنا المباشرة للعلاقة بين شيء وآخر تؤدى دائما إلى تكوين اعتقاد وصفى، فان المعلومات التى نتعرض لها فى خلال عملية الاتصال لا تؤدى بالضرورة إلى تكوين اعتقادات إعلامية. فهناك العديد من العوامل التى تؤثر على قبول المستقبل للرسالة الإعلامية، منها على سبيل المثال مدى الاتفاق أو الاختلاف بين الاعتقادات الموجودة لدى الفرد والاعتقاد الجديد، تقدير الفرد لذاته ومدى سهولة إقناعه، مصداقية المصدر، مدى أهمية الموضوع للفرد، ومدى ثقة الفرد فى اعتقاداته الموجودة قبل استقبال الرسالة. الخ.

         وسواء قام الفرد أم لم يقم بتكوين اعتقادات إعلامية بناء على المعلومات، التى يتعرض لها، فانه سيقوم فى كل مرة يتعرض فيها للمعلومات من مصدر خارجى بتكوين اعتقادات وصفية، بمعنى أنه سيكون على الأقل اعتقادا مفاده أن المصدر قدم معلومات تربط بين الشيء أو الشخص (وزير المواصلات مثلا) وبين شيء أو حدث آخر (حادثة سيارة). معنى ذلك أن الفرد قد يكتفى بالاعتقاد الوصفى الذى مؤداه أن المصدر (م) قال أن الشيء (ش) يتصف بخاصية معينة (ص) ـ أى (“م” قال أن “ش” يتصف بـ “ص”)، وقد يكون اعتقادا إعلاميا مفاده أن الشيء أو الشخص (ش) يتصف بالخاصية (ص) ـ أى (“ش” يتصف بـ “ص”). ومعنى ذلك أنه لا ينبغي أن نخلط بين الاعتقاد الصفى الذى يكونه الفرد بناء على معلومات إعلامية (أى الاعتقاد بأن المصدر “م” قال أن “ش” يتصف بـ “ص”) وبين الاعتقاد الاستنباطى الذى يكونه الفرد بأن “ش” ستصف بـ “ص” فالاعتقاد الأول لا يعكس بالضرورة قبول الفرد للمعلومات أو إيمانه بصدقها، بينما الاعتقاد الثانى يتضمن ذلك بالضرورة. ونستطيع أن تقول أن الرسالة الإعلامية بوجود علاقة بالفعل بين “ش” و “ص” ، تتفق مع العلاقة التى حددها مصدر الرسالة الإعلامية.  

حملات التوعية والتغيير الاجتماعي: النظرية والتطبيق والتأثير

M.A Program-Radio & TV Department

Faculty of Mass Communication, Cairo University

السنة التمهيدية للماجستير- قسم الإذاعة والتليفزيون

كلية الإعلام- جامعة القاهرة


Class time allocation

توزيع وقت المحاضرة

minutes دقائق Subject الموضوع
30 presenting the topic عرض محاضرة اليوم
60 student presentations عروض الطلبة
15 general discussion مناقشة عامة
10 summary and recommendations تلخيص واستنتاج
05 preparations for the coming class التحضير للأسبوع القادم

Detailed Weekly Plan

الخطة الأسبوعيىة التفصيلية

رقم الأسبوع والمحتوى المطلوب تحضيره قبل موعد المحاضرة
1
2023/11/9

محاضرة تمهيدية لتوصيف المقرر ومتطلباته

موقع المقرر
https://elkamel.wordpress.com/2020/03/14/ma-class-cairou/

الجزء الأول
الأسس النفسية لتأثير وسائل الاتصال – من محاضرة 2 إلى مجاضرة 6
2
2023/11/16

عملية الاتصال الإنساني
كتاب: تأثير وسائل الإعلام: الفصل الأول – ص:21-35


مواد فيلمية مساعدة
عملية الاتصال الإنساني
https://youtu.be/d4YmmQWF8BA
عملية الاتصال
https://youtu.be/6ar7eI8BpZo
3
2023/11/23

الاتصال والإدراك
كتاب: تأثير وسائل الإعلام: الفصل الثاني – ص:37-54


مواد فيلمية مساعدة
الاتصال والإدراك
https://youtu.be/0n9D9Jme-cg
الإتصال والإدراك
https://youtu.be/MBDMRDsKji0
4
2023/11/30

الاتصال والتعلم
كتاب: تأثير وسائل الإعلام: الفصل الثالث – ص:55-90


مواد فيلمية مساعدة
نظريات التعلم وتطييقاتها فى الاتصال
https://youtu.be/5E-EQt4qlyI
نظريات التعلم وتطبيقاتها فى الاتصال
https://youtu.be/bkpcYusTm1I

5
2023/12/7

الاتجاهات والاعتقادات
كتاب: تأثير وسائل الإعلام: الفصل الرابع – ص:91-114


مواد فيلمية مساعدة
الاتجاهات والاعتقادات في عملية الاتصال
https://youtu.be/p9RsJz5vjoE
الاتصال والاتجاهات الإجتماعية
https://youtu.be/EIrDSjZQSFc
6
2023/12/14

التفاعل الاجتماعى
كتاب: تأثير وسائل الإعلام: الفصل الخامس – ص:115-139


مواد فيلمية مساعدة
الاتصال والتفاعل الاجتماعى
https://youtu.be/ZR9R8s5jijI

https://youtu.be/e34Mn-8qdOk
 7
 2023/12/21
مراجعة وتدريب على الامتحانات
امتحانات الميدتيرم فى الكلية
من 27-12-2023 إلى 24-1-2024
8
2023/12/28

امتحان الميد تيرم فى المقرر
أجازة منتصف العام فى الكلية والمقرر
من السبت الموافق 27 يناير 2024 إلى الخميس 8 فبراير 2024
الجزء الثانى
9
2024/2/15 
المقدمة
الإعلام المصري وتحديات التنمية
الفصل الأول
كتاب: الوجه الآخر للإعلام
10
2024/2/22 

النظريات الكلاسيكية عن الإعلام والتنمية
كتاب: الوجه الآخر للإعلام – الفصل الثاني
11
2024/2/29

نظرية المعرفة والتغيير الاجتماعى
كتاب: الوجه الآخر للإعلام: الفصل الثالث


مواد فيلمية مساعدة
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9nYJap8zDsg

محاضرة سابقة
https://youtu.be/oDhDCamJCZw?si=-NgvP4xDENonc7iq
12
2024/3/7

ملامح الوجه “الآخر” للإعلام
كتاب: الوجه الآخر للإعلام: الفصل الرابع

امتحان أعمال السنة رقم 2 ( بعد المحاضرة)
الجزء الثالث
الحالات التطبيقية لحملات التوعية والتغيير الاجتماعي – من محاضرة 12 إلى محاضرة 19
13
2024/3/14

حملة وقاية وعلاج الأطفال من الجفاف
كتاب: الوجه الآخر للإعلام: الفصل الخامس


مواد فيلمية

جميع إعلانات مكافحة الجفاف فى حملات د. فرج الكامل–
https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLxwmH-xqgi_ev7qMgEEiGxf0XbKBv5fV3

كيف نجحت حملة مكافحة الجفاف فى مصر؟
https://youtu.be/-iWed8JngYQ
14
2024/3/21

حملات تنظيم الأسرة
كتاب: الوجه الآخر للإعلام: الفصل السادس

مواد فيلمية

نجاحات وإخفاقات تنظيم الأسرة فى مصر
https://youtu.be/PRBRdD9rgyo

كيف تنجح مصر فى تنظيم الأسرة؟ 
https://youtu.be/HsH6QN3evEQ
 
كيف يمكن مواجهة الزيادة السكانية
https://youtu.be/ZV0BZjkXHJs
 
المشكلة السكانية والقربة المخرومة
https://youtu.be/1PmVD8nGizg
 
حوار حول حل ازمة الزيادة السكانية
https://youtu.be/F2dRFUo_dPQ

جميع إعلانات تنظيم الأسرة فى حملات د. فرج الكامل
https://youtube.com/playlist?list=PLxwmH-xqgi_eXPrmxGI5_mSdVS4VAURzP
15
2024/3/28

استخدام الترفيه للتعليم
كتاب: الوجه الآخر للإعلام: الفصل السابع


مواد فيلمية

الترفيه والتعلم
https://youtu.be/PkTMnxkJbL0

برومو مسلسل بيت العيلة
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DLN6Jcq85Ts&index=2&list=PLxwmH-xqgi_ePpiyk3N8JJVy3q_8tOtkf&t=0s

مسلسل الحب فى زمن الإيدز (web drama)  https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XOcSsIAlLNE&list=PLxwmH-xqgi_ed4m-2bAlwzbu-Mnz49fSe&index=2&t=0s 

السينما
الإيدز فى الدراما المصرية
https://youtu.be/BJsTTi1ceck

Reel Bad Arabs: How Hollywood Vilifies a People
https://youtu.be/OhFLW8XiP6k
16
2024/4/4

حملات الوقاية من الإيدز
كتاب: الوجه الآخر للإعلام: الفصل الثامن


مواد فيلمية

دور الإعلام في منع انتشار الإيدز
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TjbLOL74Zx0

إعلانات حملة التوعية بالإيدز- السعودية
https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLxwmH-xqgi_eTidG4V2qq3zQUOoRFyqTC

مسلسل (مينى دراما) الحب فى زمن الإيدز (جميع الحلقات)
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XOcSsIAlLNE&list=PLxwmH-xqgi_ed4m-2bAlwzbu-Mnz49fSe

2024/4/11
أجازة عيد الفطر
17
2024/4/18

حملات الحفاظ على البيئة ومياه الشرب
كتاب: الوجه الآخر للإعلام: الفصل التاسع


مواد فيلمية

إعلانات التوعية حول الحفاظ على البيئة ومياه الشرب
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7HHNpaniYnk&list=PLxwmH-xqgi_eYLVDc46cSgIuXky1nbST3
عيد تحرير سيناء
2024/4/25
أجازة عيد العمال
2024/5/2
18
2024/5/9

حملات استئصال شلل الأطفال
كتاب: الوجه الآخر للإعلام: الفصل العاشر

مواد فيلمية

الاتصال والقضاء على شلل الأطفال فى مصر- Unicef 2005
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CnArJ62oH-U

كيف تخلصت مصر من شلل الأطفال بعد 3000 عام (محاضرة مسجلة)
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UGUZwGi_TLI

 
19
2024/5/16

حملات القضاء على فيروس سى
كتاب: الوجه الآخر للإعلام: الفصل الحادي عشر

مواد فيلمية

قصة نجاح مصرية: المعركة الأخيرة ضد فيروس سى
https://youtu.be/_wrpL5PR-Wc

دور الاعلام فى القضاء على فيروس سى
https://youtu.be/jn4wJoVPpg4

إعلانات التوعية بالوقاية والعلاج من فيروس سى
https://youtube.com/playlist?list=PLxwmH-xqgi_fgFTmgZJDNje0qFYmZnsQb

 
الجزء الرابع
تخطيط وتنفيذ حملات التوعية والتغيير الاجتماعي من محاضرة 20 إلى محاضرة 22
20
2024/5/23

بناء الاستراتيجية الإعلامية
كتاب: الوجه الآخر للإعلام: الفصل الثاني عشر
21
2024/5/30

إنتاج مواد الحملة الإعلامية
كتاب: الوجه الآخر للإعلام: الفصل الثالث عشر
22
2024/6/6

بدء الحملة والمراقبة والتقييم
كتاب: الوجه الآخر للإعلام: الفصل الرابع عشر

HIV/AIDS TV CAMPAIGN IN KSA-1991-1992

حملة التوعية بالإيدز- السعودية

I developed and implemented this challenging campaign in 1991-1992, sponsored by Unicef (KSA) and WHO (EMRO), in collaboration with the Saudi Ministry of Health. The campaign addressed this culturally sensitive subject delicately and built upon supportive cultural norms. It consisted of booklets, pamphlets as well as TV spots that were aired on Saudi national TV.

This multi-media campaign aimed to raise awareness and induce correct knowledge of AIDS prevention. The famous Saudi comedian Nasser El Kassaby played the leading role in a mini-series of 15 TV spots (one minute each) that was aired for one month.

A baseline and follow up evaluation studies revealed that 81% of TV viewers watched the spots, and interest in learning about AIDS increased from 16% before the campaign to 99% after only one month of airing the spots on TV. The percentage of viewers who don’t know the correct ways of AIDS infection decreased from 38% before the campaign to only 3% after the campaign.

The spots can be viewed here:

Communication Strategy of the ORT Project in Egypt

Communication Strategy of the ORT Project in Egypt

 الاستراتيجية الإعلامية لمشروع مكافحة الجفاف – مصر

Prepared by: Farag Elkamel, PhD

August 1983

A post stamp acknowledging the ORT campaign

I. OBJECTIVES

To teach, persuade, and change the behaviors of (a) all mothers of children under five, and (b) other specific target groups, especially health personnel, mass media reporters, and decision makers, with regard to the management of diarrhea and dehydration. In order to attain these objectives, these audiences must be informed in both efficient and effective ways. Information which must reach these audiences can be classified into three types of knowledge:

A. AWARENESS-KNOWLEDGE

  1. Diarrhea is a disease which can lead to more serious ones.
  2. Two kinds of diarrhea are known to exist. The serious one is watery diarrhea or “eshal zayy el mayyia,” which is usually accompanied by vomiting and gastroenteritis or “nazla maawia.”
  3. Diarrhea can lead to dehydration “gafaf” which is very serious and can lead to death.
  4. There are different degrees of “gafaf.” “Gafaf” is easier to treat in its early stages.
  5. Only serious “gafaf” needs special treatment in hospitals and health centers. Mild cases can be treated by mothers at home.
  6. You will be able to recognize it if your child has gafaf. The child will vomit, will have sunken eyes, dry skin, no appetite, and will be weak.

B. HOW-TO-KNOWLEDGE

  1. Complications of diarrhea can be prevented if the child is given plenty of liquids during diarrhea.
  2. Food and/or breast milk must continue during diarrhea to give the child strength.
  3. Examples of liquids to give the child during diarrhea are soups, juices, or soft drinks. Examples of food to give are vegetables, fruit, and rice.
  4. Children who have watery diarrhea “eshal zayy el mayyia” must take ORS “Mahloul Moaalget el Gafaf (MMG).” You can buy this “Mahloul” from the pharmacy for a few piasters, or even get it free from hospitals and MCH centers.
  5. You must dissolve the MMG solution right; otherwise it will not be effective. To be sure, read the instructions on the box and ask your doctor, pharmacist, or nurse to tell you how to dissolve the solution right.
  6. Give your child the solution slowly and gradually, not in large quantities at once. Give at least two full spoons every five minutes.
  7. Gafaf can be very serious. If your child is constantly vomiting and looks very dehydrated, it must be taken to a doctor or hospital at once.

