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The Pioneer Sehettak Biddonia Project: 1984-1993

مركز الإعلام والتنمية

In 1984, I founded the Center for Development Communication (CDC) as a private, not for profit professional organization. This page will cover the “Sehettak Biddonia” project, which was CDC’s first project, and indeed the one which CDC was originally established to implement.

Why did I have to establish CDC?

When I developed the “Sehettak Biddonia” concept, there was no institution in Egypt at the time that could provide the enabling environment to implement the project, which was based on the idea of integrating communication theory, research and creative production. I decided therefore to found CDC in order to create the needed structure and enabling environment that would make it possible to develop and implement this pioneering project.

The donors of Sehettak Biddonia encouraged this step and I therefore wish to thank them because it would have been virtually impossible to bring this project to life without CDC.

Logo of the Sehettak Biddonia Project

Before going into more details on this topic, let me quickly alert the reader that CDC didn’t stop at the Sehettak Biddonia project. In fact, CDC has quickly become the major organization in Egypt and the Middle East for developing and implementing social marketing and communication for development campaigns. For more on CDC’s projects, please see:

https://elkamel.wordpress.com/category/health-population/

https://elkamel.wordpress.com/category/the-environment/

https://www.youtube.com/channel/UC5tP8ymfMVivlZnZ1Tp9L3g

“Sehettak Biddonia”

“Sehettak Biddonia” means in Arabic (Your Health is Worth the Whole World). It’s also the name of a project that was developed by Dr. Farag Elkamel and submitted as an unsolicited proposal to Johns Hopkins University, Unicef and the Ford Foundation in a pioneer and comprehensive initiative to define and test the media potential for the prevention of various health problems in Egypt. The Canadian International Development and Research Center (IDRC) also joined as a fourth donor at a later stage.

The main justification for the need of this project was the fact that Egypt had several health challenges that could be prevented with good communication. However, whatever was being done in this respect could be classified as no more than paying lip service to the cause. Health programs on radio and TV were quite boring, and the few public service announcements that were produced by the ministry of health lacked the basic principles of effectiveness.

On the other hand, 50 percent of all Egyptians, including 70 percent of all adult women were illiterate at the time this concept was developed, while, 93 percent of them had access to television and watched it on a regular basis.  TV therefore had the promise to become the “knowledge-leveler”, overcome the illiteracy hurdle and provide the badly needed health information to all citizens.

But the challenge however was the contaminated health communication scene in Egypt, where bad quality health messages were disseminated with virtually no effect. The argument then became like this: how can we develop the needed health messages and present them to those who desperately need them, and in the most effective ways.

Positive feedback and evaluation reports about the TV campaign which I developed for the Oral Rehydration Therapy (ORT) project had become available, which encouraged donors to support the concept and express their willingness to fund my proposal.

Work on the project began on April 1, 1985. As planned, the project started with extensive research on the general public and public health professionals, and invited Egyptian and expatriate health experts to attend a major conference in order to discuss the project concept, plans, as well as message selection and prioritization. The project’s stated objectives were as follows:

  1. Upgrade Egyptian quality of life through dissemination of essential health information.
  2. Demonstrate the force of sound social research, coupled with modern communication techniques to improve social problems such as lack of health education.
  3. Prove the usefulness and effectiveness of television in this type of social development communication.

Project Phases

The Sehettak Biddonia project was divided into four phases:  1) research, 2) planning and message development, 3) production and pretesting of pilot messages, and 4) production of TV spots and soap opera.

Phase One: Research

The following research was conducted:

  1. A literature review of printed media to determine the attitude of government officials, media personnel and the general public towards using public channels to disseminate health information.
  2. A survey of 100 Egyptian physicians to determine what the public should know in order to more easily communicate with doctors.  The sample included directors of MOH semi-autonomous projects and public health professors at universities in the greater Cairo metropolitan area.
  3. A survey of 20 national and international social scientists concerning the social, anthropological, and economic aspects of Egyptian health problems.
  4. A survey of 900 mothers in 9 different governorates to pinpoint their knowledge, attitude and understanding of specific health problems. A cluster sampling method was used in rural and urban sections of the country both in the Delta (Cairo and Alexandria) and in Upper Egypt. A questionnaire consisting of 99 questions was used to collect essential data on media and health practices.
  5. A survey of earlier health education and communication projects in Egypt and other countries to develop guidelines from successful programs.
  6. Compilation of recommendations from attendees at a CDC Media and Health Education Conference held in Ismailia, Egypt, January 10 and 11, 1986, concerning health education priorities in Egypt, health priorities for child survival, target audience composition, message content, and the media’s role in disseminating health information

Phase Two: Planning, Concept and Message Development

Phase Two of the Sehettak Biddonia project called for prioritizing Egypt’s health problems and developing media concepts and approaches. A list of 156 priority health issues was developed from the following:

  1. “Health Profile of Egypt”, a survey conducted by the Ministry of Health;
  2. The “Elite Doctors’ Perspectives on Egypt’s Health Problems”,
  3. The “Highlights of Mothers’ Knowledge, Attitudes and Practices Survey on Basic Child Survival Communication Issues”,
  4. The “Media and Health Education Conference Recommendations”,
  5. Various reports obtained from the Ministry of Health concerning the types and number of emergency service required,
  6. A report from the Central Agency for Public Mobilization and Statistics listing health statistics such as causes of death, types of hospital services requested types of diseases reported and maternal-child health problems.

A script writer’s guide to these 156 issues was created in both Arabic and English.  It breaks down major points such as nutrition into specific topics, e.g., nutrition for pregnant women, child nutrition during weaning and illnesses, and recognition of malnutrition in a child, and lists the relevant socio-cultural background information and the message that should reach the target audience. The validity of each technical point was tested through focus group research at the local level and personal interviews with top health professionals both from the Ministry of Health and major faculties of medicine.  As results and comments returned, they were analyzed and revisions were made.

As health issues were being determined, CDC developed an overall media concept and approach:

  1. Target audience – composed of adult men and women residing in urban and rural areas.  Special attention will be paid to making messages simple enough to be understood by rural and illiterate audiences.
  2. Message guidelines – regardless of content, all messages will be medically correct, culturally relevant, actionable, based on research, and presented in a clear, simple and interesting manner.
  3. Language and visuals – all messages will use the standard Egyptian dialect and words will be comprehensible to all segments of the target audience. Visuals will reflect the typical physical environment of the main segment of the target audience.
  4. Tone and approach – all messages will use a positive or neutral tone. Characters will be representative of corresponding target audiences.
  5. Program format – The Sehettak Biddonia programs will have two formats, both of which rely on the elements of drama and entertainment: short (1-2 minutes) commercial-type messages and a long social dram consisting of 15 episodes each of which is 45 minutes long. The episodes will also incorporates songs and folk elements.
  6. Framework and themes – although the spots and the drama will have essentially different formats and themes, each will attempt to contain elements of the other to reinforce the message.
  7. Dissemination – all Sehettak Biddonia messages will be aired during prime viewing time.
  8. Pretesting – messages will be pretested among target group members and results will feed back into program re-planning and shortcomings will be accordingly adjusted.

Phase Three: Production and Pretesting of pilot messages.

In March 1987, the project’s third phase was completed:  production of pilot messages.  Those issues designated for immediate coverage in the first series of spot commercials are immunization, birth spacing concepts, early weaning, Tetanus Toxoid and bilharzias. They were partly selected to coincide with Egypt’s 1987 Year of the Child campaign. The remaining topics will be covered in the future as funding becomes available.

Phase Four: Final Production and Dissemination

The output of the project included a TV drama series, “The Family House” and 10 TV spots. With partial support, CDC went ahead and produced a second part of the series with the name “Bread and Salt”, which also carried health and environmental messages. All of these productions were aired free during prime time on Egyptian TV.

Before going into a detailed description of these phases, let me jump to the output of this project, and briefly present the two major outputs: the TV Spots and the Soap Opera.

TV Spots

The television spots addressed various health issues, including child spacing, immunization against measles, polio, and tetanus during pregnancy. The spots also addressed correct weaning practices, schistosomiasis prevention and treatment, in addition to female genital mutilation (FGM).

This pioneer experience has succeeded in developing the appropriate methodology for using TV in health campaigns in Egypt, and has also paved the way for getting free airtime for public service announcements in Egypt.

The 10 spots mentioned above can be viewed (with English subtitles) here:

The Soap Opera

As indicated above, a major component of this project was the development and production of an entertainment-education soap opera to test the potential of this format for addressing deep-rooted health and social beliefs and practices. This innovative project consisted of conducting necessary audience research in three countries (Egypt, Jordan, and Morocco), as well as developing, producing and distributing a 12-hour television drama series consisting of 15 episodes.

In addition to addressing the issues of family planning and early marriage, the “Family House” carries essential messages on AIDS awareness and prevention, environmental protection, acute respiratory infections (ARI), home accidents, and drug addiction. The series has been aired in Egypt, Morocco, and Lebanon. It has been watched by over 90 percent of all adult television viewers in Egypt, and more than 80 percent of them liked it and learned from it. Other parts of this site address this series in more details, but here is link to the series itself:

The Mothers’ KAP Survey On Basic Child Survival Communication Issues

Highlights of Mothers’ KAP Survey On Basic Child Survival Communication Issues

By: Dr. Farag Elkamel

January 5, 1986

The Center for Development Communication (CDC) carried out a survey of 900 mothers of children who are less than three years of age in nine governorates.  The survey was conducted from July through September 1985, and employed the cluster sampling technique. The survey instrument used was a questionnaire containing a total of 99 closed and open-ended questions. The nine governorates where the survey took place are: Cairo, Behera, Dakahlia, Sharkia, Gharbia, Suhag, Kena, Menya and Assuit. Unicef, Johns Hopkins University, IDRC and the Ford Foundation sponsored the study as part of the Sehettak Biddonia project. The purpose of the study was to establish a baseline and uncover the priority health issues and messages to be addressed by this pioneering project.

Major health issues covered in the survey are breastfeeding, weaning foods and practices, immunization, mother and child nutrition, diarrhea and dehydration, acute respiratory infections, child spacing and family planning, home sanitation, food and personal hygiene, and water supply and sewage.

A. Breastfeeding

Of the total sample of 900 mothers of children under three years of age, 85.6% reported breastfeeding their children. A greater percentage is expected for mothers of children less than two years old. The majority (84%) of breastfeeding mothers said that they breastfeed their babies at night, too.

For those who said that they did not breastfeed their children, the number one reason given by 8.6% of the total sample was that they did not have enough milk. Other reasons given were that the mother is sick (1.9%) and that the child is sick (1.2%).  While 21 mothers gave other various reasons, only one mother reported not breastfeeding because she preferred the artificial formula, and only five mothers said that they did not breastfeed because they could not stay at home.

When mothers were asked about the substitute they gave their infants, the majority of those who did not breastfeed said that they gave powdered milk (12.7% of total sample). The remaining mothers gave cow and buffalo milk (1.8%).

The majority of mothers who artificially fed their children consulted a physician (12%).  The remaining 2.8% consulted relatives and other people. The vast majority of mothers who are not breastfeeding their children use other substances while the child was very young.  Half of the mothers substituted breast milk during the baby’s first month and the other half during the second and third months.

Almost all mothers who are not breastfeeding use the bottle rather than other mechanisms such as a glass and spoon. Nearly half of those giving bottled milk have only one bottle at home, and most of the remaining half have two bottles.  Almost all women using the bottle said that they threw away milk remaining in the bottle after feeding their babies.

 B.  Weaning Practices

Half of the women in the study sample of 900 cases reported weaning their babies before the 24th month.  A vast majority of the remaining 50% mothers (44%) said that they weaned their babies exactly when the babies became two years old.

Egyptian mothers practice a gradual rather than sudden weaning process.  More than three-fourths (76%) of mothers in the sample said that they gave their children other foods “Talhees” while milk feeding them.  Before the child is one year old, almost all mothers give supplementary feeding.  In fact, more than half do so before the child is six months old.  When asked about the first thing they gave their children, the most often mentioned foods were boiled potatoes, boiled rice, biscuits, beans, egg yolks, yogurt, and milk pudding (mehallabia.)

C.  Immunization

When the women were asked whether they had their children vaccinated or not, 87% said that they had done so and only 13% said that they had not.  However, when they were asked to list the vaccines their children got, 83% of the entire sample said that their child was vaccinated against polio, 26%vaccinated mentioned tuberculosis, 40% mentioned measles vaccines, and about 10% said their children received a DPT vaccine.  Interestingly, 16% of the women interviewed named non-immunizable diseases as ones that their children were inoculated against!

The great lack of information among mothers becomes more evident in their responses to a question on the number of times children should get immunized during the first year of life.  Ten people said the child should receive a total of one vaccination, 33 mothers said they should receive two vaccinations, 255 women said three, 133 women said four, 107 women said five, 88 mothers said six times, and 68 mothers said seven or more times.  One hundred and ninety-six women had no idea.  Other more detailed information in the study reveals the wide knowledge gap between what the public knows and what they should know.

It is clear that the television polio campaign tremendously increased awareness about polio vaccinations.  Of the total sample, 99% have heard of polio, and 67% of them heard of it from television.  Twelve percent heard from health units, 9% heard via loudspeakers, 6% heard of it from neighbors and relatives, and the remaining 6% heard from other sources.

While awareness of polio vaccine was found to be extremely high, other aspects of knowledge about it were not the same.  When respondents were asked about age at which a child should get the first polio dose, 175 mothers said two months, 337 said 3 months, 144 said four months, 28 said five months, 84 said 6 months, 80 people said more than 6 months and 52 people said they did not know.

In contrast with polio awareness, awareness of D.P.T. was quite low. Only 15% of the entire sample heard of D.P.T., and only a little over half of them (9% of total sample) know that D.P.T. is to be given three times, and almost the same number knew what the three D.P.T. diseases are.