C. PRINCIPLES-KNOWLEDGE

  1. Diarrhea may be caused by viruses, bacteria, parasites, etc. Factors that make it prevail include poor personal hygiene, poor food preparation, contaminated water, and flies.
  2. Dehydration is the loss of body fluids and essential salts and minerals. This happens because of acute diarrhea. Unless restored, this loss of body fluids, salts, and minerals seriously affects the fragile body of the child, resulting, perhaps, in death.
  3. NMG will restore the child’s appetite to eat; and food and milk will strengthen the child. MMG, food, and liquids restore the lost body fluids, salts, and minerals, thereby protecting child against dehydration.
  4. Certain kinds of food will also help stop diarrhea faster, in addition, of course, to strengthening the fragile body of the child.
  5. When your child has diarrhea, your first worry should be to prevent dehydration, not to stop diarrhea. Diarrhea will eventually stop, but depending on what you do, your child may or may not get gafaf, which is your child’s number one enemy.
  6. Severe dehydration can negatively affect the health of a child, his growth, and his mental development. A good and loving mother therefore never lets her child get dehydrated.

II. CHANNELS OF COMMUNICATION

Characteristics of the main target audience (mothers of children under five) are pretty well known. The majority are illiterate and live in low-income urban areas. Only wise and planned use of communication will enable them to get the project messages outlined above. There is enough evidence from different media surveys conducted in Egypt to prove that only innovative social marketing techniques would succeed in reaching the target audience.

Print media, as well as health programs on radio and television should be used very lightly and with extreme caution, because they reach a small, and a particular segment of the target audience. Advertising in the print media should be kept at an absolute minimum, if at all. Interpersonal communication should be utilized in teaching doctors, pharmacists, social workers, as well as other health personnel.

The following social marketing activities should be carried out either directly by the project or through competitive bidding according to specific Requests for Proposals (RFP’s) issued by the NCDD Project:

  1. Development and production of audio-visual aids and other training materials for doctors, pharmacists, and other health personnel.
  2. Development and production of radio and television spots and special programs for the main target audience.
  3. Development and production of booklets, posters, pamphlets, billboards, etc.
  4. Planning and organization of national and regional conferences for doctors, pharmacists, and other health related decision makers and national and community leaders.
  5. Design and execution of special person-to-person communication campaigns with particular groups and in problem areas.
  6. Development, production, and distribution of certain point-of-sale and promotional items.
  7. Securing and producing testimonials advocating ORT by prominent doctors and famous personalities.

III. GUIDELINES FOR SOCIAL MARKETING

A. MESSAGE DESIGN.

Characteristics of the main target audience will have to be observed in designing social marketing communication. Messages must be appealing to this general audience, and the information contained in the message should be clear and phrased in simple, non-technical, colloquial Arabic.

B. FORMAT AND TIME OF BROADCAST

Time of broadcast can be very decisive in affecting the success of spots and special programs to reach the target audience. It is important to note that the most popular format both on radio and television is drama, a fact which can be exploited by the project in at least two ways. First, ORT messages, spots, and special programs would perhaps attract a larger audience if produced in the form of drama. Second, any spots, commercials, or special messages will reach more viewers and listeners if aired during, before, or immediately following soap operas, movies, or ether popular entertainment programs and shows.

C. THEME

All ORT messages communicated by the NCDD project should be designed to appeal to mothers, who should be described as caring, loving, and smart, and certainly not as negligible or ignorant. In communicating with doctors and other “elite” target groups, the theme should be the scientific or medical “revolution” resulting from ORT.

IV. ORGANIZATION OF CAMPAIGN ELEMENTS

In addition to person-to-person communication as described above, the project’s mass communication activities can be classified into four rather different elements which complement each other:

  1. News releases and public relations on behalf of the project. This campaign activity involves the publication and broadcast of feature stories and news highlighting project activities, the opening of rehydration centers, conferences and seminars sponsored by the project, etc. While this aspect of project communication activities may best be handled by the ministry of health information office, very close supervision by the NCDD project is essential.
  2. Integration of ORT messages into existing media programs. Each radio or television station has its own health programs as well as other much more popular programs. Both may be used to diffuse ORT messages. The press also has different health and family sections which typically discuss different health issues. The first order of business should be to educate reporters and producers about Oral Rehydration and motivate them to address the subject matter in their programs. Second, detailed arrangements should be made with selected programs, within a general framework, to integrate ORT into the subjects addressed in these programs. Different approaches will be required for the health and the general / popular programs. This aspect of the program communication effort must be undertaken directly by the project with the media personnel involved. The project should provide the content, approach, and means to pretest the material and evaluate its impact, the production being left to the media people as their responsibility in close coordination with the project. It should be mentioned here that as the audience of the specialized health programs, sections, and magazines is relatively much smaller, and is of a particular quality, emphasis should be more on popular programs and less on health programs, sections, or publications.
  3. Specially-produced programs. The project should start negotiations with one or two radio stations and make arrangements to produce and broadcast “Al Om Al Waaia” (The Aware Mother) program nationally. The program should be put on the radio during the peak of the diarrhea season, and should include competitions and prizes for listeners who follow the program regularly and can answer specific questions on the subject matter. The program would be publicized intensively through spot announcements few times a day which should be inserted before or immediately after other programs that are most popular among the target audience. While the same may be done on television, the cost could be prohibitive. An ideal arrangement would involve rerunning the program on additional radio stations, but such an arrangement may be quite difficult. For literate audiences, the same idea can be implemented, where print supplements or sections may be edited in direct cooperation with the project. While the NCDD project should subsidize the production of such programs or press sections, it should not by any means waste the project funds on buying newspaper space or radio air time for these specially produced programs. They are not to be confused with advertising.
  4. Social Marketing. By far, this will prove to be the most effective activity in reaching the target audience, different, but small segments of which are reached through the other communication campaign elements outlined above. Since the project does not have the means to produce communication material, this activity will have to be accomplished through the cooperation of three parties. First, the NCDD project must assume overall responsibility. Content development, pretest of ideas and of material at different stages of the production, approval of scripts and storyboards and evaluation of effect are typical NCDD project responsibilities. Second, radio and television officials should be involved at different stages, such that a sense of involvement develops among them, which would make the broadcasting of project messages more possible. These people or some of them at least, have good judgments of what does or does not work. Third, the actual filming and production should be contracted out to one or more of the public or private agencies specialized in quality production of audio, video, or print material. Such contractors, however, will have to be closely coached by the project, mainly because almost all possible contractors have little, if any, experience in social marketing communication, and have little experience in communication with the kind of audience the project seeks to reach.

V. PRETEST, EVALUATION, AND MONITORING.

Two types of pretest of campaign material are advised, of course in addition to pretest among in-house experts. First, a pretest must be done with key experts in the technique being used (e.g., audio, video, photography, drama, etc.) Second, all material must be pretested among relatively small samples of the target audience. Both types of pretest may be repeated at different stages of the production. The NCDD project should assume the primary responsibility for pretesting.

Monitoring techniques will vary according to the kind of communication activity. For example, while the ministry of health information office could be responsible for sending copies of each of the news releases it manages to get printed on behalf of the project; other activities may require the specific attention of one or more persons on the NCDD project staff. Detailed monitoring schemes should be devised in conjunction with each activity.

Evaluation, both of the process and the impact should be undertaken both by the project itself and by outside contractors. Evaluation reports submitted by contractors on the project’s request may not substitute for the project conducting its own evaluations of different communication activities.


* الاستراتيجية الإعلامية لمشروع مكافحة الجفاف – مصر

* قام المؤلف بصفته خبير الاتصال ومدير الحملة القومية لمعالجة الجفاف بكتابة هذه الاستراتيجية قبل بداية الحملة فى عام 1983

أولا – الأهداف ومضمون الرسائل

تعليم وإقناع وتغيير سلوكيات (أ) جميع أمهات الأطفال دون سن الخامسة، و (ب) مجموعات مستهدفة أخرى محددة، وخاصة العاملين بالمجال الصحى والإعلامى وصناع القرار، فيما يتعلق بمعالجة الإسهال والجفاف. من أجل تحقيق هذه الأهداف، يجب توصيل رسائل محددة إلى هذه الجماهير بطرق فعالة، ويمكن تصنيف هذه الرسائل إلى ثلاثة أنواع أو مستويات من المعرفة:

أ. الوعي

الإسهال مرض يمكن أن يؤدي إلى أمراض أكثر خطورة.

هناك نوعان من الإسهال، الأكثر خطورة هو الإسهال الشديد أو المائي والذي عادة ما يكون مصحوبًا بالتقيؤ والتهاب الأمعاء أو ما يسمى أحيانا “نزل معاوية”.

يمكن أن يؤدي الإسهال إلى جفاف وهو أمر خطير للغاية ويمكن أن يؤدي إلى الوفاة.

علاج “الجفاف” أسهل في مراحله الأولى.

فقط “الجفاف” الشديد هو الذى يحتاج إلى علاج خاص في المستشفيات والمراكز الصحية.

يمكن معالجة الحالات الخفيفة من الجفاف في المنزل.

سوف تكون قادرًا على التعرف علي وجود الجفاف عند الطفل إذا كانت عيناه غائرتين، وأصبح جلده جافا وغير مرن، وفقد شهيته للطعام، وأصبح جسمه ضعيفا وقليل الحركة.

ب. معرفة الكيفية

يمكن منع تحول الإسهال إلى جفاف إذا تم إعطاء الطفل الكثير من السوائل أثناء الإسهال.

يجب أن يستمر الطعام و / أو حليب الأم أثناء الإسهال لمنح الطفل القوة اللازمة للشفاء.

من السوائل التي يمكن أن نعطيها للطفل أثناء الإسهال: الحساء أو العصائر أو المشروبات الغازية. ومن الأطعمة التي يجب تقديمها: الخضار والفواكه والأرز.

الأطفال الذين يعانون من الإسهال الشديد “المائي” يجب أن يأخذوا “محلول معالجة الجفاف”. يمكنك شراء هذا المحلول من الصيدلية مقابل قروش قليلة، أو الحصول عليه مجانًا من المستشفيات ومراكز صحة الأم والطفل.

يجب عليك إذابة محلول معالجة الجفاف بشكل صحيح؛ وإلا فلن يكون فعالا. للتأكد، اقرأ التعليمات الموجودة على العلبة واسأل الطبيب أو الصيدلي أو الممرضة لتخبرك بكيفية إذابة المحلول بشكل صحيح.

أعط طفلك المحلول بملعقة صغيرة ببطء وبشكل تدريجي، وليس بكميات كبيرة دفعة واحدة. أعط ملعقتين صغيرتين كاملتين على الأقل كل خمس دقائق.

الجفاف يمكن أن يكون شديد الخطورة. إذا كان طفلك يتقيأ باستمرار ويبدو عليه الجفاف الشديد، يجب نقله إلى الطبيب أو المستشفى في الحال.

(ج) معرفة المبادئ

قد يكون الإسهال ناتجًا عن الفيروسات والبكتيريا والطفيليات وما إلى ذلك. وتشمل العوامل التي تجعله سائدًا سوء النظافة الشخصية وسوء إعداد الطعام والمياه الملوثة والذباب.

الجفاف هو فقدان سوائل الجسم والأملاح والمعادن الأساسية اللازمة للحياة بسبب الإسهال الشديد. وإذا لم يتم استعواض ما فقده جسم الطفل من سوائل وأملاح ومعادن، يتأثر جسم الطفل الهش بشكل خطير، مما قد يؤدي إلى الوفاة.

محلول معالجة الجفاف يعوض سوائل الجسم والأملاح والمعادن التي يفقدها بسبب الاسهال ويعيد شهية الطفل للأكل أو الرضاعة وبالتالي يحميه من خطر الجفاف.

تساعد أنواع معينة من الطعام أيضًا في وقف الإسهال بشكل أسرع، بالإضافة بالطبع إلى تقوية الجسم الهش للطفل.

عندما يصاب طفلك بالإسهال، يجب أن يكون همك الأول هو منع حدوث الجفاف، وليس إيقاف الإسهال. الإسهال سوف يتوقف في النهاية، ولكن بناء على ما تفعلينه، فقد يصاب طفلك أو لا يصاب بالجفاف، وهو العدو الأول لطفلك.

يمكن أن يؤثر الجفاف الشديد سلبًا على صحة الطفل ونموه العقلي. لذلك فإن الأم المحبة لطفلها لا تدعه يصاب بالجفاف.

ثانيًا. قنوات الاتصال

إن خصائص الجمهور المستهدف الرئيسي (أمهات الأطفال دون سن الخامسة) معروفة جيدًا. فالغالبية منهم من الأميين ويعيشون في الريف أو المناطق الحضرية ذات الدخل المنخفض. ولذلك فإن الاستخدام الحكيم والمخطط للاتصال هو ما سوف يمكنهم من الحصول على الرسائل الموضحة أعلاه. وهناك أدلة كافية من استطلاعات الرأي المختلفة التي أجريت في مصر لإثبات أن تقنيات التسويق الاجتماعي المبتكرة هي التي ستنجح في الوصول إلى الجمهور المستهدف.

ويجب استخدام وسائل الإعلام المطبوعة والبرامج الصحية في الإذاعة والتلفزيون بشكل محدود وبحذر شديد، لأنها تصل إلى شريحة صغيرة من الجمهور المستهدف، ولذا يجب أن يكون الإعلان في وسائل الإعلام المطبوعة عند الحد الأدنى، ذلك إذا تم استخدامها من الأساس. ويجب استخدام الاتصال المباشر في الاتصال مع الأطباء والصيادلة والأخصائيين الاجتماعيين وغيرهم من العاملين الصحيين مع الاستعانة بالوسائل السمعية والبصرية.

كما يجب تنفيذ أنشطة التسويق الاجتماعي التالية إما مباشرة عن طريق المشروع ذاته أو من خلال العطاءات التنافسية وفقًا لطلبات محددة لتقديم العروض يطرحها.

تطوير وإنتاج الوسائل السمعية والبصرية وغيرها من المواد التدريبية للأطباء والصيادلة وغيرهم من العاملين بالمجال الصحى.

تطوير وإنتاج مواد إذاعية وتلفزيونية وبرامج خاصة للجمهور المستهدف الرئيسي، وخاصة الإعلانات التليفزيونية القصيرة.

تطوير وإنتاج الكتيبات والملصقات والنشرات واللوحات الإعلانية، إلخ.

تخطيط وتنظيم المؤتمرات الوطنية والإقليمية للأطباء والصيادلة وغيرهم من صانعي القرار ذات الصلة بالصحة والقادة السياسيين وقادة المجتمعات المحلية.

تصميم وتنفيذ حملات اتصال مباشر مع مجموعات معينة وفي المناطق ذات المشاكل الخاصة.

تطوير وإنتاج وتوزيع بعض المواد الترويجية في نقاط البيع (مثل البوسترات والأكواب البلاستيك في الصيدليات)

حث نقابة الأطباء وجمعيات طب الأطفال ومشاهير الأطباء على تأييد محلول معالجة الجفاف ونشر هذا التأييد لمواجهة المشككين فيه من المستفيدين بالأمر الواقع وغيرهم.

ثالثا. مبادئ ومعايير التسويق الاجتماعي

أ. تصميم الرسالة.