Of the mothers surveyed, 61.7% said that their children had measles before.  This is almost the same percentage of children who did not get the measles vaccine.  The main reasons mothers mentioned for not having their children immunized against measles are that the child is too young, vaccines are unavailable, or that mothers do not usually know immunization sites and schedules unless they are announced via loudspeakers.

It is significant that when asked how to protect their children from getting the measles, only 217 mothers answered ‘by vaccination’.  Two hundred and thirty-one said nothing could be done, 183 said they did not know, and the rest stated different opinions.

Unfortunately, 31% of mothers said that they would let their healthy children get near a child infected with measles so that they would catch it too.  Ninety-seven mothers said that the reason was that they wanted to care for all of their children at once, 54 women said that they would do this because sooner or later the child must get the measles, 43 mothers said they wanted to get the illness over with, and 29 mothers said that they could not practically separate them.

D.  Maternal Health

Over half the women in this sample said that they got married before they were 18 years old.  Only 22% were older than 20 when they got married, and only 4% were older than 25 years old. 27% of respondents mentioned that their last child delivery was attended by a doctor. Only 16% of women surveyed said that they eat differently while they were pregnant, and, when probed, 70% of the total sample did not think that pregnant women need to eat differently.

E.  Diarrhea And Dehydration

Diarrheal morbidity average about 43% of the 900 women surveyed. Of all respondents, 98% have heard of Oral Rehydration Solution (ORS), and 85% of them heard of it from television.  Fifty-four percent of all Egyptian mothers interviewed in this survey have used ORS, but the percentage would be much greater if we consider only mothers whose children have had diarrhea. 

Interestingly, when asked about causes of diarrhea, a very high percentage of women surveyed mentioned “cold” even though it was not one of the causes given in the Media campaign which has been underway for almost two years when the survey was conducted, which suggests the stubbornness of some public beliefs and the need to sustain public education programs over a relatively long period of time. 

On the other hand, women have also learned specific preventive measures from the public campaign of the Oral Rehydration Therapy (ORT) Project.  Thus, when asked what mothers should do to prevent diarrhea, most mothers mentioned “keeping the food clean,”  “washing hands”, and also added, “protecting the child from catching cold!”

Women who did not use ORS were asked to state the reasons they had for not giving it to their children.  Over 95% of those who did not give ORS said the reason was that diarrhea was light or that the child did not get dehydrated. A small number of mothers (5%) mentioned that the doctor did not prescribe it.

F.  Subjects Which Mothers Want Television To Inform Them On

Mothers were asked if they wanted to get information on other health issues in the same way they got information on ORT.  Of the 900 mothers surveyed, 85% answered the question positively. The percentages of issues which women mentioned that they needed more information on in new TV spots are listed below:

Issue   Percent  
Child care 35%
How to treat diseases 14%
General health care 8%
Contraceptives and how to use them 7%
Appropriate foods for infants 7%
Maternal and child care 7%
Hygiene 6%
Pregnancy problems and care 5%
Immunization schedules 2%
Mentioned a variety of other issues 10%

G.  Acute Respiratory Infections

Almost 81% of the total sample said that they heard of bronchitis.  The symptoms most recognized by respondents are:  cough, vomiting, fever, diarrhea, stomach ache, and wheezing.  Over 95% of mothers said they took their children to see a doctor when they got bronchitis and only 5% gave medicine or other remedies before consulting a doctor.

To protect their children from respiratory infection, mothers mentioned specific actions such as keeping the child away from air drafts, keeping the child warm, and keeping the child clean.  Over 10% of those familiar with bronchitis did not know how to protect their children from it. This, of course, is in addition to 19% who did not know what bronchitis was.

Mothers were asked whether or not their children caught cold during the two weeks preceding the interview.  (Note that the study was conducted in the summer – from July through September- where infections are normally lower than winter time infections.) One out of four mothers said that at least one of her children had a cold.  Two-thirds of the children with cold were seen by doctors, according to mothers’ responses.

H.  Family Planning And Child Spacing

Respondents were asked to spontaneously name up to six contraceptive methods that women could use to space child bearing or prevent pregnancy.  The following are the methods mentioned and the percentage of respondents which mentioning each of them:

Contraceptive Method   Percent Knowledge  
The Oral pill 82
I.U.D. 76
Injections 43
Spermicides 18
Condoms 9
Foaming Tablets 7
Sterilization 2.6
Diaphragm 1.7
Safe period 0.3

We also asked these women about their source of contraceptive information.  The following lists the sources and the percents of respondents citing each of them:

Source of Information   Percent  
Television 78
Other women 12
Health units 11
Radio 8
Other 6

I.  Home Hygiene And Space Allocation

Twenty percent of the women surveyed lived in one – roomed residences and 25% lived in two rooms.  Another 25% lived in three rooms and 30% of the sample lived in residences containing four or more rooms.  In terms of space allocation, 89% of the sample had rooms that were dedicated only to sleeping, 11% had rooms that were dedicated only to receiving guests, 10% had rooms that were dedicated only to living and only 1.6% had rooms that were specifically dedicated to dining.

Overall household hygiene in the homes of respondents was rated by middle class interviewers as follows:

 Good 31% 
Average  41%
Poor 28%

Interviewers also observed whether the households they visited had bathrooms with soap and water.  The results were as follows: 55% had bathrooms with soap and water, 39% had bathrooms which did not have either soap or water, and 6% did not have bathrooms. Furthermore, interviewers observed whether a towel was in or near the bathroom: 25% of the bathrooms had clean towels, 5% of the bathrooms had dirty towels, and 70% of the bathrooms had no towels.

J.  Food Preparation And Hygiene

One-half of the women sampled said that they cooked in their kitchens and the other half cooked in rooms used for more than one purpose.  Forty percent used a kitchen table to prepare their vegetables, while 12% used the low-round table called “Tablya” and 43% used the floor. The remaining 5% used other places.

Water

            Sources of drinking water in the homes visited are followed:

Water Source Percent of Respondents
Piped Water 57
Hand Pumps 22
Public Taps 11
Tap in building or at Neighbor’s 6.5
Other 3.5

Sewage                              

Types of sewage system in respondents’ homes:

Sewage System Percent of Respondents
Sewage well  42
Connected to Public Sewage System 36
Cesspools 9
Other means 8
Do not know  5

Finally, the following household items were surveyed and their presence was identified as follows:

Household Item Percent Of Respondents
Electricity                                          94
Total Television 91
Black & white TV65
Color TV26
Radio82
Washing machine68
Tape Recorder66
Fan51
Stove49
Refrigerator47
VCR4

The Health Experts’ Survey

Doctors’ Perspectives on Egypt’s Health Problems

By: Farag Elkamel, December, 1985

(This study was conducted as part of the Sehettak Biddonia project, sponsored by the Ford Foundation, UNICEF, and the Johns Hopkins University)[1]

STUDY OBJECTIVES

This study has two main objectives: 1) to identify Egypt’s most important national health problems from the Egypt’s top doctors’ point of view; and 2) to identify the best methods through which mass media might deliver relevant health information to the public, also from the doctors’ point of view.

METHODOLOGY

One hundred top health professionals from several universities, the Ministry of Health (MOH), and other projects were selected to participate in this survey (see list of respondents).  Participants were chosen on the basis of lists and suggestions acquired from university officials and the MOH. Each respondent was asked to complete a questionnaire of seventeen questions regarding pressing health problems and methods of disseminating information about them. The study was conducted by the Center for Development Communication between July and November 1985.

Seventy-six of the 100 respondents were connected to universities, 15 with the MOH, eight with health projects, and 12 with other institutions. (Some were connected with more than one category of the above.)

Respondents represented a variety of professional experience. Thirty-six respondents were professors, 10 assistant professors, 30 lecturers and assistant lecturers, 15 MOH administrators, 8 project officials and 1 that could not be classified in any of these categories.

Most respondents (54) specialized in pediatrics. Of the rest, 17 specialized in public health, 5 in pharmaceutics and 24 in other assorted fields.

STUDY DIFFICULTIES

Certain problems were encountered during field work:

  1. Many selected participants from the university were on vacation during summer field work, which delayed their responses.
  2. Some selected respondents did not return surveys promptly for other reasons.
  3. The application procedure for the necessary official permits for the project is lengthy. First, the Central Agency for Public Mobilization and Statistics (CAPMAS) required three weeks to process the application. Second, the Ministry of Health and its security needed at least another week to issue the subsequent permit.
  4. Open-ended survey questions needed complex and lengthy analyses requiring extra time, though the information gathered was worthwhile.

FINDINGS

1. Important National Health Problems

IN YOUR OPINION, WHAT DO YOU THINK ARE THE TEN MOST IMPORTANT HEALTH PROBLEMS IN EGYPT?  COULD YOU ARRANGE THEM IN ORDER OF IMPORTANCE?   

The first question concerns the ten most important health problems in Egypt.  Respondents were asked to arrange these problems in order of importance.  While all of the participants answered the question, not all gave ten answers.

Respondents indicated the most important health problem as being malnutrition, followed by diarrheal and gastroenteritis diseases, endemic parasitic diseases, infectious diseases, chest & respiratory diseases. They also mentioned pollution and bad sanitation as causes for many of these health problems. The category “infectious” encompasses general problems, mainly focusing on those requiring immunization. Tuberculosis, polio and measles, which also require vaccinations, are listed as separate categories being mentioned specifically by respondents. 

2. Ideal Methods for Disseminating Information

WHAT DO YOU THINK IS THE BEST METHOD(S) TO DISSEMINATE INFORMATION TO THE PUBLIC ABOUT THE PROBLEMS YOU MENTIONED?

WHAT DO YOU THINK IS THE BEST METHOD(S) TO DISSEMINATE INFORMATION TO THE HEALTH PROFESSIONALS TO KEEP THEM INFORMED OF UP-TO-DATE DEVELOPMENTS? 

In order to best disseminate information both to the public and to health professionals of up-to-date developments, respondents were asked to chart the value of various channels, including personal counseling, lectures and talks, radio, television, press, films, pamphlets, booklets, posters, community organizations and other suggestions. 

  1. Reaching the Public. To reach the public, most respondents (91%) chose television as selected method, followed 66% choosing by radio, 50% personal counseling and 40% community organizations.  Films were less desirable, chosen by 29%, as were lectures (20%), press and posters (18%).  Of the remaining choices, 8% chose booklets and 4% gave other answers.  Only 1% failed to answer the question.
  2. Reaching the Health Professionals. To reach the health professionals, the highest percentage of respondents, 67%, chose lectures and talks. Pamphlets seemed useful to almost half of the group, or 43%, as did booklets, which were chosen by 41%.  28% selected personal counseling and 15% press and films.  Each of the other categories received less than 12%. 5% of the respondents did not answer this question. 

3. Formats for Health Information

WHICH FORMATS WOULD YOU PREFER HEALTH INFORMATION TO BE PROVIDED TO THE PUBLIC IN?  PLEASE ARRANGE IN ORDER OF PREFERENCE.

Respondents were asked to arrange the following format choices in order of preference. These formats represent preferred methods of providing health information to the public.  Only 1 % of the respondents did not answer the question, but several checked boxes without ranking their choices.

As the number one choice, out of 86 answers 20 of them said interviews with mothers, 19 said drama, and the same number said songs.  Interviews with health professionals and commercials were chosen by 13 each and prize competition and others by 1 each.  As the second preference, out of 81 answers, 22 said interviews with health professionals; 18 said interviews with mothers; 17 said drama; 12 said commercials; 7 said songs; 3 said prize competitions.  Combining all of the rankings, 75% chose drama and interviews with mothers and health professionals as a preferred format, closely followed by commercials receiving 72% of the total response, songs 65% and prize competitions 48%.  Thus it appears that generally, interviews with mothers and health officials and drama are the popularly recommended formats by the respondents.

4. Key Interventions to Reduce Child Morbidity and Mortality

THE FOLLOWING MEASURES WERE IDENTIFIED AS KEY INTERVENTIONS TO REDUCE CHILD MORBIDITY AND MORTALITY IN EGYPT.  FOR EACH INTERVENTION, PLEASE SPECIFY WHETHER YOU THINK IT WILL BE VERY EFFECTIVE, SOMEWHAT EFFECTIVE, OR NOT EFFECTIVE.

THEN, FOR EACH OF THESE INTERVENTIONS, PLEASE SPECIFY WHAT THE PUBLIC SHOULD KNOW AND/OR DO.

The next question identifies key interventions to reducing child morbidity and mortality in Egypt: Oral Rehydration Therapy, Immunizations, Breast Feeding, Water Supply and Sanitation, Personal and Domestic Hygiene, Weaning Practices, Food Hygiene and Protecting Pregnant Mothers against Tetanus. Respondents were also asked about the effectiveness of intervention and what the public should know and do.

1. Oral Rehydration Therapy.

For the use of oral rehydration, 74 responded that it is very effective, 21 somewhat effective, and 1 person said that it was not effective. 4 did not respond. 68 of the respondents gave explanations. Most of these explanations (23) said ORT was effective because it was able to decrease diarrhea and dehydration. 17 others said that it was easy to use, 16 people mentioned that it was easy to prepare, 13 liked its low cost, 10 that it was easy to obtain, 9 that it was useful in severe cases and 3 that it was safe.

What the Public Should Know and Do

Respondents were also asked to identify what the public should know and do.  Most (37) said that the public should know exactly how to prepare and use the solution, while 10 respondents noted that the public should know when to administer the therapy, its effectiveness and to be sure to consult a doctor or hospital.  Other suggestions include warning mothers to continue breast feeding, telling parents where to obtain the fluid and when it’s useful, and of complications and benefits.

2. Immunization: the Triple Vaccine

For the triple vaccine immunization, 41 persons found this intervention to be very effective.  9 respondents explained that its efficiency was effective while others noted that it is a good prevention of serious diseases, that there is currently a low incidence of these diseases, and that the routine practice is familiar to all.