يجب مراعاة خصائص الجمهور المستهدف الرئيسي في تصميم الرسائل في إطار التسويق الاجتماعي. فيجب أن تكون الرسائل جذابة لهذا الجمهور، ويجب أن تكون المعلومات الواردة في الرسالة صحيحة وواضحة ومصاغة بلغة عربية عامية بسيطة وغير تقنية ومفهومة للعامة.

ب. شكل وتوقيت البث

يمكن أن يكون توقيت البث حاسمًا جدًا في التأثير على مدى نجاح الإعلانات والبرامج الخاصة في الوصول إلى الجمهور المستهدف ومن المهم كذلك ملاحظة أن الشكل الأكثر مشاهدة واستماعًا في الراديو والتلفزيون هو الدراما، وهي حقيقة يمكن أن يستفيد منها المشروع بطريقتين على الأقل. أولاً، ربما تجذب إعلانات المشروع والبرامج الخاصة جمهورًا أكبر إذا تم إنتاجها في شكل درامى. ثانيًا، سوف تصل هذه المواد إلى المزيد من المشاهدين والمستمعين إذا تم بثها أثناء أو قبل المسلسلات والأفلام والبرامج الترفيهية الناجحة جماهيريا أو بعدها مباشرة.

ج. المدخل الإعلامى

يجب أن يكون المدخل في جميع الرسائل هو مخاطبة الأمهات أولا، اللواتي يجب وصفهن بالوعى والذكاء والمحبة والرعاية والتضحية من أجل أطفالهن والخوف عليهم والرغبة العارمة في حمايتهم. ويجب الابتعاد نهائيا عن أي تلميح بالإشارة إليهن بتهمة الإهمال أو الجهل. وعند التواصل مع الأطباء وغيرهم من الفئات المستهدفة من “النخبة”، يجب أن يكون المدخل هو وجود “ثورة” علمية وطبية هي اكتشاف العلاج بالإرواء عن طريق الفم.

رابعا. تنظيم عناصر الحملة

يمكن تصنيف أنشطة الاتصال الجماهيري للمشروع إلى أربعة عناصر مختلفة إلى حد ما تكمل بعضها البعض:

1. النشرات الإخبارية والعلاقات العامة حول المشروع. يتضمن هذا النشاط نشر وبث الأخبار والقصصة الإخبارية التي تسلط الضوء على أنشطة المشروع، وافتتاح مراكز معالجة الجفاف، والمؤتمرات والندوات التي يرعاها المشروع وما إلى ذلك. في حين أن هذا الجانب من أنشطة الاتصال الخاصة بالمشروع قد يكون من الأفضل التعامل معه من قبل إدارة الإعلام بوزارة الصحة، فإن الإشراف الدقيق للغاية من قبل المشروع نفسه يظل أمرا ضروريا.

2. دمج الرسائل في البرامج الإعلامية الموجودة. توجد في كل محطة إذاعية أو تليفزيونية برامج صحية خاصة بها بالإضافة إلى برامج أخرى جماهيرية، ويمكن استخدام كليهما لنشر رسائل مكافحة الجفاف. كما تحتوي الصحف أيضًا على أقسام عن الصحة والأسرة وغيرها تناقش عادةً قضايا صحية مختلفة. لذلك يجب أن يكون من أوائل مجهودات المشروع تثقيف الصفيين والإعلاميين حول معالجة الجفاف عن طريق الفم وتحفيزهم على تناول الموضوع في صفحاتهم وبرامجهم. كما ينبغي عمل ترتيبات خاصة مع بعض البرامج المختارة لدمج معالجة الجفاف في الموضوعات التي تتناولها هذه البرامج مع الانتباه إلى ضرورة استخدام مداخل مختلفة وفقا لطبيعة كل من هذه البرامج. ويجب أن يتم تنفيذ هذا الجانب من جهود الاتصال بشكل مباشر من قبل المشروع مع الإعلاميين المعنيين، بحيث يوفر المشروع المحتوى والمواد السمع-بصرية وغيرها مع القيام بالاختبار المسبق لها وتقييم تأثيرها مع ترك عملية الإنتاج للإعلاميين ولكن بالتنسيق الوثيق مع المشروع. وتجدر الإشارة هنا إلى أنه التركيز يجب أن يكون أكثر على البرامج الجماهيرية وبدرجة أقل على البرامج الصحية حيث أن بحوث الجمهور تشير إلى ضآلة أعداد من يتابعون تلك البرامج.

3. البرامج المنتجة خصيصا. يجب أن يبدأ المشروع مفاوضات مع محطة إذاعية أو أكثر وعمل الترتيبات اللازمة لإنتاج وبث برنامج “الأم الواعية” على مستوى الدولة بعد أن أثبت نجاحه عندما تم انتاجه وبثه من خلال إذاعة الإسكندرية المحلية ضمن الحملة التجريبية بمدينة الإسكندرية. يجب إذاعة هذا البرنامج الإذاعى على المستوى الوطني في ذروة موسم الصيف حيث تزيد نسبة الإصابة بالإسهال، ويجب أن يتضمن مسابقات وجوائز للمستمعين الذين يتابعون البرنامج بانتظام ويمكنهم الإجابة عن أسئلة محددة حول الموضوع، وأن يتم الترويج للبرنامج بشكل مكثف من خلال التنويه عنه عدة مرات في اليوم قبل أو بعد البرامج الأخرى الأكثر جذبا بين الجمهور المستهدف. وفي حين أن نفس الشيء قد يكون مفيدا إذا تم من خلال التلفزيون، إلا أن التكلفة ربما تكون باهظة وتستنزف الميزانية الإعلامية للمشروع. ولا ينبغي بأي حال من الأحوال إهدار أموال المشروع في شراء مساحات للإعلان في الصحف أو أوقات برامجية في الإذاعة أو التليفزيون لهذه البرامج المنتجة خصيصًا، ولا ينبغي الخلط بينها وبين الإعلانات التليفزيونية أو الإذاعية القصيرة التي يجب أن تكون هي وحدها المنوطة بشراء وقت البث لها.

4. التسويق الاجتماعي. من المؤكد أن هذا الشكل الاتصالى سوف يثبت بأنه أكثر الأنشطة فاعلية في الوصول إلى كافة شرائح الجمهور المستهدف والتأثير فيه، وسوف يتفوق في ذلك على كافة عناصر الحملة الأخرى الموضحة أعلاه. ونظرًا لأن المشروع لا يمتلك الوسائل اللازمة لإنتاج المواد الاعلامية، فسوف يتعين إنجاز هذا النشاط من خلال تعاون ثلاثة أطراف: أولاً يجب أن يتحمل المشروع المسؤولية الكاملة في تطوير الرسائل والمحتوى وإجراء الاختبار المسبق للأفكار والمواد في مراحل مختلفة من الإنتاج، وكذلك مراجعة واعتماد النصوص واللوحات المصورة storyboards والنسخة النهائية قبل البث. ثانيًا، يجب أن يتم إشراك مسؤولى الإذاعة والتلفزيون في بعض المراحل المحددة، بحيث ينشأ لديهم شعور بالمشاركة وتبنى هذه الأعمال وهو ما يجعل بث إعلانات المشروع أمرًا ممكنًا، ذلك أنهم أو بعضهم على الأقل يمكن أن تكون لديهم أحكام جيدة على ما يصلح أو لا يصلح للبث. ثالثًا، يجب أن يتم التعاقد على الإنتاج الفعلي مع إحدى شركات الإنتاج العامة أو الخاصة والمعروفة بجودة الإنتاج. وفى نفس الوقت فإنه سيتعين على المشروع تدريب هؤلاء المتعاقدين والإشراف عليهم وتوجيههم بشكل مستمر وفى كل خطوة من مراحل الانتاج، ويرجع ذلك أساسًا إلى أن جميع الشركات المحتملة تقريبًا لا تمتلك الخبرة اللازمة في الاتصال من أجل التسويق الاجتماعي، كما أن سابق الخبرة لديهم محدودة جدا في التواصل مع نوع الجمهور الذي يسعى المشروع للوصول إليه.

خامسا – الاختبار المسبق والتقييم والمراقبة. يُنصح بنوعين من الاختبار المسبق على مواد الحملة، وذلك بالإضافة إلى الاختبار المسبق بين الخبراء من داخل المشروع ذاته. أولاً، يجب إجراء الاختبار المسبق مع الخبراء في التقنية المستخدمة (على سبيل المثال، الصوت والفيديو والتصوير والدراما وما إلى ذلك) ثانيًا، يجب اختبار جميع المواد مسبقًا بين عينات صغيرة نسبيًا من الجمهور المستهدف. ويفضل تكرار كل من هذين النوعين من الاختبار القبلي في مراحل مختلفة من الإنتاج، ويجب أن يتحمل المشروع المسؤولية الأساسية للاختبار المسبق.

وتختلف تقنيات المراقبة حسب نوع النشاط الاتصالى. فعلى سبيل المثال، يمكن أن يكون مكتب إدارة الإعلام بوزارة الصحة مسؤولاً عن متابعة وتوثيق ما ينشر في الإعلام بخصوص المشروع؛ بينما قد تتطلب الأنشطة الأخرى اهتمامًا خاصًا من شخص واحد أو أكثر من العاملين داخل المشروع، حيث يجب وضع خطط مراقبة مفصلة بالتزامن مع كل نشاط.

وأخيرا فإنه يجب إجراء التقييم، لكل من العملية والتأثير process and impact، من قبل المشروع نفسه وأيضا من قبل المتعاقدين الخارجيين المستقلين. وقد لا يكون تقديم تقارير التقييم من قبل المتعاقدين الخارجيين بديلاً عن قيام المشروع مباشرة بإجراء التقييمات الخاصة بأنشطة الاتصال المختلفة.

My Academic Career

PhD: 1981 – University of Chicago; M.A: 1978 – University of Chicago;   B.A: 1974 – Cairo University.

My academic career progressed steadily in parallel with my professional endeavors. The graduate study at U. of Chicago was actually considered as a study leave from my position at Cairo University, as I had been appointed as a teaching assistant in October 1974 soon after getting my B.A. Egypt has an interesting system of selecting faculty members, where the selection starts right upon receiving a B.A., with the top students being appointed as teaching assistants as the first step in a tenure-track position as long as the M.A. degree is earned within a five year period, and the PhD degree is earned within another five years.

Upon my return to Egypt I was therefore appointed as an Assistant Professor in 1982, promoted to Associate Professor in 1989, and to Full Professor in 1994.

From 1996 to 2000 I became Director of the Cairo University Center for Communication Training, Documentation, and Production (CCTDP). In addition to planning and managing advanced media and computer training  programs for students and graduates, one of the main achievements was the design and management of a research study and a campus-wide campaign for HIV/AIDS prevention, using the edutainment approach in mass rallies that were attended by students, celebrities, public health experts, and faculty members. Full description of this pioneer project is featured elsewhere in this site.

From 2000 to 2005, I held the position of Chairman of the Department of Radio and Television, Faculty of Mass Communication, Cairo University.  In addition to the academic leadership of a staff of 23 professors, 12 lecturers and 9 teaching assistants, and Leading a department revision to update course syllabi and exam systems; the most important achievement was the planning and establishment of the first broadcast-quality Radio & TV training studios in the faculty of mass communication which lead to a revolution in the intensity and quality of training and its approaches. I even designed the sign for the studios! I wrote and directed a documentary film on this experience, which you can view here: A Dream Come True!

Concurrently with this position, I was also Dean of the Faculty of Mass Communication, October University for Modern Sciences & Arts (MSA), during the 2003/2004 academic year, on a part-time basis. I eventually quit the position for lack of time.

From 2005 to 2011, I was Dean of the Faculty of Mass Communication at Ahram Canadian University (ACU), Cairo, Egypt. As first dean upon the establishment of the university, recruited and managed all academic and support staff, and developed the academic plans, and bylaws.  Developed the vision and specifications for state-of the-art studios, newsrooms and media labs, and supervised their establishment. I developed a major collaborative agreement between the university and UNICEF which resulted in implementing pioneer training curricula and workshops on communication for development (C4D).

Between 2011 and 2012, I was the Chairman of the Communication Department in English at the Faculty of Mass Communication, Cairo University, Egypt.  I had headed a committee to develop this new department and managed to develop its academic plan as well as detailed course descriptions until it received the approval of the supreme council in March 2005, before joining ACU as Dean. I have continued since 2012 as Professor Emeritus.

The Knowledge and Social Change Model by Farag Elkamel

The model was first presented in Farag Elkamel, “Knowledge and Social Change: The Case of Family Planning”, the University of Chicago Department of Sociology, Ph.D. Dissertation, 1981. It was also published in Arabic in:

دكتور فرج الكامل: تأثير وسائل الاتصال- الأسس النفسية والاجتماعية. دار الفكر العربى 1985

Kurt Lewin said once that “there is nothing more practical than a good theory.” This has been proven to be very true throughout my endeavors which are presented throughout this site.

Before getting into more details about my approach, I must make something very clear. The presentation of my model and methodology here doesn’t in any way indicate belittling of any other theory or methodology. There are numerous other theories and methodologies which are worthy of respect. I’m only detailing the theoretical model and methodology which I have developed, tested, and consistently used in my campaigns. The success of this work has been documented by national and international organizations.  

The theory which I have used in all of my campaigns is the “Knowledge and Social Change Model” which I invented and tested in my PhD dissertation. I later used it consistently in planning my campaigns for Oral Rehydration Therapy (ORT), Immunization, Family Planning, and Hepatitis C and others. The details of these campaigns are presented elsewhere in this site.

The theoretical model mentioned above started as some ideas in my head after I had taken a number of courses on attitudes and behavior change with my great professors at the University of Chicago, including Milton Rosenberg.

Milton J. Rosenberg

I had only one course left to complete all my doctorate course requirements, but I wasn’t convinced that I found sufficient answers to the issue that I was most interested in: behavior change in developing countries. I had become more convinced that western theories and models of behavioral change had an underlying assumption that may be true in the West, but one which I strongly believed to be untrue in the rest of the world.

These models focused too much on attitudes as the determinants of behavior, with the assumption that everyone had similar amounts and types of information to start with. In the developing countries generally and in Egypt in particular, my observation was different. I believed at that point that people were not even in terms of the amounts and types of information they had to start with, which makes the focus on attitudes a kind of putting the carriage in front of the horse.

I started sketching my own ideas until one day I voiced my concerns to my academic adviser, Professor Donald J. Bogue.

Donald J. Bogue

With some degree of skepticism, he advised me to take a very advanced course that could help in this regard. I did indeed take that course: “Theory Construction” which was offered by Professor Eugene T. Gendlin, who is an internationally recognized philosopher and psychologist, and whose book “Focusing” has sold over 500,000 copies and is translated into 17 languages. The book was indeed part of the course.