What the Public Should Know and Do?

On the other hand, respondents identified what they thought the public should know and do regarding this vaccine.  7 people said hazards of the disease should be known.  5 others said timing of vaccinations should be stressed, as well as its importance.  The public should also know the importance of spacing between doses, complications after vaccination, where to get vaccination, and about contraindication.

3. Vaccination for Measles

Out of the 24 respondents who believed this vaccination to be very effective, half gave some explanations.  5 respondents thought this particular immunization to be able to prevent scars, others noted the widespread waves of the disease, and that there are high cases fatality.  One person mentioned that two doses are needed, as are booster shots.

What the Public Should Know and Do

When asked what the public should know and do, respondents believed that people should be told about booster doses, how the vaccination prevents diseases, about timing, and the proper site of injection to avoid nerve paralysis.

4. Vaccination against Polio

Of the 47 who believed this vaccination to be very effective, 10 explained that it was effective in abolishing or decreasing the incidence of polio, while 2 said that it was successful in that it was easy to take.

What Public Should Know and Do

When asked what the public should know and do, the respondents suggested that people should know of polio’s complications, about timing, its method of administration and about booster doses.

5. Immunization in General

Among the respondents who answered that immunization as a whole was effective, 24 responded that it was very effective.  If given as a prophylactic, immunization can reduce morbidity.  Compulsory programs were recommended, put into effect with mass media campaigns.  Also, due to the aggregation of the population, health units, primary health care and private clinics could be used to help the mass media spread information.

What Public Should Know and Do for Vaccinations

In reference to what the public should know and do for the three vaccinations together, 34 respondents replied that proper timing should be stressed.  17 said that the public should know of the value of the vaccination and its effectiveness.  The dangers of disease and difficulty in treatment were mentioned by 13 others.  Other recurrent answers were to inform where to obtain the vaccinations, possible precautions and side effects, and about the timing of booster doses and age to be administered.  Some mentioned that the public needs more information, which may be served by mass media and personal contact.

6. Promotion of Breast Feeding

70 of the respondents believed the promotion of breast feeding to be very effective. 11 respondents reasoned that it was a cheap supply of nutrition, while 10 noted that it decreases diarrhea and gastroenteritis, which artificial milk can stimulate. 7    people remarked that it was easily available, clean, and contains antibodies which gain immunities for the child.  Others noted the psychological benefits to mother and child, and its use in preventing malnutrition and most infectious diseases.  It is also culturally acceptable, and a natural form of child spacing. Also, bottle feeding can be expensive.  Even for working mothers, in rural and urban low socioeconomic brackets, breast feeding is well practiced and high biological value.  There were also suggestions to introduce informative health units in clinics, television and radio and to form a health nucleus for the community.

What the Public Should Know and Do

In the next question, respondents were asked what the public should know and do. Most persons (48) emphasized that the public should know advantages to mother and baby and the disadvantages of artificial milk. Also, the public should know the role of breast feeding in prevention of infection and in increasing immunities to protect the child’s health.  Also, perhaps the public should be informed of proper timing and how to prepare for it.

7. Adequate Water Supply and Sanitation

Of all the respondents, 65 said this would be very effective. 38 found that as a prophylactic, it would prevent or reduce water and food borne infections, as well as diarrheal diseases.  As a hygienic environment, a sanitary water supply would promote general health if readily available.

What the Public Should Know and Do

When asked what the public should know and do, most stressed its importance in preventing diseases and its advantages.  Also, the public should know how to use and obtain sanitary water.  A few mentioned the need to work closely with the government.

8. Promotion of Personal and Domestic Hygiene

48 of the respondents believed this to be very effective. Of these, 26 said that as a prophylactic against microbes and infectious diseases it would be very useful.  Also, personal hygiene would be good for general health practices.

What the Public Should Know and Do

In response to what the public should know and do, 18 noted the advantages in prevention and eradication of infectious diseases as prominent.  26 stressed the public’s need to know how, and 20 others why.  A few respondents mentioned that a religious approach might be effective.

9. Improved Weaning Practices

Out of all 100 respondents, 40 believed improving weaning practices to be very effective. 25 of these 40 said that it would improve health and prevent serious nutritional disorders, diarrhea and gastroenteritis.  Others mentioned that it decreases psychological problems, and provides a nutritional supplement to breast milk.  Also, MOH centers should improve facilities.

What the Public Should Know and Do

When asked what the public should know and do in reference to weaning practices, 23 emphasized how, or the ideal weaning details of food for each month, and 20 others stressed what kind of food to give the baby.  16 mentioned timing, and 26 others wanted the advantages of good weaning practices to be known.  Others noted the need to provide well-trained, adequate facilities and education.

10. Improved Food Hygiene

44 of the respondents replied that improving food    hygiene   would be very effective. 29 felt that it would prevent diseases, such as diarrhea, gastroenteritis, and food poisoning, as well as nutrition disorders.  2 people noted that communities also need sanitary water and general sanitary conditions, in addition to education on community and personal levels.

What the Public Should Know and Do

The respondents were then asked what the public should know and do about food hygiene.  Most people stressed how, or what sanitary means were available for preparing and keeping food.  Others stressed its importance, in preventing diseases transmitted through flies and other insects.  Others mentioned the responsibility of government to inspect milk shops, meat shops and restaurants.

11. Immunization of Pregnant Mothers against Tetanus

42 of the respondents believed that immunizing pregnant mothers against tetanus would be very effective.  22 said that it prevents tetanus which is common and serious, and neonatal tetanus, since many babies are delivered by midwives in unsanitary conditions.  Others noted that it was easily organized and implemented, and thoroughly advantageous.

What the Public Should Know and Do

Numerous and varied answers were given to the question of what the public should know and do. 24 stressed the need to inform the public of its advantages and importance, while 19 wanted to emphasize proper timing.  Others noted that the public should know of possible dangers of tetanus on physical and mental development of children and the importance of personal hygiene and sterile conditions during birth.  Also, a program should tell the public how and where to obtain the vaccine, and make sure facilities are indeed available.

5. Other Measures to Reduce Mortality and Morbidity

WHAT OTHER MEASURES DO YOU THINK COULD BE EFFECTIVE IN REDUCING CHILD MORBIDITY AND MORTALITY IN EGYPT?

The following question asks respondents what other measures might be effective in reducing child mortality and morbidity in Egypt. The subsequent paragraphs summarize the responses of the 79 who answered this question.

  1. Family planning and Birth spacing. 16 of the respondents maintained that family planning and spacing was important to children’s’ health.
  2. Education. 35 mentioned education as an effective measure, while some specified health education and others education to mothers.  Some believed illiteracy to be the factor needing to be eliminated.  Some respondents stressed the need to introduce health topics in schools for children, others the need to educate in rural areas, perhaps using students during summer holidays.  Many mentioned the role of television in health education.  Finally, some responded that medical and paramedical professionals need to continually be educated.
  3. Health Services. 22 of the respondents answered that improving health services would be an effective measure in reducing child mortality and morbidity in Egypt.  Some places that were specified include maternal child health facilities, general street clinics, hospitals, health delivery systems, places outside big cities, institutes for handicapped children, specialized centers for children and pediatric hospitals.  Specific practices to be watched carefully and improved include diagnosing diseased children, caring for newborn and genetically determined diseases, C.N.S. injection, overuse of instrumentation during birth resulting in brain damage, obstetric care, neonatal services, and antenatal care.  Information is needed about the effect of drugs and nutritional problems, and more medical care is needed.
  4. Economic and Social Development. 16 of the respondents said that raising the socioeconomic level of people and improving jobs and wages for workers would be an effective measure in improving children’s’ health.
  5. Others. Other varied responses include proper psychological care for children; community participation; prevent leading causes of morbidity and mortality; use mass communication; improve health awareness; recognize early manifestation of common problems; use day care centers; reduce traffic accidents; fight bilharzias; leave mothers free to handle children during first 3 years; hazards of drugs, especially stimulants in secondary schools and addictions. Some respondents repeated measures all ready discussed within the questionnaire.  These include sanitary environment (10), immunizations and vaccinations (7), nutrition (7), hygienic conditions, ORT and breast feeding (3).

6. Current ORT Mass Media Campaign

PLEASE COMMENT ON WHETHER THE FOLLOWING ASPECTS OF THE CURRENT ORT MASS MEDIA CAMPAIGN ARE GOOD OR NOT GOOD AND WHY: CONTENT, FORMAT, DURATION AND TIME OF BROADCAST.

To help decide whether or not to adopt the same technique for other health problems, respondents are asked whether the following aspects: content, format, duration and time of broadcast, of the ORT mass media campaign are good or not, and why.

  1. Content. Most respondents (76) considered the content to be a favorable aspect.  Twenty-two explained that the content was good because it was simple and easy for the public to understand.  Others replied that the content was well studied and covered important information, while seven offered no explanation. Most of the explanations given by the 13 who said that the content was not good focused on the incompleteness of the information offered, which may lead to misunderstanding.  Some feared that mothers would stop seeking medical advice, misuse the treatment and assume it’s the only and proper solution for each case.
  2. Format. Of all the respondents, 78 said the format was good.  Sixteen respondents liked the format because it was attractive and interesting, two noting the popularity of the actress.  Twelve explained that the short, simple, and concise format style was good, and five expressed that television was an excellent medium for reaching the target audience.  The 10 respondents not liking the format explained that the songs were not serious, the appeal was not scientific, and perhaps required more explanation.
  3. Duration. Of the 100 persons surveyed, 73 liked the length of the messages. Twenty-four respondents explained that the length of commercials were good not being time-consuming, requiring much attention and able to be repeated.  Four explained that the frequency was appropriate and they believed the conciseness kept the message interesting. Three people thought the duration of the message to be too short, one too long; one believed the message to be too frequent, another two, not frequent enough.  Thirteen people offered no explanations at all for their opinions.
  4. Time of Broadcast. Seventy-nine respondents liked the time of the broadcast.  Eighteen respondents explained that the time of broadcast was good in that the families were usually gathered at that time to watch television. Five others noted the good position in the broadcasting schedule, being before popular dramas. Eighteen believed it to be good but offered no explanation. Four of the eight respondents who believed the time to be not good offered some of the following explanations:  other evening times might be better; could also be before comedies, films and football matches.

7. Child Immunization Coverage

WHAT DO YOU THINK ARE THE REASONS UNDERLYING THE OBSERVED LOW CHILD IMMUNIZATION COVERAGE WITH THE TRIPLE VACCINE AND MEASLES VACCINE?

Recently, child immunization coverage with triple and measles vaccines has been observed to be low.  Respondents were asked what they thought to be the underlying reasons for this.  22 felt that ignorance, negligence, carelessness of mother or parents were the main reasons, while 16 others found faults that there were not enough publicity campaigns or general education.  Again, bad storage techniques, especially in villages were mentioned by 9 persons.  Others noted the high level of poverty, illiteracy and unacceptability in rural remote areas.  Also, the vaccine was unavailable in many markets.

  1. Triple Vaccine.  In reference to the triple vaccine, again ignorance of mother or parents was given as the cause for low coverage by 26 persons.  12 people said that repeated doses are needed, which should be added to currently deficient health education and mass media campaigns. The bad behavior and attitudes of health personnel were also a problem.  A few noted the expense of vaccine and poverty of people may contribute to this low coverage.
  2. Measles Vaccine. As to the measles vaccine, again culture and tradition (the disease is considered a gift from god and not harmful) was mentioned as the root cause for low use by 12 persons.  9 others pointed to a failure of the vaccine itself.  Again, a lack of health education, facilities expense and availability were mentioned as problems. 

8. The Polio Campaign  

PLEASE COMMENT ON WHETHER EACH OF THE FOLLOWING ASPECTS OF THE PAST POLIO CAMPAIGN IS GOOD OR NOT, AND WHY:  CONTENT, FORMAT, DURATION AND TIME OF BROADCAST.

In the following question, people were asked to comment on the content, format, duration and time of broadcast of the polio campaign.

  1. Content. 68 respondents believed the content to be good.  Most of the respondents explained that the content was well-done (8) and effective (7).  Also, they said that the message was simple and easily understood (5) and polio in fact was decreasing (2).  Others believed that the content could be livelier and include more details. 8 people did not like the content, explaining that it emphasizes paralytic polio, is not attractive, not completely scientific and there is no mention that vaccinations should not take place on street roads, but in health centers.
  2. Format. 66 people thought the format was a good one.  Their reasons include that the format is well-done (5), easily understood (3), short (2), attractive (3) and accepted (2).  One person thought it should be more often, another not enough. 11 respondents replied that the format was not good for these reasons:  more stress needed on morbidity and mortality; use songs and films; too short (2); more drama and interviews with mothers and doctors; too authoritative.
  3. Duration.  58 of the respondents were pleased with the duration.  Most believed the duration to be suitable (8), while some specified the short length as being good in not consuming much time (4).  Others remarked that it was effective (3) and that the evening time (1) and frequencies (1) were working well. 17 people did not like the duration. Of these, 7 respondents though the duration to be too short, and the other 2, too long.
  4. Time of Broadcast. 62 respondents liked the time of broadcast. Most responded that it was suitable (8), others that the evening time was good (4), summer time preferable (1) and that positioning should be before drama, films and sports matches.  10 people gave no explanation but believed it to be good, and two people said it was not good without explanation.  Of the 8 that explained it to be not good, some believed it to be not suitable for all women (2) and not to be shown at the right time (1).

9. Strengths of Existing Health Programs

WHAT ARE THE STRENGTHES OF THE EXISTING HEALTH PROGRAMMES ON RADIO AND TV? PLEASE COMMENT ON CONTENT, FORMAT, DURATION AND TIME OF BROADCAST.