Eugene T. Gendlin

Professor Gendlin’s course helped my develop the ideas that were floating in my head into a more organized form, and that was the beginning of shaping the “Knowledge and Social Change Model” which I then tested on a national sample of 2,000 persons in Egypt. Upon completing my dissertation, Professor Bogue wrote the following to my dean at Cairo University: “I hope you take the opportunity to read Dr. Farag’s dissertation, ‘Knowledge and Social Change: The Case of Family Planning.’ In the opinion of his committee it is an important contribution to communication theory. If it can be published in Arabic I believe it will reflect well on the University of Cairo as well as Dr. Farag.”


A. Model Outline

This paradigm assumes that with respect to numerous issues, many people know quite little about the issue or what to do about it.  It also assumes that people can take different courses of action and undertake different behaviors depending on the type, amount and saliency of the knowledge they have.

A person’s knowledge of some object can be salient, non-salient, or absent.  Furthermore, this knowledge can also be thought of as true or false.  The specific mix of the various kinds of an individual’s cognitions regarding an object has an important implication for his behavior towards that object.

For research purposes, salient knowledge can be operationally defined as mentioning an object and its correct at­tributes spontaneously.  Non-salient knowledge can be operationally defined as recog­nizing an object or its attributes after being prompted, and agreeing with these attributes as being correct when they are actually so. A third situation involves ignorance of the object or its attributes even after prompting.

Knowledge as used in this model also has three levels or layers, the least of which is called “awareness” knowledge. This level simply means recognizing the existence of the object. The second and third layers are more complex, as they involve both “how-to” and “principles” aspects of knowledge about the object in question.

Although “knowledge” as used here may seem to overlap with “beliefs” as used, for example, by Fishbein and Azjen, the two concepts are conceptually different.  The major difference between them is that “knowledge” can be judged as either true or false, while beliefs cannot as they are essentially “subjective”[1].  However, since Fishbein and Ajzen conceive of the attitude towards an object as the sum of beliefs about that object and the evaluation of these beliefs, the present perspective does not ignore beliefs, since attitudinal variables are included and considered among the components of intermediate variables as will be discussed later.

Knowledge, Communication, and Socioeconomic Status:

As assumed by the present perspective, it is a given that all knowledge is communicated. Therefore, behavior is ultimately influenced by communication, which itself is influenced by other factors, including socio-economic status. A communication strategy for social change would then have to consider questions such as the following:

  1. What are the major sources of information that are available to the population in general?
  2. What are the sources of information that are actually available to each economic and social subgroup?
  3. Are there differences in knowledge among different socioeconomic subgroups, and if yes: are these differences due to variations in the amounts and kinds of exposure to communication?
Knowledge and Behavior

If we agree on the basic fact that knowledge is communicated, then we can investigate the impact of communication by examining how knowledge of an object relates to behavior towards that object. This perceived relationship between knowledge and behavior is based on the conviction that most of those who do not act do not have the capabilities or the means to know or study alternatives for action. Consequently, people cannot undertake a behavior towards an unknown object.  According to this paradigm, they only act and form behavioral intentions towards known objects, and choose the object the knowledge of which is more salient to them.

Enabling and Intermediate Variables

The present model doesn’t assume that people will always act upon the knowledge they have. There are various variables which can either facilitate or hinder that relationship. They may be called, respectively, demographic variables, convenience variables, normative variables, and attitudinal variables. 

  1. Demographic variables include gender, age, marital status, etc.
  2. Enabling variables consist of factors that make acting upon the knowledge either easy or difficult. Examples are availability of the object, the level of effort needed to acquire it, and cost, etc.
  3. Normative variables mean the perceived opinions of what has been referred to in sociological theory as “significant others”. This category is also very similar to Fishbein’s and Ajzen’s conception of “subversive norm” (1975) and Bogue’s “social legitimacy” (1967).
  4. Attitudinal variables:  it’s certain that attitudes affect behavior, even though a positive attitude does not necessarily lead to a behavior that is con­sistent with it. Negative attitudes, however may be more strongly related to behavior (or the lack of it.)  “Attitude” is used here as defined by Fishbein and Ajzen (1975): “a learned predisposition to respond in a consistently favorable or unfavorable manner with respect to a given object.”

It is important to note that these intermediate variables, which affect the relationship between knowledge and behavior, are themselves affected by both communication and socioeconomic status. The attitudes and “perceived” norms of an individual towards an object can be affected by communication, which reduces their negative impact on the relationship between knowledge and behavior. Unfortunately, communication doesn’t have the same potential for the other set of intermediate variables that consist of demographics and enabling factors, as they are more influenced by socioeconomic status.

To sum up the major assumptions of the model: behavior is directly influenced by knowledge, which is also influenced by both communication and socioeconomic status.  There is, however, an interaction between communication habits and socioeconomic status which directly affects knowledge and thus indirectly affects behavior.  The relationship between knowledge and behavior may also be affected by a number of intermediate variables, some of which can be influenced by communication while others cannot.

The Knowledge Gap

As conceived by Ogburn (1961), there is always a cultural lag between material advance and the “mores” that go with it.  We conceive here of a similar lag between the development of objects contributing to economic and social change and knowledge of those objects, their attributes, and the appropriate behaviors with respect to them. This lag is caused in large part by communication and socioeconomic variables, and by the interaction between these two classes of variables.

B. Testing the Model

The sociological literature on the causes of fertility decline offers a wide range of explanations and interpretations, and demographers have been divided among themselves over the role of communication in changing fertility behavior. On one hand, there are those who believe in a strong role for communication and who place family planning communication in the forefront of family planning social and economic development activities. Some of these authors are influenced by principals of the diffusion model, while others base their assumptions on other socio-political models (for example, Bogue, 1967).

On the other hand, there are demographers who do not see any particularly important role for communication in fertility reduction.  Their argument is basically that overall social and economic development will itself solve the problem of the population explosion.  Indeed, these authors have reached the conclusion that “population will take care of itself if you take care of it,” and that no communication ac­tivities on behalf of family planning are necessary (Davis, 1963). To illustrate the problem, let us consider for a moment how each of these approaches would attempt to explain the use of contra­ceptive methods.

Believers in Communication

Diffusionists, social psychologists, and theorists from other disciplines have advanced numerous models of human behavior. At one time or another, these models have been used to try to explain fertility behavior. They are based on different theoretical assumptions:  while some are based on the assumptions of diffusion (Rogers and Shoemaker, 1971), others are based on the assumption of rationality (Fishbein and Ajzen, 1975), and still others are based on rationalization (Festinger, 1957).  Others have based their models on the assumptions of cog­nitive consistency (Rosenberg, 1960), balance (Newcomb, 1953), and congruity (Osgood and Tannenbaum, 1953).

Almost all of these theories and models arrive ultimately at the same core belief that behavior is a function of attitude.  For example, theories of cognitive consistency, diffusion of innovations, and Fishbein’s paradigm all make attitude central to their conceptualization of behavioral change.

To various degrees, these approaches have been accused of being insensitive to socioeconomic variables and of being oriented towards an urban, educated, and western-type of population (Bordenave, 1976). Specifically, these problems are seen as attached to the concept of attitude:

  1. The relationship between attitude and behavior is not beyond doubt;
  2. The phenomenon of selective exposure complicates attempts to change behavior through changing attitudes; and
  3. The validity of measuring attitudes, especially in countries and contexts of poor democratic traditions, is questionable.

Nonbelievers in Communication

Nonbelievers in communication would argue that beliefs, attitudes, and intentions towards using contraceptives are not very important.  What really counts in their opinion is the degree of social and economic development.  Therefore, people do not act towards adopting family planning until they reach a certain level of development[2]. Socioeconomic development has traditionally been perceived on macro-or micro-levels of analysis[3]. Related to this tradition are theories of individual modernity, which attribute behavior to some individual characteristics composing a “Modern Man Syndrome”. According to theories of Individual Modernization, these characteristics are due to ideology (Weber, 1930), social structure (Levine, 1966), or the achievement motivation (McClelland, 1961). Each of these theories advocates a certain view of the prob­lem that is, more often than not, different from those of the others.

A serious shortcoming of these theories, however, is that they do not agree on a common mechanism that is important for changing fertility behavior.

Considering these shortcomings and recognizing that each of the above-mentioned approaches may not be sufficient by itself to account for variations in contraceptive use, an attempt is made in this study to explore the ability of the concept of “knowledge” to cross the boundaries of either perspective.

An Alternative Explanatory Model:  Knowledge and Social Change

The debate and confusion alluded to above may be resolved if a neutral territory or a common theoretical ground is found, which is precisely the ambitious purpose of the present study.  This common theoretical ground can be conceptualized as “knowledge,” which is assumed to have a strong relationship to behavior and a worthy potential for explaining it.

The major argument of the Knowledge and Social Change model is that both socioeconomic and communication inequalities conspire to produce knowledge inequalities, which ultimately leads to differential fertility behavior as behavior is considered to be most influenced by the amount and kind of knowledge regarding the object of behavior.

The grand hypothesis that is based on this model is this: use or the intention to use family planning methods is influenced by the salient knowledge of these methods and their attributes.

Since the case studied here is family planning, the hypotheses and most of the examples will be specific to this case, but bear in mind that the “Knowledge and Social Change” model is intended to understand and explain broader issues in social development and change, especially when they involve behavioral change.

Hypotheses:

Specific hypotheses can be derived from the “knowledge and social change” paradigm.  For example, the following hypotheses may be stated:

  1. Communication (access, exposure, and type of content) affect the individual’s knowledge of family planning.
  2. The individual’s socioeconomic status affects his/her communication and his/her knowledge of family planning.
  3. An individual’s knowledge of family planning affects his/her use of contraceptive methods.
  4. The relationship between knowledge and behavior may be influenced by specific intermediate variables.
Main variables:

Behavior: The behavior to be studied in the case of family planning is the use of contraceptive methods.  Of course, the fertility rate is a function of nuptiality, age at marriage, and marital fertility. Marital fertility is, in turn, very much influenced by contraceptive use.  Indeed, there are strong indications that simply knowing the percent of the population currently using contraceptives can reveal much about the fertility rate of that population (Nortman and Hofstatter, 1976). Bearing this in mind, when we concentrate on studying the behavior of contraceptive use, we are indirectly investigating causes of fertility rates.

Knowledge: Having defined the behavior to be investigated, and having shown its importance to the issue of family planning, we can now specify the components of the independent variable, knowledge. Knowledge of family planning contraceptives can be said to include the following:

  1. Salient knowledge of contraceptives;
  2. Correct knowledge of where to obtain contraceptives; and
  3. Correct knowledge of how to use contraceptives.

Intermediate VariablesIt would be naive to always expect a completely positive relationship between knowledge and behavior.  Consider, for example, the following situations in the case of family planning:

  1. A woman who knows all there is to know about contraceptives, but who is presently pregnant, infecund, or not sexually active. This case represents a set of variables that are called “demographic” variables in the model.
  2. A man or a woman who knows all about contraceptives and their attributes, but who cannot find them or afford them if found, or who finds them difficult or painful to use. This is an example of a group of intermediate variables which the model calls “enabling” variables.
  3. A man or a woman who is informed about sterilization, but who finds it to be against religious or other values. This case represents an example of intermediate variables that are labeled “normative” variables.
  4. A person who knows about the methods, but just does not approve of using them. This example represents a group of factors that are called “attitudinal” variables in the model.

Any person facing one or more of the above situations may not be expected to act upon the knowledge that he or she has, as they represent four classes of variables that intervene in the relationship between knowledge and behavior. 

One basic question that has been ignored by many demographers (particularly those who subscribe to the (over – all development approach) is, what is it about education, urbanization, income, etc., that leads to fertility behavior modification? To be sure, there are “interpretations” of correlations found between fertility behavior and some of these variables.  But these interpreta­tions, in addition to their being just after-the-fact efforts to explain the relationships that had been found, are so heterogeneous that the suggestion of a common mechanism underlying all of those variables is impossible in the framework of these traditional paradigms.

On the other hand, the present approach answers this question very clearly. It argues that these socioeconomic variables are important in influencing fertility behavior to the extent that they affect knowledge – partly directly and partly through their inter­action with the media habits of the individual.  For example, if the urban environment does not provide better access to information or does not influence media habits in this direction, then one should not ex­pect urbanization to be an important factor as far as fertility behavior is concerned.  The same argument can be applied to other socioeconomic variables.

The argument of the present model, then, is that an urban, edu­cated, rich, and white-collar person is not expected to practice family planning any more than a rural, illiterate, poor, blue-collar worker or peasant, unless the former has better and more salient knowledge than the latter about contraceptive methods.

According to the “Knowledge and Social Change” paradigm”, the mechanism by which the socioeconomic variables affect fertility behavior can therefore be identified.  Moreover, inconsistencies in the findings regarding the relationships of these variables to fertility behavior can be explained.

The controversy between approaches to the study of fertility behavior can be shown to be mostly unnecessary if it is proven that knowledge is associated with fertility behavior; differences in knowledge are associated with differences in socioeconomic variables and communication habits; and communication habits correlate with socioeconomic variables.

As mentioned in the beginning of this discussion, demographers generally tend to be classified as either subscribers to the approach of overall development or to the family planning communication and services approach.  Viewed from the present perspective, these approaches do not necessarily conflict.  In fact, both approaches may complement each other in the sense of enhancing the common mechanism, namely “knowledge.”  For example, the effect of education and other socioeconomic variables on fertility behavior can be attributed to differences they cause in salient knowledge of family planning contraceptives, and the same can also be said of family planning communication programs.

The fact that “knowledge” is the common change mechanism in this framework has very significant implications for the comprehension of social change and the evaluation of programs to induce it.  Even where family planning communication programs exist, information has often been disseminated in such a way that the better off economically and socially (in fact, those who already know more) are the major beneficiaries of this dissemination of information.  This situation can be explained in terms of the “knowledge-gap-hypothesis” (Tichenor et al., 1970).

While this phenomenon exists with regard to many innovations, it is intolerable when it occurs with regard to development communication where the most deprived segments of the population are (or should be) the target audience.  The situation is not very different from policies of food subsidies aimed at helping the poor, but which end up helping the rich even more.

C. Testing Hypotheses and Key Findings

 The data used in the testing of the study’s hypotheses are from the Egyptian National Family Planning Communication Baseline Survey, which was conducted among 2,000 men and women who were in their reproductive ages and were in a marriage relationship at the time of the interview. The interviews were conducted between January and June of 1980. The urban and rural populations of Egypt were represented in the sample, according to the proportion of each in the population census of 1976. Also, the cluster sampling aimed to adequately represent the social and economic sub-classes of the population.

The survey questionnaire was drafted by Donald J. Bogue, and modified to fit the Egyptian culture and context by Farag Elkamel, who also wrote and pretested it in Arabic. Elkamel also recruited and trained crews of interviewers, coders, and supervisors and directed the study in all regions of Egypt.

The statistical analysis of the data was completed at the University of Chicago computer center, and various statistical techniques, including correlations as well as and one, two, and three-way cross-tabulations, where the multi-way cross-tabulations were intended for testing hypotheses in a quasi-experimental design.  Finally, a relatively large number of variables were employed in the study, and several indices had to be constructed to summarize the main categories of variables (especially knowledge, socioeconomic status, and communication)

The study findings confirm that differences in media access, habits and preferences exist among socio-economic subgroups, and that such differences exist on more than one dimension. First, there are differences with respect to ownership of and access to radio and television as well as newspapers and magazines. Such differences are strong and significant. 

Furthermore, listeners and viewers were found to favor “more” or “less” informational rich programs depending on their socioeconomic status, where the more educated, the upper middle class individuals, and the urban residents were much more likely to favor “more” information-rich programs on radio and television than the less educated, the lower class persons, or the rural residents.

The hypothesized relationship in the model between socioeconomic status and Knowledge was tested and table 4.7 below confirms that this relationship does exist and quite strongly so[4].

The second key relationship which the model assumes is that between communication and knowledge.  Table 5.1[5] below shows that such a relationship exists between the mass media index which consists of ownership/access, frequency of exposure, and type of content, on the one hand, and the knowledge of family planning variables (methods known, methods unknown, knowledge of how to use, and the knowledge index.)

Table 5.3 below[6] shows a very strong relationship between the socioeconomic status score and the communication score, both in the total sample and in all regional samples, thus confirming the first hypothesized relationship in the model, i.e., between socioeconomic status and communication.

We now turn to the other relationships which the model asserts. Perhaps the most important one in this regard is the relationship between knowledge and behavior.  The following two tables: Table 6.5[7] and table 6.6[8] clarify how knowledge affects behavior under various conditions of socioeconomic status, communication and attitudes towards family planning.

In Order to investigate the influence of knowledge closely, we can see how individuals who rank low on these dimensions: socioeconomic status, urban-rural residence, and communication, behave under different levels of knowledge. Our hypothesis, of course, is that even the rural residents, low socioeconomic status groups, and those with low exposure to communication would be more likely practice family planning if their knowledge was high than if it was low.

We can see from Table 6.5 that even when the socioeconomic status is low, but the level of knowledge is high, the percent of those who ever used family planning methods rises from the average of 35 percent to a high of 68 percent, while it drops to 14 percent when low socioeconomic status is coupled with low levels of knowledge. This pattern applies just as well to rural individuals, and to persons with low mass media exposure or low contact.

Comparing data in table 6.6 to that of this table 6.5, we find the interesting fact that even when socioeconomic status is high, when People are urbanites, when exposure to mass media is high, when person-to-person contact is high, but knowledge is low, people are less likely to have practiced family planning than they would if knowledge is high, even if they were rural residents, with low socioeconomic Status, low exposure to mass media, or low person-to-person contact.

Table 6.8[9] clearly shows that what was found regarding the first measure of behavior (ever use) applies pretty much the same to this second measure (current use). Here again, we can arrive at the same conclusion that persons who have high levels of knowledge are more likely to be current users of family planning methods, even if they are rural residents, with low socioeconomic status, or have low exposure to communication than persons with low levels of knowledge, even if they are urbanites, with high socioeconomic status, or have high exposure to communication. The same holds true in table 6.9[10].

At this point, one critic might say that it is behavior, past or present, which might be the independent variable affecting knowledge, as a dependent variable. While we acknowledge the fact that use of contraceptives may increase the user’s knowledge, we have decided to accept the challenge and explore the predictive power of knowledge, as an independent variable, on future behavior as expressed by the intention to use such methods as expressed by currently non-users of family planning contraceptives.

Table 6.10[11] investigates the relationship between knowledge and this virtual measure of future behavior. We can see from the table that rural residents, those with low socioeconomic status and those with low media exposure have much stronger intentions to use family planning in the future when they have higher levels of know1edge than they would if they had lower levels of knowledge.

It has thus been proved repeatedly that when we hold constant the socioeconomic status variables, we always get the same finding: persons who rank low on these dimensions, but who rank high on their level of knowledge, are more likely to have undertaken, to be undertaking, or to intend to undertake behavior than persons who rank high on those dimensions, but rank low on knowledge.

Impact of the Intermediate Variables
  1. Attitudes

As Table 6.13[12] illustrates, the positive relationship between knowledge and behavior holds under both negative and positive levels of attitude. It should be noted, however, that what we are talking about here is the magnitude of the relationship between knowledge and behavior, and not the percent of users of family planning methods. These percentages are, in fact, greater when attitude is positive. If we contrast the percent of users under low and high levels of both knowledge and attitudes, we can clearly see that the percent of contraceptive users is higher when the level of knowledge is high, even if attitude is negative, than it is when the level of knowledge is low, even when the attitude is positive.  This conclusion however, does not apply to the case of “intention to use contraception. In this case, attitude seems to be a little bit more important than knowledge; nonetheless the highest percent of persons intending to use contraceptives is attained when both the level of knowledge is high and the attitude is positive. This is certainly a main reason why the model of “Knowledge and Social Change” includes attitudes as a major intervening variable.

2. Normative Variables

As table 10.14[13] indicates, much of what has been said about attitudes also applies to the influence of normative variables. The pattern is even more consistent here, where it is always the case that knowledge is significantly related to behavior, under different conditions of the normative variables. Here again, we find that family planning behavior is more likely under high levels of knowledge, even when the normative variables are negative, than it is when normative variables are positive, if the level of knowledge is low. This finding is consistent when behavior is measured in the past (ever use) in the present (current use) or in the future (intention to use.)

Once more, we should note that although the relationship between knowledge and behavior exists regardless of the state of the normative variables, these variables, as is the case with attitudes, increase or decrease the likelihood of acting upon the knowledge of family planning methods.

In summary, tables 6.13 and 6.14 show that, other things being equal, the use of family planning methods is more likely under positive attitudes and under positive conditions of the normative variables. But again, we stress the finding here that the positive relationship between knowledge and behavior exists regardless of the state of those two “intermediate” variables.

3. Enabling Variables

We have hypothesized that, regardless of the level of knowledge, certain factors can enable or hinder acting upon the knowledge that one has. An example of these factors was one which we believed to be strong enough to call “common-sense”, based on our understanding of the Egyptian culture at the time of the study. We hypothesized that an Egyptian couple would not be expected to practice family planning before they have had at least one boy child.

The data in table 6.15[14] quite strongly support this hypothesis, as no significant relationship was found between knowledge and behavior when couples did not have a boy child. On the other hand, the relationship between knowledge and behavior was statistically significant and most strong when couples have had at least one boy child.

This finding confirms the conviction that while “knowledge” is the central and key mechanism for change in the model; it is either hindered or enabled by other important factors that have to be taken into consideration in any intervention for behavioral change.

D. Conclusions and Implications

The findings detailed above support the main arguments and hypotheses of the study.  It was found that low socioeconomic status groups have low levels of knowledge regarding family planning and its methods.  Low levels of knowledge were also found to characterize groups with little access and low exposure to communication.  Furthermore, low socioeconomic status individuals were found to have little access and exposure to communication.

Using a quasi-experimental design, the major part of the analysis aimed at examining the likelihood of practicing family planning under different conditions and combinations of knowledge, communication, and socioeconomic status, and intermediate variables.  The findings were amazingly consistent in support of the major hypothesis.  Thus, it was established that family planning behavior is more likely under high levels of knowledge (even if level of socioeconomic status is low) than it is under low levels of knowledge (even when level of socioeconomic status is high).  The positive relationship between knowledge and behavior was found to exist across all social and economic sub-classes.

One provocative conclusion is that a rural, illiterate, and poor person, who somehow manages to acquire a high level of knowledge of family planning, is more likely to have practiced, to be practicing, or to intend to practice family planning methods than an urban, educated, and rich person who does not have a high level of knowledge about family planning.

The major paradox, however, is that there are not many illiterate, rural and poor people who are knowledgeable about family planning.  This point will be taken up in more detail in the next section.

  1. Theoretical and Methodological Implications

First of all, findings of the study prove that “knowledge” is a powerful concept in explaining fertility behavior, perhaps more so than any other variable.  The model we advanced is generally supported, and the relationships among all variables of the model are significantly established.  The controversy between the “believers” and the “nonbelievers” of communication is found to be basically unnecessary, as it has been found that both communication and socioeconomic status affect behavior through the same mechanism: knowledge.

Second, the relationship between fertility and socioeconomic variables can be interpreted in a causal model, and not merely in terms of “association.”  In fact, one of the major contributions of this model is hoped to be a better understanding of the mechanism by which socioeconomic status influences behavior (in this study, fertility behavior.) Many demographers have argued that relationships found between fertility behavior and socioeconomic variables were merely “associations,” and that such “associations” did not necessarily imply “causation.”  This is obviously due to the lack of a model that attempted to find out what is it about education, occupation, urbanization, or income that exactly affects fertility behavior.  The present model is an attempt in this direction.  It is, at the same time, an attempt to better understand how communication can ulti­mately influence behavior through affecting the levels of knowledge.

Third, inconsistent findings in the literature regarding the relationships between fertility behavior and some socioeconomic variables could perhaps be explained in light of the present model, which implies that what counts ultimately is how these socioeconomic variables affect knowledge of family planning.  If urbanization, income, or occupation (for example) did not influence the level of knowledge, one should not be surprised to find that those variables were unrelated to fertility behavior.

2. Policy Implications

A very important policy implication of the present study is that knowledge is a major factor in evaluating the impact of family planning programs which are intended to induce fertility behavior change. Such programs need to realize that even high degrees of access or exposure to the media do not automatically lead to increased levels of knowledge.  This study has, for example, found that low socioeconomic status individuals tend to prefer less exposure to informational TV and radio content.

As already mentioned, socioeconomic and communication inequalities conspire to produce information and knowledge inequalities, which leads to differential fertility behavior.  Unfortunately, the complexity of the situation does not seem to be clearly understood by many policy makers and officials who are assigned the responsibility of running family planning programs.  What these officials must realize is that reaching out to the deprived classes-economically, socially, and communication-wise is the quickest way to reach the real target audience of such programs. In fact, it may be the only way, because these classes are the same people who are most information-deprived and they are the same ones who lag behind in the practice of family planning.

The issue of communication strategies, formats and content must also be taken more seriously by family planning communication programs. We have found in this study, for example, that different types of content are received differently based on the socioeconomic status of the audience. Those who may be in less need for the information pay more at­tention to the informational-rich content, while those who need it most pay more attention to the entertainment and less educational content.

Going back to the arguments that both advocates of the socioeconomic approach and of the family planning communication approach have made regarding causes of fertility behavior, we can conclude that what both camps have said can be right or wrong, if the mechanisms aroused by the factors being advocated are not understood. According to the present framework and to the findings of the study, each of these sets of variables is very likely to be associated with knowledge. Nonetheless, we have seen that the fit is not perfect. Not all urban residents or high socioeconomic status groups have high levels of knowledge. On the other hand, not all those who have high degrees of exposure to communication (mass or interpersonal) have high levels of knowledge either. This shows that knowledge can be subject to influences from more than one source, which is expected.

According to the present framework, then, the advocates of the socioeconomic variables are correct in their conclusion that those variables are associated with use of family planning methods. However, if this is all they can say, then they have said very little indeed. The present study has shown that an important mechanism to explain this kind of association is knowledge.

The advocates of communication, on the other hand, should not become too excited at this finding. We have seen that communication and socioeconomic factors are closely associated, in terms of access, frequencies of exposure, and type of content that is most preferred.

In a sense, then, the challenge communicators have to meet is not much easier than the challenge that advocates of social and economic development are constantly talking about, if knowledge is to be increased. The most information deprived categories are the rural and the low socioeconomic status groups and those who have less access and less exposure to communication; and these are also the people who preferred the less-informational content on radio and TV. We are here talking about the same groups of people. It is not an easy task to raise everyone’s socioeconomic level to that of those who have a high degree of knowledge. And it is impossible to transfer all the rural population to the cities (although that would not even be a sure way to accomplish a fast increase in knowledge.) It is not easy either for the communication message to reach the most information-deprived population. Information has to reach the same classes that would be the target in a genuine effort for socioeconomic development.  Difficult as this may be, it is certainly more practical than transferring everybody to the cities, making everybody rich, or educating everybody to read and write. Again, communication has to be suited in every way to the characteristics of that information-deprived population.

In this framework, therefore, the criterion for evaluating the success of communication programs for family planning becomes obvious. The criterion is this: what has communication accomplished to raise the level of knowledge among the most information-deprived groups and individuals?

E. Model Applications

The model described above has been the basis of my research and professional endeavors over the last 40 years! As described earlier, it can be used for evaluating a communication/social marketing program to identify its strengths and weaknesses, and it can be used to plan new ones.

I have used it for both purposes. The model was used to evaluate some Egyptian family planning campaigns and was also used to pla others. It has also been used to plan successful campaigns for polio immunization and hepatitis C, among others. These various applications of the model are reviewed in: https://elkamel.wordpress.com/

Following is an example of how the model was applied in planning the well-known Oral Rehydration Therapy (ORT) communication program in Egypt. This author wrote “The Communication Strategy for the Egyptian Oral Rehydration Therapy (ORT) Program,” that was driven by the model of knowledge and social change in August 1983 before the project campaigns was launched. This strategy will be presented below, followed by an evaluation of the communication impact that was published after the campaign.

The ORT Communication Strategy

I. OBJECTIVES

To teach, persuade, and change the behaviors of (a) all mothers of children under five, and (b) other specific target groups, especially health personnel, mass media reporters, and decision makers, with regard to the management of diarrhea and dehydration. In order to attain these objectives, these audiences must be infirmed in both efficient and effective ways. Information which must reach these audiences can be classified into three types of knowledge;

A. AWARENESS-KNOWLEDGE

  1. Diarrhea is a disease which can lead to more serious ones.
  2. Two kinds of diarrhea are known to exist. The serious one is watery diarrhea or “eshal zayy el mayyia,” which is usually accompanied by vomiting and gastroenteritis or “nazla maawia.”
  3. Diarrhea can lead to dehydration “gafaf” which is very serious and can lead to death.
  4. There are different degrees of “gafaf”, and it is much easier to treat in its early stages.
  5. Only serious “gafaf” needs special treatment in hospitals and health centers. Mild cases can be treated by mothers at home.
  6. You will be able to recognize it if your child has gafaf. The child will vomit, will have sunken eyes, dry skin, no appetite, and will be weak.

B. HOW-TO-KNOWLEDGE

  1. Complications of diarrhea can be prevented if the child is given plenty of liquids during diarrhea.
  2. Food and/or breast milk must continue during diarrhea to give the child strength.
  3. Examples of liquids to give the child during diarrhea are soups, juices, or soft drinks. Examples of food to give are vegetables, fruit, and rice.
  4. Children who have watery diarrhea “eshal zayy el mayyia” must take ORS “Mahloul Moaalget el Gafaf (MMG).” You can buy this “Mahloul” from the pharmacy for a few Piasters, or even get it free from hospitals and MCH centers.
  5. You must dissolve the MMG solution right; otherwise it will not be effective. To be sure, read the instructions on the box and ask your doctor, pharmacist, or nurse to tell you how to dissolve the solution right.
  6. Give your child the solution slowly and gradually, not in large quantities at once. Give at least two full spoons every five minutes.
  7. Gafaf can be very serious. If your child is constantly vomiting and looks very dehydrated, it must be taken to a doctor or hospital at once.