The next question asks respondents to comment on the strengths of existing health programs on radio and television. 40 people answered this question.

  1. Content. 29 respondents commented upon the content of the programs.  14 of the respondents thought the content to be good; 4 said it to be clear and easily understood and 4 others comprehensive but 3 others found that the content was a mixture of good and not good.
  2. Format. 32 respondents discussed the strengths of the formats, while 8 people did not answer. 15 liked the formats, and 5 thought it easily understood, 4 said fair, and 1 effective.  Two people did think the format could be revised.
  3. Consistency. 22 people responded to the question of consistency. 12 People specifically said that they liked the consistency, but 4 thought it should be strengthened.  Others recommended that it be simple, effective and attractive, while one responded only for the ORT campaign.  18 people did not answer.
  4. Language. As to the language, 32 people provided answers, while 8 did not.  22 preferred use of native, slang language, while 4 others thought Arabic should be used to target educated persons. 19 the 28 respondents thought scheduling was well-done. Others recommended evening and afternoon hours, weekly times, and before news and movies.  12 people did not answer this section.

10. Weaknesses of Existing Health Programs

WHAT ARE THE EXISTING HEALTH PROGRAMMES ON RADIO AND TV? PLEASE COMMENT ON CONTENT, FORMAT, CONSISTENCY, LANGUAGE AND SCHEDULING.

Respondents were then asked to comment on the weaknesses of existing health programs on radio and television. 40 people did not answer at all.

  1. Content. 23 of the 37 people answering found fault with the content, as being not detailed enough or providing wrong information. 7 others said the content was not well understood or interesting and 2 said it was ineffective. Only 2 thought it to be adequate. 7 did not answer this question. 
  2. Format. 27 responded to the format section. The format is also found by 8 to be lacking in adequate information, 7 said it was not well organized, 6 that it was unattractive, 4 not easily understood and 2 replied that it varied. 17 people did not answer this section.
  3. Consistency. 21 people responded to the consistency. 8 believed not enough was said about various problems, 4 others that it was too complex, 3 that it was not attractive and 2 that generally not very good).  23 people chose not to answer this question.
  4. Language. 20 people did not respond as to their opinions on language, but of the 24 who did 18 preferred simple, native languages that would be easily understood.  Only a few offered differing responses: language should be more scientific (2); less vulgar (1); in English (1). 
  5. Scheduling. 9 of the 16 respondents answering the next section believed the scheduling to be disorganized, 5 said it was not working well and another 5 said not frequent enough.
  6. All Aspects. When asked to respond as to those aspects all together, 16 People gave the following answers:  too complex, not simple and direct enough (4); unorganized (4); boring (2); needs more promotion (1); no weaknesses at all (2).

11. Guidelines for Health Planners

WHAT DO YOU THINK ARE THE MOST IMPORTANT 5 PRECAUTIONS PLANNERS OF HEALTH EDUCATION PROGRAMMES SHOULD BE AWARE OF?

In the last question, respondents are asked what five most important precautions planners of health education programs could be aware of (12 % did not answer this question).

  1. Baseline Study. In reference to a primary study, several varied answers include:  should know culture, tradition and habits of Egyptians (26); know health needs of population (14); the age group of target population and how to reach them (11); their level of education (13); their socio-economic level (4); literacy and intelligence level (8); religious beliefs and how to deal with them (6); and more about the population, such as how they live, number of children in each family, where mothers live, free time of mothers, and more about parents in general.
  2. Health Programs. Planners of health programs should also be careful to make campaigns attractive (4), not too scientific or frightening (4), valid, correct and clear (9), thorough (5), not too frequent (2) but frequent enough (7), reasonable, suitable time of broadcasting to audience and prominence of disease (10), to consult with health professionals and experts, to avoid abuse or overdose of knowledge (2), utilize message harmony with programs, show public dangers of problem (2), and choose the right person for this message (some prefer popular personalities and others desire prestigious health personnel with high education.
  3. Language. 19 respondents mentioned language as one of the important precautions after knowing the target population. The language chosen should be easily understood, simple, and common.
  4. Health Education. In reference to health education, respondents desired more health education facilities; more health education to mothers (3), medical students and doctors; health education in nursery and schools; use of audio visual means, films and television (2); importance of basic scientific message; right method to reach professionals; maternal education in nutrition, weaning and hygiene of infants.
  5. Other Precautions. Other precautions mentioned include being aware or availability and feasibility, to plan for an independent evaluation, to note the existing gap between the community and government, to not forget non-traditional approaches of informing the public and to study problems in the field before advising the public.

[1] It should be noted that a parallel study was conducted with a sample of the general public. It should be interesting to compare the findings of the two studies, which are published in this site.

Participants in the health experts’ survey, by alphabetical order:

  1. Dr  Abdel Rahman Ahmady, Pediatrics, Al Azhar University
  2. Dr  Abdel Moniem Youssef, School Health Administrator in H M ,  M O H   
  3. Dr  Ahmed Nagaty, SRHD Project
  4. Dr  Ahmed Yehia Darwish, Abu El Rish Hospital, Cairo University
  5. Prof  Ahmed Mohamed Abou Hassan, Pediatrics, Cairo University
  6. Dr  Ahmed Saad El-Din El-Beleidy, Pediatrics, Cairo University
  7. Dr  Ahmed Swedan, Pediatrics, Cairo University
  8. Dr  Ahmed Hashem Abd el Aziz, Director General of Urban P H C ,  M O H
  9. Prof  Ahmed Hanafi Mahmoud, Community Medicine, Cairo University
  10. Aisha El Marsafy, Pediatrics, Cairo University
  11. Prof  Amal El-Beshlawy, Pediatrics, Cairo University
  12. Dr  Amin Kamel Said, Head Clinical Nutrition Dept , Nutrition Institute
  13. Prof  Amina Hendawy, Pediatrics and Neurology, Cairo University
  14. Prof  Amira Salem, Pediatrics, Cairo University
  15. Prof  Anissa M  El Hefny, Pediatrics and Clinical Immunology, Cairo University
  16. Prof  Awatef El Mazni, Pediatrics, Cairo University
  17. Prof  Baheia Mostafa, Pediatrics and Nephrology, Cairo University
  18. Professor Bayoumi El Sibaie, Pediatrics, Cairo University
  19. Prof  Bothina M  El Naggar, Pediatrics, Al Azhar University
  20. Mr  Effat Ramadan, N P C  and Executive Director of F O F
  21. Ms  Effat Ibrahim Kamel, Director of the General Nursing Department, M O H
  22. Dr  Entissar M  El Sabbar, General Director of M O H
  23. Dr  F  A  Saleh, Epidemiologist, M O H
  24. Prof  Fadia Mohamed Ali, Pediatrics, Cairo University
  25. Prof  Farida Faried, Pediatrics, Ain Shams University
  26. Dr  Farouk Shaheen, Nutrition Institute
  27. Dr  Fawzan Shaltout, Pediatrics, Cairo University
  28. Prof  Fawzi Gadalla, Community Medicine, Al Azhar University
  29. Prof  Fouad El Behairy, Pediatrics, Al Azhar University
  30. Dr Gamal El Din Abdel Aziz, NCDDP
  31. Prof  Gilane Abd El Hamid Osman, Pediatrics, Ain Shams University
  32. Dr  Hala Fouad, Pediatrics, Cairo University
  33. Dr  Hassan Belal, Head of Communication Department, M O H
  34. Dr  Hamida Mohamed El Gohary, Faculty of Pharmacy, Cairo University
  35. Professor Hekmat El Ghadban, Pediatrics, Cairo University
  36. Dr  Hoda Ibrahim Fahim, Public Health, Ain Shams University
  37. Dr  Hoda Seoud, Pediatrics, Al Azhar University
  38. Dr  Hosni Mohamed Mahrous, Marketing Coordinator, NCDDP
  39. Prof  Hussein El Nahal, Bilharzias Institute
  40. Dr  Ibrahim Fouad, Public Health, Cairo University
  41. Dr  Ibrahim Farrag, Director General of Fever Hospital Dept , M O H
  42. Dr  Ibrahim S  Hegazy, Public Health, Cairo University
  43. Dr  Iman Abd el Salam Seoud, Pediatrics, Cairo University
  44. Dr  Jerry Russell, Public Health, NCDDP
  45. Dr  Kadry Wishahy, Pediatrics, Cairo University
  46. Prof  Karima El Zawahri, Pediatrics, Cairo University
  47. Prof  Laila Mahmoud Kamel, Public Health, Cairo University
  48. Dr  Lamis Ragab, Pediatrics, Cairo University
  49. Dr  Madiha Said Mohamed, Public Health, Cairo University
  50. Dr  Magda Mohamed Fathy, Faculty of Pharmacy, Cairo University
  51. Prof  Magdy El Barbari, Pediatrics, Cairo University
  52. Dr  Maha Moustafa Kamel Mourad, Pediatrics, Cairo University
  53. Prof  Maher Mahran, Secretary General of NPC and OBGYN at Ain Shams University
  54. Dr  Mahi Mahmoud Fahim, Public Health, Ain Shams University
  55. Dr  Mahmoud Radwan Mohamed, Public Health, Ain Shams University
  56. Prof  Mahmoud Essawi, Pediatrics, Ain Shams University
  57. Prof  Mahmoud Taher El Mougi, Pediatrics, Al Azhar University
  58. Prof  Mamdouh Kamel Gabr, Chairman of Pediatrics, Cairo University
  59. Dr  Mansour M  Al Okka, National Control of Diarrheal Disease Project
  60. Prof  Mervat El Rafie, Public Health, Cairo University
  61. Dr  Mogedda Mohammed El Ayoubi, Pediatrics, Cairo University
  62. Dr  Mohamed Naur Abd el Wahab,        General Director of M C H ,  M O H
  63. Dr  Mohamed Said Ibrahim El Sayed, Pediatrics, Cairo University
  64. Dr  Mohamed Atteya, General Director of Health Education and Information
  65. Prof  Mohamed Khayyal, Faculty of Pharmacy, Cairo University
  66. Prof  Mohamed Fouad El Badrawy, Pediatrics, Ain Shams University
  67. Dr  Mohamed El Mosalamy, Public Health, Al Azhar University
  68. Dr  Mohamed Amr Hussein, Nutrition Institute
  69. Dr  Mohamed Galal Mahmoud, Department of Curative Medicine, M O H
  70. Dr  Mohamed Fahmy Ameen, Al Azhar University
  71. Dr  Mohsen Gadallah, Public Health, Ain Shams University
  72. Dr  Mona Hassan El Tagy, Pediatrics, Cairo University
  73. Dr  Mona Soliman Mohamed, Public Health, Cairo University
  74. Dr  Mona Zahran, Bilharzias Institute
  75. Dr  Mostafa Hamami, Vice Minister of M O H  for Primary Health Care and Family Health
  76. Dr  Nadia Mostafa, Pediatrics, Cairo University
  77. Dr  Nahed Amer, Pediatrics, Cairo University
  78. Dr  Nahed Fahmy Helal, Mounira Children’s Hospital
  79. Dr  Naira El Akkad, Pediatrics, Al Azhar University
  80. Dr  Narges Albert Labeeb, Public Health, Cairo University
  81. Dr  Norman Kaddah, Pediatrics, Cairo University
  82. Dr  Osman Galal, Director of the Nutrition Institute
  83. Prof  Rabah Shawky, Pediatrics, Ain Shams University
  84. Dr  Rabha El Shenawy, El Mounira Pediatric Hospital
  85. Prof  Ramzi El Baroudy, Pediatrics, Cairo University
  86. Prof  Saadia Abdel Fattah, Pediatrics, Ain Shams University
  87. Dr  Said Madkour, MCH Specialist, M O H
  88. Prof  Salah Kamel Nassar, Pediatrics, Cairo University
  89. Dr  Salah Madkour, General Director for Communicable Disease Control Dept, M O H
  90. Dr  Salwa Abdel Aziz, Public Health, Cairo University
  91. Prof  Susan Amin El Sokkary, Pediatrics, Ain Shams University
  92. Dr  Samia Nour, Pediatrics, Cairo University
  93. Prof  Samiha Samuel Wissa Doss, Pediatrics, Cairo University
  94. Dr  Sanaa Ahmed Aly, Pediatrics, Cairo University
  95. Dr  Sowsan Abd El Hady Hassan, Pediatrics, Cairo University
  96. Prof  Sayed Hilal, Dean of Faculty of Pharmacy, Cairo University
  97. Prof  Shafika Saleh Nasser, Community Medicine, Cairo University
  98. Prof  Soad Ishaac Wahba, Pediatrics, Cairo University
  99. Prof  Taha S  El Alfy, Faculty of Pharmacy, Cairo University
  100. Dr  Wafaa Moussa, The Nutrition Institute

Media and Health Education Conference, Etap Hotel, Ismailia, Egypt

                    January 10 and 11, 1986

Summary of Conference Recommendations

Participants of the “Mass Media and Health Education Conference” that was held in Ismailia on January 10 and 11, 1986, reviewed and discussed the “Sehettak Biddonia Project.” They examined the Project’s components and focused on baseline studies[i] which were conducted by the Center for Development Communication (CDC).  Participants held extensive discussions and formulated specific remarks about and recommendations for the project.

Participants strongly support the Sehettak Biddonia Project’s scientific and systematic approach of using communications and social marketing techniques to improve the public’s health standards and quality of life through this health education program. They also assert that the Project significantly contributes to national development as it addresses a real need for public information on health issues.  The participants emphasize that the project would lead to improved health whcich benefits every citizen whether (s)he be a woman, man, or child.

This is a summary of the recommendations for the Sehettak Biddonia Project, as outlined by the participants in this “Media and Health Education Conference.” organized by CDC and the donors of the project.

A.   Pool of Health Issues and Problems

The conference participants pointed out a valuable source of health issues for the Sehettak Biddonia Program to focus on which is the extensive “Health Profile Survey”, conducted by the Ministry of Health.  Other sources are the results of the 100 health experts and 900 mothers surveyed by CDC as well as the Mass Media and Health Education Conference itself.

B.   Criteria for Establishing Health Priorities

The workshop participants maintain that criteria for establishing health priorities include the following:

  1. Prevalence
  2. Severity (causing death / disability)
  3. Community concern
  4. Social impact
  5. Can be affected by information
  6. Preventability (health problems that can be prevented by behavioral change)
  7. Existing Infrastructure (issues which have an existing health services infrastructure takes higher priority over those that require creating new services.)

Health problems and issues should be given scores on each of the above criterion and prioritized according to the order of those scores. The issue with the highest score takes highest priority.

C.  Scoring

Participants recommend that CDC evaluate and prioritize health problems and issues in the way described above. They further recommend that the draft be evaluated by judges comprised of experts identified by CDC and the Ismailia Workshop participants.

D.  Health Issues of Highest Priority

Participants ranked health issues according to the priority in which issues should be covered by the Sehettak Biddonia Program.  It was agreed that the following four issues take highest priority:

  1. Immunization: campaigns should aim to fortify the present immunization schedule and program
  2. Malnutrition of children and adults
  3. Personal hygiene
  4. Reproductive health

Additional priorities will be established through the process described in A, B, and C, above.

E.   Supportive Infrastructure

Participants believe several factors , which are beyond the control of the project, can reinforce the “Sehettak Biddonia” project impact:

     1.  Continuing improvement of the health delivery system in these areas: 

  1. Management
  2. Nursing
  3. Service quality
  4. Equipment
  5. Health professionals’ continuous in – service training

     2.  Communication messages should be synchronized with service availability.

F.   The Socioeconomic Environment

The following socioeconomic factors positively or negatively affect the four health issues in `D’ above should be considered when designing messages:

  • income
  • economic constraints
  • traditional modes of production
  • beliefs
  • level of health information already possessed
  • status of women
  • child labor exploitation
  • level of formal education 
  • Interrelations between the four health issues

G.   Target Audience

  • Illiterates and low-income level groups will be especially targeted.
  • Some messages will mainly address women
  • Some messages will target men
  • Some messages will be aimed at all family members

The detailed report also includes comments that have been given throughout the conference and elaborated upon during group discussions and presentations.


[i] The baseline studies reviewed by conference participants were: 1) “Highlights of the Health Experts Survey on Basic Health Issues in Egypt; and 2) “Highlights of Mothers’ Knowledge, Attitude, and Practice Survey on Basic Child Survival Communication Issues.”

List of People Invited to Attend the Conference According to Alphabetical Order of First Names:

  1. Dr. Ahmed Nagaty, Strengthening the Rural Delivery System, MOH
  2. Mr. Ahmed Bahaa el Din, Writer, Al Ahram Newspaper
  3. Dr. Ahmed Foad el Sherbini, Professor and Dean of Public Health Institute, Alexandria
  4. Dr. Ahmed Khasab, Professor of Pediatrics, Benha University
  5. Dr. Ali Agwa, Vice Dean, Faculty of Communications, Cairo University
  6. Ms. Amal Mikawy, Director of Channel One, Television
  7. Ms. Ann Crowly, Catholic Relief Services
  8. Mrs. Aziza Hussein, Cairo Family Planning Association
  9. Dr. Barbara Ibrahim, Ford Foundation
  10. Ms. Connie Collins, Child Diarrheal Disease Control, United States Agency for International Development
  11. Mr. Edward Lannert, Country Representative, UNICEF
  12. Mr. Effat Ramadan, National Population Council and Director of F.O.F.
  13. Mrs. Elham Fateem, F.O.F. Research Department Director
  14. Dr. Ez el Din Osman, Professor and Head of Gynecology and Director of Fertility Care
  15. Mr. Fahmy Omar, President of Egypt Radio
  16. Dr. Fahyma Mohamed Hassan, Menoufia University, Pediatrics
  17. Dr. Farouk Abou Zeid, Cairo University
  18. Dr. Farouk Shaheen, Nutrition Education Project
  19. Dr. Fawzy Gadallah, Prof. of Community Medicine, Al Azhar Univ.
  20. Dr. Reginald Gibson, Oral Rehydration Therapy
  21. Dr. Gihan Rashty, Vice Dean of Communications & Head of Radio Dept., Cairo Univ.
  22. Dr. Gilane Abd el Hamid Osman, Professor of Pediatrics, Ain Shams University
  23. Dr. Hassan Belal. Head of Communications, M.O.H.
  24. Mrs. Hind Khattab, American University in Cairo
  25. Dr. Hosein Amer, Head of Epidemic Control, M.O.H.
  26. Dr. Ibrahim el Kerdany, UNICEF
  27. Dr. Jerry Russell, John Snow, Inc./ NCDDP
  28. Dr. Judy Barslow,Ford Foundation
  29. Dr. Kamal Ismail, Security Department, M.O.H.
  30. Dr. Laftaya el Sabaa, Egypt Television
  31. Dr. Laila Mahmoud Kamel, Professor of Public Health, Cairo University
  32. Dr. Lee Travers, Ford Foundation
  33. Ms. Liz Taylor, National Population Council
  34. Dr. Maher Mahran, National Population Council
  35. Mr. Khashab Matheme, UNICEF
  36. Dr. Mahmoud Essawi, Professor of Pediatrics, Ain Shams University
  37. Dr. Mahmoud Taher el Mougi, Professor of Pediatrics, Al Azhar University
  38. Dr. Mahmoud Hafez, Professor of Pediatrics, Zagazig University
  39. Dr. Mamdouh Gabr, Director of Pediatrics, Abou Elrish Hospital, Cairo Univ.
  40. Dr. Mansour el Okka, Oral Rehydration Therapy
  41. Ms. Marlene Kanawati, Oxfam
  42. Dr. Martin Ochs, Chairperson, Mass Communications Unit, American University in Cairo
  43. Dr. Mervat el Rafie, Professor of Public Health, Cairo University
  44. Dr. Moukhtar el Tohamy, Dean of Communications, Cairo University
  45. Mr. Moustafa el Anany, Director of Health Programs, Television
  46. Dr. Moustafa Hamami, Vice Minister of M.O.H. for Primary Health Care and Family Health
  47. Dr. Nabil Younis, Gynecologist, Al Azhar
  48. Dr. Nadia Farah, Coordinator of Woman’s Health Book Project
  49. Ms. Nagwa Farag, UNICEF
  50. Dr. Naira el Akkad, Professor of Pediatrics, Al Azhar University
  51. Dr. Olfat Kamel, Professor of Public Health, Mansoura University
  52. Dr. Refeit Kamal, El Akhbar Newspaper
  53. Dr. Saadia Abd el Fatah, Prof. of Pediatrics, Ain Shams Univ.
  54. Dr. Said Ewaase, MOHP
  55. Dr. Salah Madkour, Director General for Communicable Diseases Control Department
  56. Ms. Samia Sadek, President of Egypt Television
  57. Dr. Samiha Gabriel, Director of Censorship, Television
  58. Dr. Samiha El Katsha, American University in Cairo
  59. Dr. Sarah Loza, SPAAC Research
  60. Dr. Shafika Salh Nasser, Professor of Public Health, Cairo University
  61. Dr. Sayed Hilal, Dean of Pharmacy, Cairo University
  62. Dr. Soad Hussein, Professor and Director of Nursing Institute, Assyut University
  63. Dr. Sobhy Moharram, UNICEF
  64. Ms. Susan Kline, John Snow, Inc. / NCDDP
  65. Dr. Youssef Adrees, Writer, Al Ahram Newspaper

CDC Staff

  1. Dr. Farag Elkamel, Founder & President
  2. Abdel Fattah Abdel Bary
  3. Dr. Fayka Bakr
  4. Nerman El-Hiny
  5. Walaa Amer
  6. Nadia Kamal
  7. Faten Hassouna
  8. Shaker Elkamel
  9. Tanya Kangas
  10. Ghada Sleem

Impact of the Sehettak Biddonia Project

Several pulications document the impact of this pioneering project. These are included elsewhere in this site:

https://elkamel.wordpress.com/2017/04/25/the-use-of-television-series-in-health-education/

https://elkamel.wordpress.com/2017/04/25/soap-operas-may-be-good-for-health/

https://idl-bnc-idrc.dspacedirect.org/bitstream/handle/10625/22955/109032.pdf?sequence=1

https://elkamel.wordpress.com/2017/04/25/idrc-health-the-soap-opera-version/

Egypt’s Triumph with Oral Rehydration Treatment (ORT)

By Farag Elkamel, PhD

The NCDDP and ORT Campaign Logo
Introduction

The River Nile is the very lifeline of Egypt. Each drop of its water brings verdant life to the land and its people. There can be no life without the water which the river provides. The Egyptian farmer, who has cultivated this land for seven thousand years, knows this very well.  He calls drought “Gafaf”. This word has therefore become the most appropriate description for the loss of bodily fluids and electrolytes necessary for life to continue, that is, dehydration.

Since the television advertising campaign for oral rehydration started in 1984, the Arabic word (Gafaf) which previously referred only to drought has come to mean bodily dehydration. The concept of dehydration became so well known due to television advertising, “that school children, when asked in their final exams in 1986, to write an essay on the drought, wrote instead, on child dehydration.”[1]

Until 1983, Egypt annually lost about 150,000 children due to dehydration. This accounted for half the deaths of children under five.[2] This tragedy can be averted by treatment with a simple mixture of salt, sugar, and water. This mixture is called Oral Rehydration Solution (ORS) which was made available in all hospitals and primary healthcare centers in Egypt since1977. The situation before the National Control of Diarrheal Diseases Project started its activities in 1983 was as follows:

Figure (1) The old one-liter ORS packet
  1. ORS was supplied by UNICEF and WHO, and local facilities necessary to produce the required amounts of ORS to meet the real need were not available. Furthermore, the size of the available ORS packets was intended for use at health facilities as it requires a liter of water to be dissolved in with the intention of rehydrating several children simultaneously.
  2. The majority of physicians in Egypt, including pediatricians, did not believe in oral rehydration therapy and depended on intravenous solution in the treatment of dehydration. They also advised mothers to stop breastfeeding and food for twenty four hours or more, and heavily prescribed antibiotics and ant diarrheal medications.
  3. The majority of mothers did not know what dehydration was, neither were there aware of the oral rehydration treatment (ORT). In addition, they and used various incorrect methods to treat diarrhea, including depriving the child with diarrhea from liquids altogether.
  4. Services for the treatment of dehydration were not available in all health centers nationwide.
NCDDP and Oral Rehydration Therapy (ORT) Campaign (1983-1989)

National Control of Diarrheal Diseases Project (NCDDP) began in 1983 as a social marketing project with the objective of producing, distributing, and promoting ORS in order to reduce infant mortality caused by dehydration. When I started the job as technical adviser and director of the communication campaign, , the project had been in place for a few weeks. Some plans had already begun. Two important decisions had been made that concern the communication strategy: the first was to start a pilot campaign in the northern city of Alexandria that focused on the use of radio, and the second was the establishment of a communication committee that included some ministry of health officials as well as press reporters. Eventually, I challenged and changed both plans. In fact I radically changed other project strategies as well.

First, I realized after one meeting with the “communication committee”, which was already in place before I started the job, that it was more of a committee of beneficiaries. When we discussed the communication strategy during the meeting, each reporter adamantly insisted that the campaign can only succeed if a daily or weekly advertisement is placed in their newspaper or magazine. Representatives of the ministry of health in the committee didn’t object.Press reporters were very important for the ministry. They cooperate in publishing favorable reports and news on the ministry and the Minister himself.

However, the vast majority of the project’s target audience didn’t read those newspapers or magazines. I was quite sure of that because only three years before, I had just undertaken a major national survey that explored media habits of the Egyptian public in great detail. I explained to the project leadership that the committee represents a case of conflict of interest, and suggested to him that it should be abolished. I was pleasantly surprised that he agreed.

In addition to print media, the survey also showed that radio was losing ground to television in Egypt. When I joined the project, I discovered that its communication strategy had identified radio as the main medium to reach mothers. The “American Adviser” was the “Academy for Educational Development (AED) who dispatched Elizabeth Booth to plan and implement the first pilot radio campaign in the northern city of Alexandria, using that city’s local radio station.

But I developed a new communication strategy[3] that specifically stated that television advertising “will prove to be the most effective activity in reaching the target audience”[4] which consisted primarily of mothers of children below five. This expectation was based on the fact that television sets existed in over 90 percent of Egyptian households, and TV. was watched especially more regularly by the rural and poor segments of the target audience, the majority of which is illiterate, and cannot be reached through print media. While I disagreed with the existing plans, I had to supervise the implementation of that pilot campaign, but worked on an alternative communication strategy. Following is the communication strategy which I drafted for the project in August 1983. It should be indicated here that this revised strategy was based on the theoretical framework presented in the author’s model of “knowledge and Social Change”[5] The model, its applications and methodology are reviewed elsewhere[6] and is illustrated in the diagram shown above.

The Revised Communication Strategy

I. OBJECTIVES

To teach, persuade, and change the behaviors of (a) all mothers of children under five, and (b) other specific target groups, especially health personnel, mass media reporters, and decision makers, with regard to the management of diarrhea and dehydration. In order to attain these objectives, these audiences must be infirmed in both efficient and effective ways. Information which must reach these audiences can be classified into three types of knowledge;

A. AWARENESS-KNOWLEDGE

  1. Diarrhea is a disease which can lead to more serious ones.
  2. Two kinds of diarrhea are known to exist. The serious one is watery diarrhea or “eshal zayy el mayyia,” which is usually accompanied by vomiting and gastroenteritis or “nazla maawia.”
  3. Diarrhea can lead to dehydration “gafaf” which is very serious and can lead to death.
  4. There are different degrees of “gafaf.” “Gafaf” is easier to treat in its early stages.
  5. Only serious “gafaf” needs special treatment in hospitals and health centers. Mild cases can be treated by mothers at home.
  6. You will be able to recognize it if your child has gafaf. The child will vomit, will have sunken eyes, dry skin, no appetite, and will be weak.