C. PRINCIPLES-KNOWLEDGE

  1. Diarrhea may be caused by viruses, bacteria, parasites, etc. Factors that make it prevail include poor personal hygiene, poor food preparation, contaminated water, and flies.
  2. Dehydration is the loss of body fluids and essential salts and minerals. This happens because of acute diarrhea. Unless restored, this loss of body fluids, salts, and minerals seriously affects the fragile body of the child, resulting, perhaps, in death.
  3. NMG will restore the child’s appetite to eat; and food and milk will strengthen the child. MMG, food, and liquids restore the lost body fluids, salts, and minerals, thereby protecting child against dehydration.
  4. Certain kinds of food will also help stop diarrhea faster, in addition, of course, to strengthening the fragile body of the child.
  5. When your child has diarrhea, your first worry should be to prevent dehydration, not to stop diarrhea. Diarrhea will eventually stop, but depending on what you do, your child may or may not get gafaf, which is your child’s number one enemy.
  6. Severe dehydration can negatively affect the health of a child, his growth, and his mental development. A good and loving mother therefore never lets her child get dehydrated.

II. CHANNELS OF COMMUNICATION

Characteristics of the main target audience (mothers of children under five) are pretty well known. The majority are illiterate and live in low-income urban areas. Only wise and planned use of communication will enable them to get the project messages outlined above. There is enough evidence from different media surveys conducted in Egypt to prove that only innovative social marketing techniques would succeed in reaching the target audience.

Print media, as well as health programs on radio and television should be used very lightly and with extreme caution, because they reach a small, and a particular segment of the target audience. Advertising in the print media should be kept at an absolute minimum, if at all. Interpersonal communication should be utilized in teaching doctors, pharmacists, social workers, as well as other health personnel.

The following social marketing activities should be carried out either directly by the project or through competitive bidding according to specific Requests for Proposals (RFP’s) issued by the NCDD Project:

  1. Development and production of audio-visual aids and other training materials for doctors, pharmacists, and other health personnel.
  2. Development and production of radio and television spots and special programs for the main target audience.
  3. Development and production of booklets, posters, pamphlets, billboards, etc.
  4. Planning and organization of national and regional conferences for doctors, pharmacists, and other health related decision makers and national and community leaders.
  5. Design and execution of special person-to-person communication campaigns with particular groups and in problem areas.
  6. Development, production, and distribution of certain point-of-sale and promotional items.
  7. Securing and producing testimonials advocating ORT by prominent doctors and famous personalities.

III. GUIDELINES FOR SOCIAL MARKETING

A. MESSAGE DESIGN.

Characteristics of the main target audience will have to be observed in designing social marketing communication. Messages must be appealing to this general audience, and the information contained in the message should be clear and phrased in simple, non-technical, colloquial Arabic.

B. FORMAT AND TIME OF BROADCAST

Time of broadcast can be very decisive in affecting the success of spots and special programs to reach the target audience. It is important to note that the most popular format both on radio and television is drama, a fact which can be exploited by the project in at least two ways. First, ORT messages, spots, and special programs would perhaps attract a larger audience if produced in the form of drama. Second, any spots, commercials, or special messages will reach more viewers and listeners if aired during, before, or immediately following soap operas, movies, or ether popular entertainment programs and shows.

C. THEME

All ORT messages communicated by the NCDD project should be designed to appeal to mothers, who should be described as caring, loving, and smart, and certainly not as negligible or ignorant. In communicating with doctors and other “elite” target groups, the theme should be the scientific or medical “revolution” resulting from ORT.

IV. ORGANIZATION OF CAMPAIGN ELEMENTS

In addition to person-to-person communication as described above, the project’s mass communication activities can be classified into four rather different elements which complement each other:

  1. News releases and public relations on behalf of the project. This campaign activity involves the publication and broadcast of feature stories and news highlighting project activities, the opening of rehydration centers, conferences and seminars sponsored by the project, etc. While this aspect of project communication activities may best be handled by the ministry of health information office, very close supervision by the NCDD project is essential.
  2. Integration of ORT messages into existing media programs. Each radio or television station has its own health programs as well as other much more popular programs. Both may be used to diffuse ORT messages. The press also has different health and family sections which typically discuss different health issues. The first order of business should be to educate reporters and producers about Oral Rehydration and motivate them to address the subject matter in their programs. Second, detailed arrangements should be made with selected programs, within a general framework, to integrate ORT into the subjects addressed in these programs. Different approaches will be required for the health and the general / popular programs. This aspect of the program communication effort must be undertaken directly by the project with the media personnel involved. The project should provide the content, approach, and means to pretest the material and evaluate its impact, the production being left to the media people as their responsibility in close coordination with the project. It should be mentioned here that as the audience of the specialized health programs, sections, and magazines is relatively much smaller, and is of a particular quality, emphasis should be more on popular programs and less on health programs, sections, or publications.
  3. Specially-produced programs. The project should start negotiations with one or two radio stations and make arrangements to produce and broadcast “Al Om Al Waaia” (The Aware Mother) program nationally. The program should be put on the radio during the peak of the diarrhea season, and should include competitions and prizes for listeners who follow the program regularly and can answer specific questions on the subject matter. The program would be publicized intensively through spot announcements few times a day which should be inserted before or immediately after other programs that are most popular among the target audience. While the same may be done on television, the cost could be prohibitive. An ideal arrangement would involve rerunning the program on additional radio stations, but such an arrangement may be quite difficult. For literate audiences, the same idea can be implemented, where print supplements or sections may be edited in direct cooperation with the project. While the NCDD project should subsidize the production of such programs or press sections, it should not by any means waste the project funds on buying newspaper space or radio air time for these specially produced programs. They are not to be confused with advertising.
  4. Social Marketing. By far, this will prove to be the most effective activity in reaching the target audience, different, but small segments of which are reached through the other communication campaign elements outlined above. Since the project does not have the means to produce communication material, this activity will have to be accomplished through the cooperation of three parties. First, the NCDD project must assume overall responsibility. Content development, pretest of ideas and of material at different stages of the production, approval of scripts and storyboards and evaluation of effect are typical NCDD project responsibilities. Second, radio and television officials should be involved at different stages, such that a sense of involvement develops among them, which would make the broadcasting of project messages more possible. These people or some of them at least, have good judgments of what does or does not work. Third, the actual filming and production should be contracted out to one or more of the public or private agencies specialized in quality production of audio, video, or print material. Such contractors, however, will have to be closely coached by the project, mainly because almost all possible contractors have little, if any, experience in social marketing communication, and have little experience in communication with the kind of audience the project seeks to reach.

V. PRETEST, EVALUATION, AND MONITORING.

Two types of pretest of campaign material are advised, of course in addition to pretest among in-house experts. First, a pretest must be done with key experts in the technique being used (e.g., audio, video, photography, drama, etc.) Second, all material must be pretested among relatively small samples of the target audience. Both types of pretest may be repeated at different stages of the production. The NCDD project should assume the primary responsibility for pretesting.

Monitoring techniques will vary according to the kind of communication activity. For example, while the ministry of health information office could be responsible for sending copies of each of the news releases it manages to get printed on behalf of the project; other activities may require the specific attention of one or more persons on the NCDD project staff. Detailed monitoring schemes should be devised in conjunction with each activity.

Evaluation, both of the process and the impact should be undertaken both by the project itself and by outside contractors. Evaluation reports submitted by contractors on the project’s request may not substitute for the project conducting its own evaluations of different communication activities.

Results of Model Application: Reversing the Knowledge Gap

Background

Until 1983, Egypt annually lost about 150,000 children due to dehydration[15]. This accounted for half the deaths of children under five[16]. This tragedy can be averted by treatment with a simple mixture of salt, sugar, and water. This mixture is called Oral Rehydration Solution (ORS). The National Control of Diarrheal Diseases Project (NCDDP) began in 1983 as a social marketing project with the objective of producing, distributing, and promoting ORS as part of Oral Rehydration Therapy (ORT) in order to reduce infant mortality caused by dehydration. However, when the project began, it faced two main challenges:

  1. The majority of physicians did not believe in treatment with ORS, but depended upon Intravenous solution instead.
  2. Most mothers didn’t even know what dehydration was, and used incorrect methods to treat diarrhea.

Until 1983, the Arabic word (Gafaf) referred to drought. Since then, the mass education campaign for ORT has made it mean bodily dehydration. The concept of dehydration became so well known due to television advertising, “that school children, when asked in their final exams in 1986, to write an essay on the drought, wrote instead on child dehydration”[17].

Since the beginning of the program in 1983, the project’s communication strategy expected that television advertising “will prove to be the most effective activity in reaching the primary target audience”[18]  which consisted primarily of mothers of children below five. This expectation was based on the fact that television sets existed in over 90 percent of Egyptian households, and T.V. was watched especially more regularly by the rural and economically less advantaged segments of the target audience, the majority of whom are also illiterate, and cannot be reached through print media.

The Pilot Campaign 

This expectation was proven to be true after launching a three months pilot campaign in Alexandria, where several mass media and interpersonal communication channels were used between August and October of 1983. The campaign utilized radio, where local Alexandria Radio devoted a daily 15-minute program for ORT. This radio program included songs, dramas, contests, and interviews with mothers, doctors, and other service providers. In addition to radio, the campaign included the use of billboards, posters, flyers, as well as interpersonal communication, where a well known movie and T.V star, Fouad El Mohandis, along with eminent pediatricians held ten rallies in selected sites all over Alexandria. The campaign also included the promotion of ORS in all Alexandria pharmacies. The main messages in this pilot campaign focused on introducing the concept of dehydration, explaining its signs and seriousness, continued nutrition, including breastfeeding, during diarrhea episodes, giving plenty of liquids, and taking the child to a hospital or health center to be given ORS, since ORS packets were not widely available for home-use at that point. The campaign did not discuss mixing of ORS, since the NCDDP was in the process of changing the packet size from the then existing 27.5 grams to a smaller 5.5 gram packet. Television was a part of this pilot campaign, but was not used until the last week of January 1984, when a two-week pilot TV campaign was launched, using two TV spots featuring the same celebrity, Fouad El Mohandis, and a well known pediatrician, Dr. Gameel Wali.  This part of the pilot campaign had to lag behind the other components because using TV meant going national, since Alexandria did not have a local television channel at that time. On the other hand, the project needed time in order to supply health centers all over the country with ORS packets to avoid any shortages when demand is increased as a result of the campaign.  This pilot TV campaign, too, did not explain the mixing of ORS, but encouraged parents to take their children to health centers or hospitals. The campaign, however, emphasized the seriousness of dehydration, showed its signs, and stressed the need to continue feeding during diarrhea episodes.

In May 1983 and before any communication effort was undertaken, a baseline survey of 2,100 mothers was conducted in Alexandria. In December 1983, after the pilot campaign, but before the TV spots were aired, another survey of 525 mothers was also conducted in Alexandria. A third survey took place in March 1984, after the pilot TV campaign was launched. In all three surveys, key indicators were measured, and a comparison of the results was crucial in shaping the project’s communication plans for years to come. Following are these key indicators[19]:

While the pilot campaign which lasted for three months without television had a good impact on knowledge and attitudes of target mothers, television spots which ran later for only two weeks had even much more impressive results. The first lesson learnt from the pilot campaign was that television was more effective than all other media. A series of focus group discussions were conducted on samples of target mothers and also on physicians revealed the need to make another strategic change. We found that while mothers liked the campaign star, Fouad El Mohandis, numerous physicians were critical of him, not because he said anything medically wrong, but because he was a “Comedian”, even though mothers, the primary target audience, were quite pleased with him. We thought, therefore, that it may be better to identify another “spokesperson” that would enjoy a more popular liking among mothers as well as healthcare providers. The person identified through focus group discussions was Karima Mokhtar, a movie and soap opera star who usually plays the role of a loving mother. This choice proved to be an excellent one for the media campaign.

The National Campaign

Karima Mukhtar became, therefore, the star of the first truly national media campaign which was launched in September 1984, after the smaller ORS packets had been produced and distributed to virtually all health centers and pharmacies in Egypt. In addition to key messages from the pilot campaign, this national campaign included six television spots that introduced the new product and included instructions on its proper mixing and management. It also included one television spot on prevention of diarrhea.

Having learnt from the pilot campaign that television was the most appropriate public information source in Egypt for the target mothers, most of whom are illiterate but own T.V sets, this medium received more attention than others. The sound track of the T.V spots was used to air the spots on the radio. Additionally, one hundred 3 by 5 meter billboards were erected in key locations all over the country, and a poster was placed in most pharmacies and health centers.

The national campaign utilized print materials, but quite selectively. It sponsored two pages in a monthly popular health journal “Tabibak El Khas” which reached health professionals, and one page in the most popular women’s weekly magazine “Hawaa”.  In addition, pamphlets were developed for and distributed to physicians, nurses and pharmacists.

An evaluation study conducted after this first national campaign yielded very encouraging results, since it showed knowledge of ORS to have reached over 90 percent of mothers. Actual use of ORS after the campaign also jumped to over 60 percent[20].

Between 1984 and 1991, over 50 television spots were designed, produced, and aired. They covered various issues such as defining dehydration, its signs and seriousness, how to prevent and treat it with ORS, how to mix and administer ORS, feeding during and after a diarrhea episode, prevention of diarrhea, rational use of other drugs, and correct weaning practices. Each one of the TV spots was developed on the basis of research conducted before and after each annual media campaign, and was subjected to pretest among samples of the target audience.   

Television advertising may have several advantages over other traditional means of health education. Commercials are attractive, they reach the majority of the target population in seconds, and they are carefully worded such that precise use of words and expressions conveys a specific message. Furthermore, they are pretested to avoid any misunderstanding or unintended sub-messages, and last but not least, they can be placed them during prime time viewing for the primary target audience.

Since each television spot normally has one specific message, a particular spot can be aired more or less often than others, depending on the needs of the target audience, as identified in follow-up research. It can also be aired at particular times when specific segments of the population are known to be watching television. For example, we found out that viewership of T.V. movies and series was quite different among different segments of the audience as follows[21]:

Table (8): Relationship between Educational Levels andTV Viewing Preferences in Egypt

Educational LevelPercent Watching Movies & TV Series
Illiterate                                     66
Read and Write                          55
High school                                42        
College                                       37

We realized that the distribution of diarrhea morbidity had the exact same pattern at that time, where children of the less educated mothers had more diarrhea episodes.  It made sense, therefore, to place the T.V spots right before television movies and series in order to reach the population segments that are most influenced by the problem. Contrary to results of many other social marketing programs, and to the “Knowledge Gap Hypothesis”[22], we were able to bridge the knowledge gap, so that the less educated segments of the Egyptian population adopted this new innovation (ORS) even faster than the better educated groups, as illustrated by these figures for ORS use after the 1983 and 1984 campaigns[23]. In addition to media planning aspects as mentioned above, and to the affordable price of ORS, this pattern of media effects was achieved because the language used in T.V spots was intentionally quite simple, and included actual words and expressions used by average rural and illiterate mothers.