B. HOW-TO-KNOWLEDGE

  1. Complications of diarrhea can be prevented if the child is given plenty of liquids during diarrhea.
  2. Food and/or breast milk must continue during diarrhea to give the child strength.
  3. Examples of liquids to give the child during diarrhea are soups, juices, or soft drinks. Examples of food to give are vegetables, fruit, and rice.
  4. Children who have watery diarrhea “eshal zayy el mayyia” must take ORS “Mahloul Moaalget el Gafaf (MMG).” You can buy this “Mahloul” from the pharmacy for a few piasters, or even get it free from hospitals and MCH centers.
  5. You must dissolve the MMG solution right; otherwise it will not be effective. To be sure, read the instructions on the box and ask your doctor, pharmacist, or nurse to tell you how to dissolve the solution right.
  6. Give your child the solution slowly and gradually, not in large quantities at once. Give at least two full spoons every five minutes.
  7. Gafaf can be very serious. If your child is constantly vomiting and looks very dehydrated, it must be taken to a doctor or hospital at once.

C. PRINCIPLES-KNOWLEDGE

  1. Diarrhea may be caused by viruses, bacteria, parasites, etc. Factors that make it prevail include poor personal hygiene, poor food preparation, contaminated water, and flies.
  2. Dehydration is the loss of body fluids and essential salts and minerals. This happens because of acute diarrhea. Unless restored, this loss of body fluids, salts, and minerals seriously affects the fragile body of the child, resulting, perhaps, in death.
  3. NMG will restore the child’s appetite to eat; and food and milk will strengthen the child. MMG, food, and liquids restore the lost body fluids, salts, and minerals, thereby protecting child against dehydration.
  4. Certain kinds of food will also help stop diarrhea faster, in addition, of course, to strengthening the fragile body of the child.
  5. When your child has diarrhea, your first worry should be to prevent dehydration, not to stop diarrhea. Diarrhea will eventually stop, but depending on what you do, your child may or may not get gafaf, which is your child’s number one enemy.
  6. Severe dehydration can negatively affect the health of a child, his growth, and his mental development. A good and loving mother therefore never lets her child get dehydrated.

Il. CHANNELS OF COMMUNICATION

Characteristics of the main target audience (mothers of children under five) are pretty well known. The majority are illiterate and live in low-income urban areas. Only wise and planned use of communication will enable them to get the project messages outlined above. There is enough evidence from different media surveys conducted in Egypt to prove that only innovative social marketing techniques would succeed in reaching the target audience.

Print media, as well as health programs on radio and television should be used very lightly and with extreme caution, because they reach a small, and a particular segment of the target audience. Advertising in the print media should be kept at an absolute minimum, if at all. Interpersonal communication should be utilized in teaching doctors, pharmacists, social workers, as well as other health personnel.

The following social marketing activities should be carried out either directly by the project or through competitive bidding according to specific Requests for Proposals (RFP’s) issued by the NCDD Project:

  1. Development and production of audio-visual aids and other training materials for doctors, pharmacists, and other health personnel.
  2. Development and production of radio and television spots and special programs for the main target audience.
  3. Development and production of booklets, posters, pamphlets, billboards, etc.
  4. Planning and organization of national and regional conferences for doctors, pharmacists, and other health related decision makers and national and community leaders.
  5. Design and execution of special person-to-person communication campaigns with particular groups and in problem areas.
  6. Development, production, and distribution of certain point-of-sale and promotional items.
  7. Securing and producing testimonials advocating ORT by prominent doctors and famous personalities.

III. GUIDELINES FOR SOCIAL MARKETING

A. Message Design.

Characteristics of the main target audience will have to be observed in designing social marketing communication. Messages must be appealing to this general audience, and the information contained in the message should be clear and phrased in simple, non-technical, colloquial Arabic.

B. Format and Time of Broadcast

Time of broadcast can be very decisive in affecting the success of spots and special programs to reach the target audience. It is important to note that the most popular format both on radio and television is drama, a fact which can be exploited by the project in at least two ways. First, ORT messages, spots, and special programs would perhaps attract a larger audience if produced in the form of drama. Second, any spots, commercials, or special messages will reach more viewers and listeners if aired during, before, or immediately following soap operas, movies, or ether popular entertainment programs and shows.

C. Theme

All ORT messages communicated by the NCDD project should be designed to appeal to mothers, who should be described as caring, loving, and smart, and certainly not as negligible or ignorant. In communicating with doctors and other “elite” target groups, the theme should be the scientific or medical “revolution” resulting from ORT.

IV. ORGANIZATION OF CAMPAIGN ELEMENTS

In addition to person-to-person communication as described above, the project’s mass communication activities can be classified into four rather different elements which complement each other:

  1. News releases and public relations on behalf of the project. This campaign activity involves the publication and broadcast of feature stories and news highlighting project activities, the opening of rehydration centers, conferences and seminars sponsored by the project, etc. While this aspect of project communication activities may best be handled by the ministry of health information office, very close supervision by the NCDD project is essential.
  2. Integration of ORT messages into existing media programs. Each radio or television station has its own health programs as well as other much more popular programs. Both may be used to diffuse ORT messages. The press also has different health and family sections which typically discuss different health issues. The first order of business should be to educate reporters and producers about Oral Rehydration and motivate them to address the subject matter in their programs. Second, detailed arrangements should be made with selected programs, within a general framework, to integrate ORT into the subjects addressed in these programs. Different approaches will be required for the health and the general / popular programs. This aspect of the program communication effort must be undertaken directly by the project with the media personnel involved. The project should provide the content, approach, and means to pretest the material and evaluate its impact, the production being left to the media people as their responsibility in close coordination with the project. It should be mentioned here that as the audience of the specialized health programs, sections, and magazines is relatively much smaller, and is of a particular quality, emphasis should be more on popular programs and less on health programs, sections, or publications.
  3. Specially-produced programs. The project should start negotiations with one or two radio stations and make arrangements to produce and broadcast “Al Om Al Waaia” (The Aware Mother) program nationally. The program should be put on the radio during the peak of the diarrhea season, and should include competitions and prizes for listeners who follow the program regularly and can answer specific questions on the subject matter. The program would be publicized intensively through spot announcements few times a day which should be inserted before or immediately after other programs that are most popular among the target audience. While the same may be done on television, the cost could be prohibitive. An ideal arrangement would involve rerunning the program on additional radio stations, but such an arrangement may be quite difficult. For literate audiences, the same idea can be implemented, where print supplements or sections may be edited in direct cooperation with the project. While the NCDD project should subsidize the production of such programs or press sections, it should not by any means waste the project funds on buying newspaper space or radio air time for these specially produced programs. They are not to be confused with advertising.
  4. Social Marketing. By far, this will prove to be the most effective activity in reaching the target audience, different, but small segments of which are reached through the other communication campaign elements outlined above. Since the project does not have the means to produce communication material, this activity will have to be accomplished through the cooperation of three parties. First, the NCDD project must assume overall responsibility. Content development, pretest of ideas and of material at different stages of the production, approval of scripts and storyboards and evaluation of effect are typical NCDD project responsibilities. Second, radio and television officials should be involved at different stages, such that a sense of involvement develops among them, which would make the broadcasting of project messages more possible. These people or some of them at least, have good judgments of what does or does not work. Third, the actual filming and production should be contracted out to one or more of the public or private agencies specialized in quality production of audio, video, or print material. Such contractors, however, will have to be closely coached by the project, mainly because almost all possible contractors have little, if any, experience in social marketing communication, and have little experience in communication with the kind of audience the project seeks to reach.

V. Pretest, Evaluation, and Monitoring.

Two types of pretest of campaign material are advised, of course in addition to pretest among in-house experts. First, a pretest must be done with key experts in the technique being used (e.g., audio, video, photography, drama, etc.) Second, all material must be pretested among relatively small samples of the target audience. Both types of pretest may be repeated at different stages of the production. The NCDD project should assume the primary responsibility for pretesting.

Monitoring techniques will vary according to the kind of communication activity. For example, while the ministry of health information office could be responsible for sending copies of each of the news releases it manages to get printed on behalf of the project; other activities may require the specific attention of one or more persons on the NCDD project staff. Detailed monitoring schemes should be devised in conjunction with each activity.

Evaluation, both of the process and the impact should be undertaken both by the project itself and by outside contractors. Evaluation reports submitted by contractors on the project’s request may not substitute for the project conducting its own evaluations of different communication activities.

The Pilot Campaign 
Figure (2) The “Aware Mother” booklet

This three months pilot campaign was launched in Alexandria between August and October of 1983. The campaign relied heavily on radio, where a new show in the local Alexandria radio station devoted a daily 15-minute program for ORT. This “Aware Mother” (Al Om Al Waaia)radio program differed from typical health programs on Egyptian radio stations in at least two ways. First, the program employed different popular formats, especially drama, songs, prize competitions, and interviews with mothers. Second, the program and its material were based on audience research and included pretests of materials before broadcast.

In addition to radio, the campaign included the use of billboards, posters, stickers, flyers, as well as interpersonal communication, where a well known movie and TV star, Fouad El Mohandis, along with eminent pediatricians held ten rallies in selected sites all over Alexandria. The campaign also included the promotion of ORS in all Alexandria pharmacies.

The main messages in this pilot campaign focused on introducing the concept of dehydration, explaining its signs and seriousness, importance of continued nutrition and breastfeeding during diarrhea episodes, giving plenty of liquids, and taking the child to a hospital or health center to be given ORS, since ORS packets were not sufficiently available for home-use at that point. The campaign did not discuss mixing of ORS, since the NCDDP was in the process of changing the packet size from the then existing 27.5 grams to a smaller 5.5 gram packet. Furthermore, the project needed time in order to supply health centers all over the country with ORS packets, to avoid any shortages when demand is increased as a result of the campaign.

Fouad El Mohandis was the celebrity in the public rallies in Alexandria, as per the contract that NCDDP had concluded with an advertising agency right before I joined the project. He did quite well in the rallies, despite the fact that the agency was much disorganized and didn’t handle the events well enough. In one instance at the beginning of the rallies, he actually fainted and was almost suffocated by the crowds, because the agency under-estimated the size of the crowds that he would attract. Even though it was their job, I had to step in and request that he would be on an elevated stage rather than being on the same ground level with the crowds. Since the agency had no plans to build a stage. To save the day, I moved him to a first floor balcony where he could speak to the crowds who gathered right outside the building.

Television was a part of the pilot campaign, but was not used until the last week of January 1984, when a two-week TV campaign was launched, using three TV spots featuring the same celebrity, Fouad El Mohandis. This part of the pilot campaign had to lag behind the other communication components because using TV meant going national, since Alexandria did not have a local television station at that time.

This pilot TV campaign too did not include messages on the mixing of ORS, but focused instead on encouraging parents to take their children to health centers or hospitals. The reason was that the smaller packets of ORS had not yet been produced or made sufficiently available for home use. The campaign, however, emphasized the seriousness of dehydration, showed its signs, and stressed the need to continue feeding during diarrhea episodes.

Figure (3) 1st TV spot by Fouad El-Mohandis

Even though the contract with the advertising agency was approved by the ministry of health officials in August 1983, they suddenly became quite adamant in refusing to approve the appearance of Fouad El Mohandis in the spots. Their excuse was that he was an actor, and even worse, from their point of view, a comedian! We had to eventually make a compromise with them such that he would be introduced in the spot by a well-known pediatrician, Dr. Gameel Wali, who states in the beginning of the spot that he had explained the subject of dehydration to this well liked actor who would in turn rephrase that explanation in his own words! Those were the early days of using TV spots for health promotion, and the concept of using actors, let alone comedians to spread such messages was virtually unknown.

Following is a translation of the sound track of that very first TV spot in the campaign, which can be viewed here: https://youtu.be/7IW40sBu3OE

Dr. Gameel Waly, Pediatrician:

“Mr. Fouad El-Mohandis asked me about the dangers of dehydration (gafaf) that threatens our children nowadays. After I explained the subject to him, we will listen now to how he explains the dangers of dehydration in his nice way.”

Fouad El-Mohandis:

“Good evening to you, mother of the little one.

I have a few words for you                            

And my aim is for you to take care                

And keep your eyes on your beloved baby                

I want to speak with you about the dangers of child dehydration

Dehydration is caused by watery diarrhea or gastroenteritis                                                          

It makes the child, God forbid, like a squeezed orange or dried out sugar cane

His eyes are withered and sunken     

His skin is dry            

Always thirsty, weak and lethargic               

These are the signs of dehydration that is caused by diarrhea         

So what is the solution?                     

The solution is the oral rehydration solution!                                  

This solution compensates the child for all the liquids he lost                                             

And in a very short time                    

The child shines and becomes healthy again            

Oral Rehydration Solution is available at hospitals,             

Health units               

And pharmacies                     

Therefore

The solution is in the solution                       

And the solution is the solution!

The pilot campaign conveyed “the following basic messages: (1) Give plenty of liquids (especially soups and juices) and continue breastfeeding your child if he/she has diarrhea; (2) Watery diarrhea and gastro-enteritis cause dehydration which can lead to death of the child; (3) Recognize the signs of dehydration: weakness, vomiting, high temperature, loss of appetite, and sunken eyes; (4) Take your child immediately to a hospital which has a special unit to treat dehydration if you recognize any of the signs of dehydration; (5) Continue to feed your child if he/she has diarrhea; and (6) Advantages of ORS, where to obtain it, and illustration of its impact.”[7]

In May 1983 and before any communication effort was undertaken by NCDDP, a baseline survey of 2100 mothers was conducted in Alexandria. In December 1983, after the pilot campaign, but before the TV spots were aired, another survey of 525 mothers was also conducted in Alexandria. A third survey took place in March 1984, soon after the pilot TV campaign was launched. In all three surveys, key indicators of oral rehydration therapy (ORT), which includes giving ORS, continued feeding, giving liquids, and breastfeeding during diarrhea episodes, were measured, and a comparison of the results was crucial in shaping the project’s communication strategy and plans for years to come. Following are these key indicators[8] which have confirmed the validity and usefulness of the revised communication strategy and the theoretical framework which has been discussed earlier.

Table (1) Knowledge and Practice of Oral Rehydration Therapy in Alexandria 1983-1984

Knowledge/Behavior IndicatorMay 1983December 1983March 1984
Knowledge: When to give ORS1.512.451.4
Knowledge to continue breastfeeding3.021.764.6
Knowledge to continue feeding6.130.541.1
Knowledge to give liquids27.157.568.9
Knowledge to visit doctor/hospital33.494.793.1
Behavior: Ever use of ORS1.036.2

While the three months pilot campaign, without television, had a good impact on the knowledge of target mothers, television spots which ran for only two weeks had even a greater impact, particularly on “how to use” ORS and on behavior. The first lesson learnt from the pilot campaign, therefore, was the confirmation of the revised strategy premise that television would be more effective than any other media. As mentioned before, television viewership in Egypt had reached over 90% of the mothers in 1984.[9]

The National Campaign:

Figure (4) Farag Elkamel coaching campaign star Karima Mukhtar

A series of focus group discussions were conducted on samples of target mothers and also on physicians revealed the need to make another strategic change. We found that while mothers liked the pilot campaign star, Fouad El Mohandis, but also discovered that a sizable minority of physicians were critical of him, not because he said anything medically wrong, but because he was a “Comedian”! Even though mothers, the primary target audience, were pleased with him, we thought it was best to identify another “spokesperson” that would enjoy a more popular liking. The person identified through focus group studies was Karima Mukhtar, a movie and soap opera star who usually plays the role of a good loving mother. This choice has proved to be an excellent one for the campaign, except that she was reluctant to appear on TV commercials which she had not done before. I was fortunate that Moaatz, her son was a student of mine at Cairo University. He helped me convince her that this campaign was going to be good for her name, which turned out to be very true. She in fact succeeded in making the Egyptian audience trust her advice to the extent that many women would ask pharmacists to sell them Mrs. Karima’s packet “Bako el Set Karima” instead of saying the official name for the ORS packet.

Karima Mukhtar appeared in the national TV campaign that was launched in September 1984, after the smaller ORS packets had been produced and distributed to virtually all health centers and pharmacies in Egypt. In addition to key messages from the pilot campaign, this national one introduced the new product and included instructions on its proper mixing and management. It also included one television spot on the prevention of diarrhea. Having had the confirmation from the pilot campaign that television was the most appropriate public information channel in Egypt for the target mothers, most of whom are illiterate but own TV sets, this medium received more attention in the plan than others, and most of the budget was allocated to production and airing of TV spots. On the other hand, a small portion of the budget was allocated to other media. The sound track of the TV spots was used to air the spots on the radio. Additionally, one hundred 3 by 5 meter billboards were placed in key locations near major rehydration centers all over the country, and a poster was placed in most pharmacies and health centers.

Karima Mukhtar was replaced after two years with other talents including actors, singers, folk musicians, as well as ordinary parents and healthcare providers who provided testimonials that helped consolidate the campaign impact on knowledge and attitudes. This is a link to all TV spots (59) that have been produced and aired between 1983 and 1989: https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLxwmH-xqgi_ev7qMgEEiGxf0XbKBv5fV3

Knowledge, attitude, and practice surveys

National surveys[10] were conducted annually at the end of each diarrhoea season in a randomly chosen 1,100-household subset of the cluster samples and 400 households selected from low income clusters in Cairo. The study conducted after this first national campaign yielded very encouraging results, since it showed knowledge of ORS to have reached over 90 percent of mothers. Actual use of ORS after the campaign jumped to over 60 percent.[11] A series of annual campaigns followed this one. At the end of each campaign, both survey and focus group studies were conducted, which served to identify the campaign impact as well as new needs for additional messages.

The objective of the second campaign was to move beyond creating awareness of the danger of dehydration and the importance of oral rehydration, to teaching mothers specific skills, such as the use and management of ORS, proper nutrition, and the importance giving fluids during diarrhea. The third campaign was characterized by the appearance of real mothers and fathers in television messages. This series of commercials served to reinforce the information introduced in the previous campaigns especially that related to the administration of ORS. The fourth campaign addressed basic issues that had previously been postponed, such as the management of breastfeeding, personal and domestic hygiene, correct weaning practices, immunization against measles, and proper food preparation and cleanliness.

The media campaign mainly addressed the mother, especially in rural and poor urban areas, and in fact featured real mothers from different socioeconomic backgrounds. In addition, the campaign also emphasized the role of the father, grandmothers, doctors and pharmacists. Even children were also addressed, as it is known that, in Egypt, older children often assume responsibility for younger siblings.

Healthcare Providers

Contrary to the simple belief that everyone in Egypt, particularly healthcare providers would be on board to support oral rehydration in order to save the thousands of children who die every day because of dehydration, most of the doctors and pharmacists were initially against ORS for various reasons. Some opposed it due to ignorance and others because of opposing vested interests. We could not afford alienating healthcare providers, but we also had to change their beliefs, attitudes, and practices. This was quite a thin robe to walk on!

The main cause of the problem was that oral rehydration therapy was introduced in the curricula of medical schools at Egyptian universities only since 1983, so the vast majority of Egyptian physicians had not been therefore taught the ORT protocol. What they were taught was to give intravenous therapy, which was in fact too expensive and not available except in limited urban areas.

Furthermore, physicians excessively prescribed antibiotics and anti-diarrheal medications, which were also expensive and useless in preventing child dehydration that was the actual killer of children with diarrhea. On the other hand, pharmacists had a vested interest in recommending and selling those expensive and useless drugs, because their profit margin was dramatically much higher than ORS which was so much cheaper. Some negative comments on ORS were raised by some members of the pharmacists’ syndicate, but an extreme case of opposition to the campaign was that of a popular pediatrician in the Cairo district of Shobra, who was a pioneer in using intravenous solutions to treat dehydration. After the ORS media campaign began, he fought it so hard that he would stand on the balcony of his clinic and use a megaphone to advise passersby against using ORS.

A main objective of the communication campaign therefore was to inform physicians and pharmacists of the medical revolution that had taken place after the recent invention of oral rehydration solution, and to explain to them the benefits of using it. Furthermore, they had to be made aware that other drugs which they often prescribed were often useless in most cases of diarrhea.

Among the materials that were produced for physicians and pharmacists in the national campaign was an education film featuring the head of the medical syndicate, Dr. Mamdouh Gabr, who was also prominent pediatrician and former minister of health, with the heads of pediatrics departments in the leading Egyptian universities. Other materials included slides, booklets, treatment charts, and other training materials that were used in training workshops for healthcare providers. Both the Medical Syndicate and the Egyptian Pediatrics Society published newspaper advertisements in support of ORS, upon our appeal for help.

But this was not all. A secret weapon was deployed in the campaign to overcome the reluctance of healthcare providers to prescribe or advocate ORS. We benefitted from the great credibility that our campaign star has with mothers to pressure doctors in an indirect but very effective way. In a TV spot we let her say one of the most, if not the most important sentences in the entire campaign. She says to her neighbor: “take your daughter to the doctor, and he will prescribe ORS.” This one sentence has put so much pressure on doctors, and pharmacists as they are also called “doctors” in Egypt. They had to prescribe ORS or face the possible accusation by mothers that they weren’t “good” doctors, given the fact that Karima Mukhtar had more credibility with mothers than the minister of health himself, as one leading ministry of health admitted to me. Doctors had to cooperate with the campaign messages as they certainly didn’t wish to appear less knowledgeable or less caring than Karima Mukhtar. This particular TV spot can be viewed here: https://youtu.be/TrJlChZVwKw.

The Dilemma of Cups and Bottles
poster in pharmacies and health units

Between 1984 and 1990, over 60 television spots were designed, produced, and aired. These spots covered various issues such as defining dehydration, its signs and seriousness, how to prevent and treat it with ORS, how to mix and administer ORS, feeding during and after a diarrhea episode, prevention of diarrhea, rational use of other drugs and correct weaning practices. Each one of the TV spots was developed on the basis of research conducted before and after each annual media campaign, and was subjected to pretest among samples of the target audience.

We faced a real challenge with regards to the message on proper mixing of the ORS solution. This was due to the fact that the packet of ORS powder had to be dissolved in exactly 200cc of water, as it could be useless if dissolved in more water, and may actually harm the child if it was dissolved in much less water. The NCDDP commissioned a study to investigate whether or not there was a standard cup or glass in all households which could be used to measure the right amount of water. Unfortunately, there was none. We were indeed sweating over this dilemma, when I found the answer by mere chance, as I was watching a commercial on TV for one kind of soft drinks. The commercial was making the point that it was more economical to buy the one liter bottle because it holds as much as five small bottles, but is sold for the price of only four. This is when I shouted the famous scream: “I found it!” Given the fact that small soft drink bottles were available everywhere in Egypt, the message to use an empty one to measure the 200cc water needed for the ORS to be mixed correctly and safely has proved to be an essential and perhaps a life-saving one. At a later stage, the project produced 200cc plastic cups that were made available in the ministry of health rehydration centers. They were also supposed to be given away by pharmacists with each box of ORS, but they weren’t. This was unfortunate because the majority of caretakers of children used ORS at home, not at the ministry of health facilities. The soft drink bottle remains the only reliable measure to date, in view of the fact that those plastic cups aren’t produced anymore. 

Audience Segmentation and Media Planning

Television advertising has had several advantages over other traditional means of health education. Commercials are attractive, they reach the majority of the target population in seconds, and they are carefully worded such that precise use of words and expressions conveys a particular technical content. In addition, they are pretested to avoid any possible misunderstanding or unintended sub-messages, and they enable the program to place them during viewing times that are most suitable to the target audience. Since each television spot normally has one specific message, a particular spot can be aired more or less often than others, depending on the needs of the target audience. It can also be aired at particular times when specific segments of the population are known to be watching television. For example, we found out that different segments of the audience watched movies and series on TV differently as follows:[12]

Table (2): The Relationship between the Level of Education and Watching Movies and Series on TV

Educational LevelPercent Watching Movies & Series
  
Illiterate66
Read and Write55
High school42
College37

At the same time the distribution of diarrhea morbidity happens to have an almost identical pattern, where children of the less educated mothers have more diarrhea episodes. It made sense, therefore, to place the TV spots before television movies and series to reach the population segments that are most influenced by the problem.

Contrary to results of many other social marketing programs, and to the “knowledge Gap Hypothesis”[13], the less educated segments of the Egyptian population adopted this new innovation (ORS) even faster than the better educated groups, as illustrated by these figures for ORS use after the 1983 and 1984 campaigns.[14] The principles behind this remarkable result are to be found both in the creative strategy and media planning as well as the theoretical framework of the “Knowledge and Social Change” model.[15]

Table (3) The Relationship between the Level of Education and Ever Use of ORS

Educational LevelPercent Ever Used ORS
  
Illiterate57.6
Read and Write64.6
High school46.7
College52.6

In addition to factors mentioned above, and to the very low and affordable price of ORS, this pattern of media effects was achieved because language used in the TV spots was very simple, and included actual words and expressions used by average mothers, messages were short and focused which made comprehension easy regardless of the educational level, message formats were appealing to all levels of the target audience, especially the lower-status segments. Finally, television spots addressed the low status audiences with the same respect they addressed other segments, a pattern which is somewhat absent in direct doctor-patient communication in Egypt.

Message Appeals for Health Providers

The major appeal for physicians, pharmacists and nurses was that ORT is state-of-the-art medical care, or “the medical revolution of the 20th century.” This message was presented in print materials, seminars, educational videos. A booklet designed for physicians included the following statement on the cover page: “If the purpose of medicine is to save lives, what is the single most important discovery since the introduction of penicillin?” A second booklet for pharmacists used the same appeal and included the same statement. The same concept was used in a scientific film for physicians entitled “Scientific Breakthroughs in the Treatment of Acute Infantile Diarrhea”. Furthermore, the information provided in the booklet for physicians was translated into visuals, using a slide set which showed pictures of the same child before and after taking ORS. Physicians were able to see a demonstration of what ORS could do in a span of only four hours. 

Messages to nurses used a different appeal. Building on their characterization as “angels of mercy”, these messages appealed to their humanitarian orientation and image to promote ORS to save the lives of little children. For example, a booklet for nurses had this statement on its cover: “people often go to the angel of mercy for a precious advice. Help save the lives of children who have diarrhea by advising mothers to give ORS.”

Messages Appeals for Mothers

Since 1984, the campaign for mothers has used a mixture of emotion and information. While it was very tempting to use a fear appeal, since the subject matter literally involves life and death, it was decided that a fear appeal would hinder the learning process. The priority was to provide mothers with the essential information which they need to care for their children, including how to prevent diarrhea and dehydration, how to prepare ORS, and how to feed and wean their children correctly. A major assumption we made in planning the campaign was that mothers would act upon such information once they understood it. The overall appeal has been mothers’ love and caring for their children. Karima Mukhtar was selected to play the leading role in the 1984 and 1985 media campaigns has personalized the loving mother appeal quite effectively. Other celebrities whom we employed in subsequent campaigns followed the same pattern.