Table (9): Relationship between Education and Use of ORS in Egypt

Educational LevelPercent Ever Used ORS
Illiterate                                     57.6
Read and Write                          64.6
High school                                46.7        
College                                       52.6

Furthermore, messages were short and focused, which made comprehension much easier regardless of the educational level. Message formats were also appealing to all levels of the target audience, especially the lower socioeconomic status segments of the population.  Finally, television spots addressed the lower socioeconomic status audiences with the same respect they addressed other segments, a pattern which is believed to be different in direct doctor-patient communication in Egypt.

Message Appeals for Health Providers[24]

The major appeal for physicians, pharmacists and nurses was that ORT is state-of-the-art in medical care, or “the medical revolution of the 20th century.” This message was presented in print materials, seminars, and in a videotape featuring a roundtable discussion moderated by the head of the physicians’ syndicate with four eminent pediatricians who are the chairpersons of the pediatrics departments in the four top universities in Egypt. A booklet designed for physicians included the following statement on the cover page: “If the purpose of medicine is to save lives, what is the single most important discovery since the introduction of penicillin?”  A second booklet for pharmacists used the same appeal. The same concept was used in an educational/training film targeting physicians entitled “Scientific Breakthroughs in the Treatment of Acute Infantile Diarrhea”. Furthermore, physicians were able to see a demonstration of what ORS could do in a span of only four hours as the information provided in the booklet for physicians was translated into visuals, using a slide set which showed pictures of the same child before and after taking ORS.

Messages to nurses used a different appeal. Building on their characterization as “Angels of Mercy”, messages appealed to their humanitarian orientation and image to encourage them to promote ORS in order to save the lives of little children. For example, a booklet for nurses had this statement on its cover: “people often go to the angel of mercy for a precious advice. Help save the lives of children who have diarrhea by advising mothers to give ORS.”

Message Appeals for Mothers

Since 1984, the campaign for mothers used a mixture of emotional and informational appeals. While it was very tempting to use a fear appeal, since the subject matter literally involves life and death, it was decided that a fear appeal would hinder the learning process. The priority was to provide mothers with the essential information which they need to care for their children, including how to prevent diarrhea and dehydration, how to prepare ORS, and how to feed and wean their children correctly. A major assumption which we made in planning the campaign was that mothers would act upon such information once they understood it. The overall emotional appeal throughout the campaign was mothers’ love and caring for their children. Karima Mukhtar, who was selected to play the leading role in the 1984 and 1985 media campaigns, has personalized the loving mother appeal quite effectively.

On the other hand, a fear appeal was used very lightly and selectively in contexts where anxiety is immediately relieved in the same message. For example, one TV spot shows a woman who is frightened by dehydration, but the loving and experienced mother comforts her by saying that while dehydration could be fatal, it can be overcome and even prevented by giving the child ORS and plenty of liquids. A second TV spot showed the dreadful signs of dehydration but stated that it is preventable and happens only if the child is not given plenty of liquids and ORS. Messages emphasized that all mothers can give ORS and liquids. Since the first national campaign in 1984, the media messages were developed on the basis of research results. Expressions used in the TV spots to describe dehydration, diarrhea, the signs of dehydration and the way the child looks when he/she is ill were all taken from actual expressions used by mothers throughout Egypt. Furthermore, the content of the messages also responded to research results. For example, the first three campaigns defined dehydration in terms of its signs (sunken eyes, dried out skin, weakness, etc.) While such tangible evidences of dehydration helped illustrate what dehydration “does”, they stopped short of explaining clearly what it is. Subsequent campaigns made the concept clearer through making analogies between a dehydrated child and a plant which was dried out because it was not watered. Another spot compared two children, one who took ORS and another who did not, to two flowers, one that looked so fresh because it was kept in water and another which became dried out because it was not. This shift in the definition of dehydration from “what it does” to “what it is” came as a direct response to results of evaluation research which found that while mothers could state the signs of dehydration, they still did not quite understand the concept well enough.

Public Reactions

Public reaction to the ORT media campaign can be assessed in a number of ways, some of which are formal, such as periodical evaluation surveys and focus group discussions, and some are less formal such as press coverage, including letters to the editor. Overall, the reaction of the primary target audience was most positive. Mothers have consistently stated their liking of the messages and the characters which personalized them. The credibility of the campaign was very high: almost all mothers surveyed believed the campaign messages. On the other hand, a few physicians and pharmacists made some waves in the first couple of years, and they almost hurt the campaign when their negative opinions of ORS appeared in the press. The one argument which was most often mentioned by those critics was the need for antibiotics to treat diarrhea. A few voices even warned that ORS could kill children. An extreme case was that of a popular pediatrician who was a pioneer in using Intravenous Solutions to treat dehydration. After the ORS media campaign began, he fought it so hard that he would stand in the balcony of his private clinic and use a loud speaker to ask passersby not to use ORS.

A counter campaign was launched by the campaign to refute those allegations and document the benefits of ORS. Eminent scientists and Ministry of Health officials were encouraged to make supportive statements. The Physicians’ Syndicate and the “Egyptian Pediatrics Society” placed paid advertisements in the major daily newspapers, supporting oral rehydration and refuting the opposition claims. This effort and the satisfaction of mothers with ORS helped the campaign face the few but loud opposition voices during its first two years. It is interesting to note that while the campaign itself did not resort to fear appeal to motivate mothers to use ORS, the opposition tried to use that appeal to discourage mothers from using it, by saying that too much ORS could kill children and that it would not treat diarrhea without antibiotics, which a typical argument of the old school.

Why Did the ORT Campaign Succeed?

Characteristics of the Egyptian society, culture, and media system may resemble or differ from those of other countries experiencing similar problems related to ORT. For example, Egypt is extremely fortunate in that more than 90 percent of its population has regular access to television and more than 95percent own radio sets. With these same resources, however, many public education campaigns did not succeed in Egypt in the past. While such resources are a great asset, how the ORT campaign used them was the primary contributing factor towards achieving the campaign results. In global terms, this is fortunate because it means that the Egyptian ORT program’s achievements can be replicated in other countries as long as the same principles regarding media usage are followed.

Some of the most important factors in planning and implementing the successful Egyptian program follow[25]:

  1. The communication strategy was based on the theoretical model “Knowledge and Social Change” which was proved to be a solid foundation of planning behavioral-change communication campaigns.
  2. The campaign carefully developed a communication strategy that included the use of the mass media, training, and market research. There was a clear vision of the role mass media play in inducing knowledge and behavioral change[26].
  3. Culturally relevant use of the media was of central concern. Every culture has its own patterns of communication, preferred artistic tastes, formats, idols, etc.  Characteristics of the Egyptian culture were closely observed in the design and production of the media messages. For example, when a motherly, well-liked and respected actress was chosen to star in the ORT messages on television, the vocabulary she used, the way she dressed, and the accompanying visuals all made the audience identify with her and heed her advice.  
  4. The program was successful in integrating the sociological and anthropological research findings into the creative development of the media messages. This input was made both before scriptwriting and at different stages where materials were pretested for technical accuracy and cultural relevance. Artists, producers, and other media talent are seldom aware of the importance of careful research for preparing effective communications. This was overcome by thorough orientation, briefing and supervision of all aspects of the media productions.
  5. Closely related was the careful coordination of all aspects of the complex process of developing and implementing a media campaign. Good coordination of these multiple steps and inputs, so that different pieces complemented and enhanced each other, was a key factor. For example, there was the need to coordinate the different elements in the same messages, such as content, vocabulary, visuals, and effects. Similarly, the different formats of the same message had to be coordinated in order to make the best impact. Furthermore, different messages had to be properly coordinated and phased.
  6. The campaign was successful in securing the consent of medical authorities on the technical content of all messages; otherwise the campaign could have bogged down in differences of opinion on technical details. Considerable attention and effort were given to reconciling these differences of opinion and arriving at technically correct messages that were accepted by different medical authorities. No Messages were presented without this technical review and approval. The mass media campaign was only one element of the overall campaign to reduce diarrheal disease and associated mortality. There was constant attention to coordinating the media campaign with other activities. For example, it was important that all research findings be carefully processed for their relevance to the media campaign. The presentation of mass media messages had to be coordinated with production and the actual availability of ORS in health facilities and pharmacies, in order to avoid creating demand ahead of ability to supply the product.

Campaign Impact

In June and July 1986, a team of eight Egyptians and eleven international experts from USAID, UNICEF, and the World Health Organization conducted a Project Review and concluded that “consistent with findings of a number of studies reported by the project, the review found impressive knowledge and use of ORT among mothers. Of 161 mothers interviewed during the review, 96% knew what a packet of ORS was used for, 82% said they used it and 71% knew some signs of dehydration. Of the users, 97% could correctly mix ORS”[27]. The review also concluded that “the greatly increased access to and knowledge of ORS have afforded mothers opportunities to prevent death due to dehydration in their children – an important accomplishment which has been achieved at a modest cost of a little more than L.E. 1 for each mother gaining this benefit. It is also noteworthy that these impressive achievements have been largely made in the short time span of three and a half year. It is apparent that the above findings can be attributed in large part to a well planned and carefully implemented mass media campaign that was mainly channeled through television”[28]. This report also refers to another important result of the campaign: “the project’s wise focus on the primary target audience, mothers, has resulted in creating a demand-driven system which has important positive implications for the sustainability of the project’s achievements”[29].

Before this review took place, and only 2 years after the campaign began, the British Medical Journal concluded that “the lives of more than  100,000  children  have been  saved  in Egypt in what may be  the  world’s most  successful  health  education program”[30]. The journal also reports that “the project decided, in the face of opposition from doctors and others, to use the mass media to tell the Egyptian people about oral rehydration treatment. Radio, television, and posters were used, and within 2 years 95% of Egyptian mothers knew about the treatment, 80% had used it to treat their child’s last episode of diarrhea and between 109,000 and 190,000 child deaths had been prevented. The campaign used actors, singers, comedians, doctors, drama, prizes, competitions, interviews with mothers, and for the first time messages were delivered in colloquial Egyptian rather than classical Arabic”[31]. The journal concluded that “the World Health Organization has been so impressed with the results of the Egyptian campaign that it is encouraging other countries to adopt similar programs”[32]

Table (10) below illustrates the impact of the campaign on knowledge of ORS, knowledge of Mixing ORS and Use or ORS between 1983 and 1988[33].

Table (10): Knowledge and Use of ORS in Egypt Between 1983 and 1988

Knowledge and Use of ORS Year
19831984198519861988
Knowledge of ORS3.094.098.099.098.0
Knowledge of Correct Mixing0.053.073.081.096.0
Use of ORS1.550.064.068.066.0

The LANCET reports on the impact of this increased knowledge and use of ORS that “packets of Oral Rehydration Salts are now widely accessible; oral rehydration therapy is used correctly in most episodes of diarrhea; most mothers continue to feed infants and children during the child’s illness; and most physicians prescribe oral rehydration therapy. These changes in the management of acute diarrhea are associated with a sharp decrease in mortality from diarrhea, while death from other causes remains nearly constant”.[34]

According to the LANCET, infant mortality rate due to diarrhea declined from 29.1 in 1983 to 12.3 in 1987, while non-diarrheal infant mortality rate declined during the same period by a very small fraction, from 35.6 in 1983 to 32.8 in 1987[35]. Furthermore, childhood mortality (for children aged 1-4 years) declined from 4.0 in 1983 to 2.3 in 1987 for diarrheal deaths, and from 6.0 in 1983 to 5.5 in 1987 for non-diarrheal deaths[36].These remarkable declines in infant and child mortality have been a direct result of increased knowledge and use of ORS, breastfeeding and giving liquids during diarrhea, which were the primary messages of the media campaign.

Conclusion:

Media campaigns for development that are based on the Model of Knowledge and Social Change can achieve remarkable results. Furthermore, they don’t have to result in creating or increasing the knowledge gap. This campaign has proved that the model defines the mechanisms that can prevent this from happening, and even reverse existing gaps!

References:


[1] Fishbein and Ajzen define beliefs as “the subjective probability of a relation between the object of the belief and some other object, value, concept, or attribute.”  (See Fishbein and Ajzen, 1975, p. 131)  In a sense, the difference between “beliefs” and “knowledge” is that the second takes into account not only the “subjective probability of a relation,” but also the objective state of this relation.’ “Knowledge” as used here comes very close to Bogue’s “learning” and “knowledge” factors and to Rogers and Shoemaker’s “knowledge” function, although the analysis is different.  See Donald J. Bogue, 1967 and 1972, and Sujono, 1974.

[2] According to a study by the United Nations, economic and social factors most often mentioned are:  {a) family functions and structure, (b) relationship between mortality and fertility, (c) rising levels of living and increased costs of children’s upbringing, (d) levels of education, (e) social mobility, (f) urbanization, and (g) industrialization.  See United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs, The Determinants and Consequences of Population Trends.  Population Studies, no. 50

[3] Examples of macro-levels are Malthus Theory, The Theory of Changing Family Structure, and The Theory of Population Balance.  Examples are of micro-levels:  The Declining Mortality Theory, The Social Status Theory, and The Utility-Cost Theory (see Matras, 1973).

[4] Elkamel, Op. Cit., p. 63

[5] Ibid, p. 66

[6] Ibid, p.72

[7] Ibid, p. 87

[8] Ibid, p. 89

[9] Ibid, p. 93

[10] Ibid, p. 94

[11] Ibid, p. 96

[12] Ibid, p. 101

[13] Ibid, p. 102

[14] Ibid, p. 104

[15] The British Medical Journal, (Vol: 291), November 1985. P.1249.

[16]The National Control of Diarrheal Diseases Project (NCDDP), Project Paper, NCDDP, 1983.

[17] Al-Ahram Newspaper, Cairo, Egypt, June 8, 1986, p. 13

[18] F. Elkamel, “The NCDDP Communication Strategy”, NCDDP Document, August 1983.

[19] Farag Elkamel and Norbert Hirshhorn, “Thirst for Information”, selected papers of the 1984 Annual Conference of the National Council for International Health, NCIH, June 11 – 13, 1984.

[20] MEAG, “Evaluation of 1984 ORT campaigns”, Report submitted to NCDDP, Middle East Advisory Group, October 1984.

[21] MEAG, “Evaluation of 1984 ORT campaigns”, Report submitted to NCDDP, Middle East Advisory Group, October 1984.

[22] G. Donhue, P. Tichnor, and C. Olien, “Mass Media Effects and the Knowledge Gap”, COMMINCATION RESEARCH, 1975 (vol. 2) pp. 3-23.

[23] MEAG, Ibid.

[24] Farag Elkamel, “Developing Specific Message Appeals for the Egypt ORT Media Campaign”, unpublished paper, 1990.

[25] Farag Elkamel, “How the Egypt ORT Communication Campaign Succeeded”.  ICORT II Proceedings, Washington D.C.  December 10 – 13, 1985.

[26] F. Elkamel, “The NCDDP Communication Strategy”, NCDDP Document, August 1983.

[27] Draft Report of the Second Joint Ministry of Health / USAID / UNICEF / WHO / Review of the National Control of Diarrheal Diseases Project (NCDDP) in Egypt, June 15 – July 13, 1986.

[28] Ibid

[29] Ibid

[30] The British Medical Journal, op.cit.

[31] Ibid

[32] Ibid

[33] F. Elkamel, “Communications Strategies to Sustain ORT Impact.” Proceeding of the Third International Conference on Oral Rehydration Therapy, USAID, Washington DC, December 14-16, 1988.

[34] M. El-Rafie, W.A. Hassouna, N. Hirschhorn, S. Loza, P. Miller, A. Nagaty, S. Naser, S. Riyad, “Effects of Diarrheal Disease Control on Infant Mortality in Egypt”. The LANCET, (vol: 335), no 8685, pp. 334 – 338, Feb.1 1990.

[35] Ibid, table 2, p.335

[36] Ibid 

Creativity & Edutainment: The Beginnings

Making my first TV spot at U. of Chicago
as a script writer, film director and cameraman!

When I was a college student, I studied journalism thinking that it would lead me to become a writer! Back then, I loved and wrote poetry, short stories and one-act plays. I was active in the student movement of the 1970s, writing satire articles on various public affairs issues, and used one of the wall boards in the university hallways to be my “wall magazine”. Many colleagues and even some of my professors would stand in front of it to read my new weekly article.

Sitting, right, with friends and fans of my wall magazine at Cairo University

My dream to be a writer was shattered after I graduated. I soon found out that there was no chance for a recent graduate like myself to be a “writer”. Even getting a job as a reporter in one of the newspapers or magazines, almost all of which were state-controlled, proved to be virtually impossible. I felt lost!

Luckily, I was offered a job as tenure-track junior faculty member at my department since I graduated on top of my class! I could not refuse the offer, even though it wasn’t my dream job as it appeared to be purely academic.

But the creative side in me refused to give up.

I was assisting Ehab El-Azhary who was teaching a course on “writing for radio.” El-Azhary was one of the most creative persons I ever met in my life. He wrote several radio dramas and was particularly interested in science generally and in science fiction in particular. As the head of the “Youth Radio” station, he asked me to visit his station for a microphone test. On the same day I did my test, he asked me to think of an idea for a new radio program that I would write and co- present.

Ehab El-Azhary, my first employer for a creative job

I came up with a name: “old songs and new information”.  The program’s idea was using entertainment as a vehicle for conveying health and scientific messages. For example, a great many songs include the words “eyes”, “hearts”, “moon”, etc. The idea of the program was to have an interesting mix between popular songs and music and the relevant scientific facts. Everyone loved the program, which I kept doing very happily for several months, along with my “academic” university job.

But one day in the summer of 1976, this dream combination had to end!

I got accepted in the Master’s program at the University of Chicago to study population communication.

Everything was so cold in Chicago when I arrived there in November 1976. I was told upon arrival that I needed to go to an off campus English language institute for one quarter before I could start my program at the university, so I did.

After being in that institute for one month, something unique happened. The English instructor displayed a set of posters on the board, and asked us to write a sentence in the past participle tense on each one of those posters. All of them showed pictures that had to do with fish.

ELS Language Institute that rewarded my creativity rather promptly!

Instead of doing what she asked in a literal sense, I pretended to be the fish in the poster and wrote a story that was indeed in the past participle tense! The fish spoke of how it was asked by her friends to go on a short trip, and how it was caught by the fisherman, etc.

When the teacher saw my answer sheet, she literally grabbed it and asked me to go with her to director of the institute. I didn’t know what was going on and was in fact a bit worried. When she told him what happened, he informed me that I didn’t need to stay there any longer, and that my English was good enough to start my Master’s program at the University of Chicago.

In Chicago, most of my master’s program, which was eventually extended to a PhD, was theory and research. But one summer, I had a six-week intensive workshop that had a creative component, where a CBS producer tutored us as on script writing, filming, editing, and directing.

The University of Chicago is where I learned theory, methodology, and refined my creative potential!

The challenging assignment at the end of the program was to make a TV spot from A to Z using a super-8 film (if anyone still knows what that is!) But the real catch was that the spot had to be silent yet able to convey a clear message on family planning.

I still remember that my spot received a standing ovation.

I guess that was the real beginning for me in learning to combine theory, methodology, and creativity.

As a matter of fact, what I consider to be my most advanced theoretical contribution is indeed a creative one! It is the theoretical model of “knowledge and Social Change”, which I invented as my doctorate dissertation, and which has guided all of my research and creative work ever since.

There’s no theory or methodology, however that could lead to successful communication for behavior change without creativity. The paradox, however is that while the first two may fit together, the third one: creativity appears to be the odd one out and may even seem to conflict with the other two! I’m quite fortunate to have been able to do all three with equal ease throughout my career, to the extent that I sometimes don’t know, when asked, whether to describe myself as an academic, researcher, professor, script writer, film director or producer!

Why the Western Media Do Not Understand Islam?

By Farag Elkamel, PhD

Presented at the Workshop on “Islam and the Western World: the Role of the Media.” Università della Svizzera Italiana, Lugano, Switzerland, March 2007

Let me go directly to the title of this panel, and dare to answer the question with a NO, in capital letters. There are mountains of evidence that can fill numerous volumes, and would become out of date the same moment they are published. The real question here is not whether or not Western media understand Islam, but rather how and why western media are unable to understand Islam. In consideration of time limitations, I will confine my talk to brief remarks on three broad factors, namely: the nature of mass media, the socio-political and economic status of Moslem nations, and the mix-up between Islam and terrorism. An understanding of these factors could provide some guidance for a much needed initiative to educate and enlighten the media, with the ultimate goal to replace the current atmosphere of confrontation and mistrust with a new environment of cultural dialogue, peaceful co-existence and mutual respect between the West and Islam.

1. The Nature of Mass Media

The New York Sun editor John B. Bogart has been quoted as saying: “When a dog bites a man that is not news, because it happens so often. But if a man bites a dog, that is news.” To be sure, there is a clear and distinct “man-bites-dog” flavor in reporting about Islam and the Moslem world in western media, as well as western literature, arts, movies, TV productions, etc.

Communication researchers have documented that mass media (visual and print) determine what the public likes or dislikes, and eventually determine what we know and what we do not. The media often provide distorted representations of real life and stereotypical images of characters, peoples, cultures, and issues. Women, minorities, and various important issues are generally misrepresented in the media.  This is an inherent problem with media generally, both western and otherwise. The ultimate result is that the media’s perception of the world becomes yours because you no longer have a perception of your own. The public do not see things as they are in reality.  They only see the media’s interpretation of reality – without questioning it!

In recent months, a flare up of anti-Islamic media materials flooded western media. Perhaps the most visible ones were the address by the Pope, who quoted an inflammatory verdict on Islam by a long-dead Byzantine emperor, and before that, there were the offensive cartoons of Prophet Mohamed, which were printed first in a Danish newspaper, and then reprinted in several others across the western world. When confronted with angry protests, western media claim that they have the right to publish, rerun, and reprint insulting media materials on the pretext of freedom of speech. They try to make it look like clash of civilizations.

“Nonsense,” says Robert Fisk, who calls this “the childishness of civilizations.” He adds: “we can exercise our own hypocrisy over religious feelings. I happen to remember how more than a decade ago, a film called ‘The Last Temptation of Christ’ showed Jesus making love to a woman. In Paris, someone set fire to the cinema showing the movie, killing a young man.” Fisk adds: “I also enjoyed the pompous claims of European statesmen that they cannot control free speech or newspapers. This is also nonsense. Had that cartoon of the Prophet shown instead a chief rabbi with a bomb-shaped hat, we would have had “anti-Semitism” screamed into our ears- and rightly so.”

Western attitudes about Islam are fueled by political statements and media reports that focus almost solely on the actions of Muslim extremists. A sample of 1,000 randomly selected Americans was interviewed in 2006 for the Post-ABC News poll, which found that 46 percent — nearly half of Americans –have a negative view of Islam.

The virtual world created by the media becomes greatly confused with the real world. Just the same thing was written about many years ago, when heavy TV viewers were found to have a more gloomy idea of the world, and a greatly exaggerated perception of violence and crime. One really wonders here as to the real victim of all of this: is it Islam, or is it the Western media consumers whose psychic is disturbed because of the fictitious reality that is planted in their heads by biased and/or ill-informed media?

2. The Socio-Political and Economic Status of Moslem Nations

A great deal of perceived negative images of Islam are in fact due to the reality that most Moslem societies are less economically and politically developed countries, not because they are Moslem countries per se. Even in Europe itself, Moslems live in less advantaged socio-economic situations.  The Mayor of London issued a report in November 2006, which reveals that Muslims in London are one of the city’s most deprived groups, where more than 70 per cent of Bangladeshi and Pakistani children in London are living in poverty and where unemployment in the Muslim community runs at three to four times the national average.

Western media portray “Hijab”, for example, only as a religious symbol, when in fact it is a reflection of many socio-economic factors that may have nothing to do with religion as such. For example, most of the Egyptian women who cover their heads do so because of social, not religious, pressure, and because they could not afford to wear fashionable clothes and have their hair done regularly. Many others have this tradition because they or their families are recent migrants from the countryside, where this is a normal dress code, or because they were influenced by the Arabian Gulf cultures where millions of Egyptians worked over the last few decades.

Most Moslem countries have been struggling throughout recent history with the dictators who crawled to power on the footsteps of the European colonizers. Frustrations with the conduct of such dictators have led to the emergence of religious extremists who exploited the situation of political corruption to mobilize the masses against the oppressive political regimes. When political parties in many Moslem countries are emptied of their potential by autocratic politicians who dominate the political scene, many opposing groups find the only salvage in political opposition that is veiled under the robes of religion.

In the case of the Middle East problem, the feeling that the west is not even- handed has also given rise to extremists who found in religion a convenient ideology to exploit. For example, the perception that the US, and Europe, may have interfered in Iraq only to protect oil supplies also add to the feeling of exploitation and unfairness.

A historical perspective is extremely important in this context. While religion was the dominant oppressive culture against which emerging rationalism struggled in the west, Islam embodies today the identity of one of the most vulnerable, and alienated minorities in Europe and the most politically oppressed countries of the world. Whether we like it or not, Islam has in recent history been a vehicle for Moslem nations to stand up to dictators, oppressors, and colonial powers.

Political atrocities of the Shah of Iran and of Saddam Hussein of Iraq have led to the rise of Islamic extremism in those two countries, and in others as well. More religious extremism will unfortunately continue because of other political dictators in the Middle East. Ironically, political oppression in that part of the world does not seem to bother Western democracies too much. And if it did, it would be second to maintaining good relations with corrupt and non-democratic governments, perhaps for the sake of securing oil supplies and serving other Western interests in the region.

Finally, an important factor that has caused Extremist Islamic groups to dominate the political scene in Palestine has definitely been the Palestinian plight under the Israeli occupation and their daily humiliation and neglect. If western media fail to understand the context, and focus only on misguided stereotypical ideas about Islam, they will continue to mislead their audience and in fact themselves, and would never help the West understand Islam or the Moslem world. They would indeed be guilty for the continuation of a vicious cycle of violence and mutual mistrust.

3. The Mix-Up between Islam and Terrorism

Islam is a religion of close to two billion persons in the world, which is about one-fourth of the world population. There is not one single country today which does not have Moslem citizens. But the western media focus only on a tiny segment of fanatics that is in fact doing more harm to Moslems themselves than to the West. Every faith, religious or otherwise has its own fanatics. Both the West and the Moslem world have their fanatics. However, Western media are portraying such perverted souls and their actions as if they represented Islam or all Moslems. The West has had its fair share of such fanatics who started two world wars and called for the annihilation of Jews. In Spain and Italy and other European countries it is still common to hear monkey chants directed at black players during football matches. But no one ever accused Christianity of being a harsh or cruel religion.

Racist attitudes in the West seem to have been merely suppressed rather than eliminated. There is proof in the continued emergence of extremist groups such as the British National Party, the German National Democratic Party, the French National Front party and others who have recently created the so-called “Tradition and Sovereignty” European Parliament caucus of about 20 extreme-right politicians.

Such groups, who incidentally include journalists and have their own supporters in the media, are no less dangerous than the so-called Moslem extremists. They see Islam only through prejudiced eyes, and seek to mobilize the west for a confrontation with it.

Edward Said has stated that Islam is “covered”, of course in the double meaning of the word by western media. He concludes that the media never inform their audiences that in Islam both men and women are equal; that Islam is tough on crime and the causes of crime; that Islam is a religion of knowledge par excellence; that Islam is the religion of strong ethical principles and a firm moral code; that socially Islam stands for equality and brotherhood; that politically Islam stands for unity and humane governance; that economically Islam stands for justice and fairness, and that Islam is at once a profoundly spiritual and a very practical religion.

“Not all Muslims are terrorists, but all terrorists are Muslims” is a common phrase you hear from Islamophobes nowadays. Besides being racist, this is also wrong. The U.S. government statistics for 2005 show that the country with the most terror fatalities, after Iraq, was India, where some were inflicted by Muslims, but more were perpetrated by secessionist groups from the Northern provinces, the Communist Party of India and various Hindu extremists. Next up was Colombia, a country with a population that’s over 90 percent Roman Catholic. Following in fifth place, after Afghanistan were the victims of secular Maoist terror groups in Nepal.”

The truth of the matter is that Western media weren’t always like that, simply because they didn’t care too much to report on the Moslem world until September 11, 2001. Since then, the ground became ever more fertile for the West’s own fanatics to spread fear of Islam among their populations.

A politician in the US congress made a recent statement on Muslims and immigrants which is reminiscent of the ignorance of a by-gone era when people questioned Catholic politicians’ allegiances to State or Pope, and those who would criticize the election of Jewish-Americans.

Research by the Discrimination Research Center, a nonprofit American organization, suggests that much employment-related bias has focused on Muslims. In a 2004 study, the center sent out 6,000 fictitious resumes to employment firms throughout California. All applicants were similarly qualified, but the resumes included 20 names which were “identifiable” as white, Latino, African American, Asian American, Arab American or South Asian. As you might have expected, the name Abdul-Aziz Mansur, which is easily identifiable as Moslem, got the lowest response rate.

Moslems are getting the same treatment which Jews, blacks and other minorities received in the west in bygone years. The media are playing a dangerous game when they consciously or otherwise play into the hands of right wing fanatics. Ignorance about Islam as well as the fast pace of the media industry compound the problem and help a dangerous trend go on and on.

Recommendations for Action

The biased and unfair reporting is not limited to Western media. It exists in media from the Moslem world as well. Communication training and educational interventions are called for in order to provide much needed education for journalists and media practitioners on both sides. The present workshop should be held at least annually and perhaps alternate venues between Western and Moslem countries. It could become a forum for research, monitoring, continuing education and training for journalist and various individuals involved in media and communication on both sides. The objective of presenting fair, accurate and constructive images of both Islamic and western civilizations is one which our peoples deserve.