However a small dose of fear appeal was used lightly and selectively in contexts where resulting anxiety is immediately relieved in the same message. For example, one TV spot shows a woman who is frightened by dehydration, but the loving, experienced mother comforts her by saying that while dehydration could be fatal, it can be overcome and even prevented by giving the child ORS and liquids. A second TV spot showed the signs of dehydration but stated that it is preventable and happens only if the child is neglected and not given ORS. Messages emphasized that all mothers are capable of saving the lives of their children.

Campaign messages were all developed on the basis of research results. Expressions used in the TV spots to describe dehydration, diarrhea, the signs of dehydration and the way the child looks when he/she is ill and when he/she recovers, etc., were all taken from actual expressions used by mothers throughout Egypt. Furthermore, the content of the message also responded to research results. For example, the first three campaigns defined dehydration in terms of its signs (sunken eyes, dried out skin, weakness, etc.) While such tangible evidences of dehydration helped illustrate what dehydration “does”, they stopped short of explaining clearly what it is. Subsequent campaigns made the concept clearer through making analogies between a dehydrated child and a plant which was dried out because it was not watered. Another spot compared two children, one who took ORS and another who did not, to two flowers, one that looked so fresh because it was kept in water and another which became dried out because it was not. This shift in the presentation of dehydration from “what it does” to “what it is” came as a direct response to results of evaluation research which found that while mothers could state the signs of dehydration, they did not quite understand the concept well enough.

Can the Egyptian experience be replicated?

Characteristics of the Egyptian society, culture, and media system may resemble or differ from those of other countries experiencing similar problems related to ORT. For example, Egypt is extremely fortunate in that more than 90 percent of its population at the time the campaign started had regular access to television and more than 95 percent owned radio sets. With these same resources, however, many public education campaigns did not succeed in Egypt. While such resources are a great asset, how the ORT campaign used them was the primary contributing factor towards achieving the campaign results. In global terms, this is fortunate because it means that the Egyptian ORT program’s achievements can be replicated in other health issues and in other countries, as long as the same principles regarding media usage are followed. Some of the most important factors in planning and implementing this successful Egyptian campaign follow[16].    

  1. The campaign implemented a carefully designed communication strategy that included the use of the mass media, training, and market research. There was a clear theoretical framework and methodology that guided every step of the way for inducing the desired knowledge and behavioral change.
  2. Culturally relevant use of the media was of central concern. Every culture has its own patterns of communication, preferred artistic tastes, formats, idols, etc. Characteristics of the Egyptian culture were closely observed in the design and production of the media messages. For example, when Karima Mukhtar, a motherly, well-liked and respected actress was chosen to star in the TV campaign, the vocabulary she used, the way she dressed, and the accompanying visuals all helped the audience identify with her and heed her advice.  
  3. The program was successful in integrating the sociological and anthropological research findings into the creative development of the media messages. This input was made both before scriptwriting and at different stages where materials were pretested for technical accuracy and cultural relevance. Artists, producers, and other media talent aren’t normally used to such a methodology, so this was overcome by thorough supervision of all aspects of the media productions.
  4. The campaign was successful in securing the consent of medical authorities on the technical content of messages. The project could have bogged down in differences of opinion on the technical details. Considerable attention and effort were given to reconciling these differences of opinion and arriving at technically correct messages that were accepted by different medical authorities. No messages were presented without this technical review and approval.
  5. The mass media campaign was constantly coordinated with other elements of the program. For example, it was important that all research findings be carefully processed for their relevance to the media campaign. The presentation of mass media messages also had to be coordinated with the production and the actual availability of ORS in the health facilities and pharmacies, in order to avoid creating demand ahead of product availability. It was also essential to ensure that mass media messages are complemented with and supported by the content being provided in the training programs for healthcare providers.
Results and Impact on Mortality

Less than two years after the first national campaign was launched, the British Medical Journal wrote that “the lives of more than 100,000 children have been saved in Egypt in what may be the most successful health education program”[17] Another year later, The 1986 annual State of the World’s Children by Unicef included a chapter with the title “Egypt: Leading the World on ORT”[18]

As mentioned earlier, the NCDD had conducted a baseline survey in the city of Alexandria in 1983, before launching the pilot campaign. The project was also keen to conduct annual national surveys in the following years for two vital reasons: (1) to evaluate the impact of the communication campaign for the corresponding year, and (2) to provide the research input required for planning the subsequent one. For this reason, the project contracted with Dr. Nahed Kamel[19] from Alexandria University to conduct the baseline survey in 1983, and contracted with Social Planning, Analysis and Administration Consultants (SPAAC)[20] to conduct these national surveys in 1984, 1985, 1986 and 1988.

According to these surveys, knowledge and use of ORS have dramatically increased as a direct result of the communication campaigns between 1983 and 1988. While both knowledge and practice of oral rehydration were practically nonexistent in 1983(knowledge was 3% and use was 1.5%), the percentage of women who know of ORS increased to 94 percent in 1984 and to 98 percent in 1988. Use of ORS followed the same pattern in further confirmation of the validity of the model of “Knowledge and Social Change”[21] and jumped to 50 percent in 1984 and to 66 percent in 1988. Even more indicative of the power of television to teach a mass audience specific skills, the knowledge of correct ORS mixing has increased to 53% of those who knew ORS in 1984, and to 96 percent of all others who knew of ORS in 1988. The same results have been reported by M. El-Rafie and others.[22] These findings are presented in figure (5) below:

Figure (5) Knowledge and Use of ORS in Egypt 1983-1988
Impact on Infant and Child Mortality

Only 2 years after the project began, vital statistics and other data began to show the impact of this impressive increase in mothers’ knowledge and use of ORS. The British Medical Journal concluded in 1985 that “the lives of more than 100,000 children have been saved in Egypt in what may be the world’s most successful health education program”[23]. The journal also reported that “the project decided, in the face of opposition from doctors and others, to use the mass media to tell Egyptian people about oral rehydration treatment. Radio, television, and posters were used, and within 2 years 95% of Egyptian mothers knew about the treatment, 80% had used it to treat their child’s last episode of diarrhea and between 109,000 and 190,000 child deaths had been prevented. The campaign used actors, singers, comedians, doctors, drama, prizes, competitions, interviews with mothers, and for the first time messages were delivered in colloquial Egyptian rather than classical Arabic.”[24] The journal concluded that “the World Health organization has been so impressed with the results of the Egyptian campaign that it is encouraging other countries to adopt similar programs”[25]

The following year, a team of eight Egyptians and eleven international experts from the Ministry of Health, USAID, UNICEF, and the World Health Organization conducted a Project Review in June and July 1986. They wrote in their report that “consistent with findings of a number of studies reported by the project, the Review found impressive knowledge and use of ORT among mothers. Of 161 mothers interviewed during the review, 96% knew what a packet of ORS was used for, 82% said they used it and 71% knew some signs of dehydration. Of ORS users, 97% could correctly mix it”[26]. The review team also stated that “the greatly increased access to and knowledge of ORS have afforded mothers opportunities to prevent death due to dehydration in their children-an important accomplishment which has been achieved at a modest cost of a little more than one Egyptian pound for each mother gaining this benefit. It is also noteworthy that these impressive achievements have been largely made in the short time span of three and a half year. It is apparent that the above findings can be attributed in large part to a well planned and carefully implemented mass media campaign very largely channeled through television”[27]. This report also refers to another important result of the television campaign: “the project’s wise focus on the primary target audience, mothers, has resulted in creating a demand-driven system which has important positive implications for the sustainability of the project’s achievements”[28].

Upon the project completion in 1989, the Lancet published a final report which stated that “packets of Oral Rehydration Salts are now widely accessible; oral rehydration therapy is used correctly in most episodes of diarrhea; most mothers continue to feed infants and children during the child’s illness; and most physicians prescribe oral rehydration therapy. These changes in the management of acute diarrhea are associated with a sharp decrease in mortality from diarrhea, while death from other causes remains nearly constant”[29]. The report documents the impact on mortality on the basis of census data and vital statistics: “infant mortality rate due to diarrhea declined from 29.1 in 1983 to 12.3 in 1987, while non-diarrheal infant mortality rate declined during the same period by a very small fraction, from 35.6 in 1983 to 32.8 in 1987[30]. Furthermore, childhood mortality (for children aged 1-4 years) declined from 4.0 in 1983 to 2.3 in 1987 for diarrheal deaths, and from 6.0 in 1983 to 5.5 in 1987 for non-diarrheal deaths[31]. The following graph illustrates how diarrhea-related infant mortality rate declined much faster than non-diarrhea related mortality between 1983 and 1987.

Figure (6) Infant mortality in Egypt 1983-1987

It is easy to notice how the diarrhea related mortality rate has changed quite considerably during the life of the campaign, while the change in non-diarrheal mortality was minimal. The decline in diarrhea-related mortality is almost identical with the change in knowledge and use of ORS, which is shown earlier in figure (5), which suggests that these remarkable declines in mortality have been a direct result of increased knowledge and use of ORS, breastfeeding and giving liquids during diarrhea, which were the primary messages of the media campaign. This is perhaps the reason why Ruth Levine has concluded that “the most pivotal component of the program was the social marketing and mass media campaign.”[32]

Figure (7) Distribution of infant deaths registered in May-August, 1970-1986

An argument could perhaps be made that infant mortality had been on the decline before the campaign, and that what was reported as an impact during 1983-1989 is no less than a continuation of that trend. The following graph which was presented by El-Rafie and others has definitive answer to this possible argument. The graph shows the proportion of annual infant deaths during the peak diarrhea season (May to August), and illustrates how it stayed above 45% since 1970 until the end of 1983, after which it declined sharply. “More than half of the seasonality of mortality noted in 1983 had disappeared by 1987.”[33]

In absolute numbers, Levine estimates that “because of the reduction in diarrheal deaths between 1982 and 1989, 300,000 fewer children died.[34]

In even more precise figures, Peter Miller and Norbert Hirschhorn calculate that 316,612 children have been saved in Egypt between 1982 and 1989, of whom 202,113 are infants and 114,499 are children between the ages of 1 and 4.[35] They made these calculations as follows: for infant mortality, calculations based on registered births and infant diarrheal deaths; for children 1-4, calculations were based on official CAPMAS estimates of children aged 1-4 and on registered diarrhea deaths for those ages.[36]

It is reasonable to expect that many more hundreds of thousands of lives would be saved after 1989, as a result of this project and the media campaign. New epidemiological and demographic studies, as well as subsequent records of vital statistics and census data should carry the answer to this question. The campaign came to a halt after 1989 because funding of the project from USAID has reached its planned end. It goes without saying that various issues need not be neglected as a result, but in fact require a more sustained effort. This includes the prevention of diarrhea itself, better case management, improved diagnosis of dehydration and further reduction of unnecessary antibiotics and anti-diarrheal drugs also need.

While the effects of any communication campaign messages are not expected to be everlasting, however, findings of the Egyptian demographic and health surveys since the campaign ended are encouraging indeed. Towards the end of the project, the Egyptian Demographic and health Survey (EDHD) of 1988 reported that “almost all mothers of children under age 5 are aware of Oral Rehydration Therapy (ORT).[37] Three years after the project ended, the EDHS 1992 reported that “virtually all mothers know about ORS packets and 70 percent say that they have used the packets at some time.”[38] In 1995, the EDHS found that 98.2 of mothers knew of the use of ORS packets for treatment of diarrhea.[39] Ten years after the project and campaign ended, the 2000 EDHS reported that: “virtually all mothers (98 percent) are aware of the availability of packets of oral rehydration salts that can be used to prevent dehydration.”[40]

These research findings provide further anticipation that empowering mothers with the necessary knowledge and skills to treat their children and to protect them from death due to dehydration has already constituted a medical revolution, and that mothers will continue to convey the skills that they have acquired to the next generation of mothers. The communication campaign to combat child dehydration has indeed left its mark on Egyptian society; a mark that time will never erase as long as the Nile flows through the land.

Video Resources:

This video (in English) is a documentary on NCDDP and the ORT campaign in Egypt.
كيف نجحت حملة مكافحة الجفاف فى مصر
This video (in Arabic) is a documentary on NCDDP and the ORT campaign in Egypt.
All ORT campaign spots, Egypt (with English subtitles)
References

[1] Al-Ahram Newspaper, Cairo, Egypt, June 8, 1986, p. 13.

[2] The National Control of Diarrheal Diseases Project (NCDDP), Project Paper”, NCDDP, 1983.

[3] Farag Elkamel, Communication Strategy of the Egyptian ORT Communication Campaign, August 1983. https://www.academia.edu/41699754/Communication_Strategy_of_the_Egyptian_ORT_Communication_Campaign

[4] Ibid.

[5] Farag Elkamel, “Knowledge and Social Change: The Case of Family Planning”, the University of Chicago Department of Sociology, Ph.D. Dissertation, 1981.

[6] https://elkamel.wordpress.com/category/theory-methodology/

[7] Farag Elkamel and Norbert Hirshhorn, “Thirst for Information”, selected papers of the 1984 Annual Conference of the National Council for International Health, NCIH. June 11 – 13, 1984.

[8] Ibid.

[9] MEAG, “Evaluation of 1984 ORT campaigns”, Report submitted to NCDDP, Middle East Advisory Group, October 1984.

[10] El-Rafie, M. et. Al. Effect of diarrhoeal disease control on infant and childhood mortality in Egypt. The Lancet, Volume 335, Issue 8685, 10 February 1990, Pages 334-338

[11] Ibid.

[12] Ibid.

[13] G. Donhue, P. Tichnor, and C. Olien, “Mass Media Effects and the Knowledge Gap”, COMMINCATION RESEARCH, 1975. (Vol. 2), pp. 3-23.

[14] MEAG, Op. Cit

[15] Farag Elkamel, “Knowledge and Social Change: The Case of Family Planning”, the University of Chicago Department of Sociology, Ph.D. Dissertation, 1981.

[16] Farag Elkamel, “How the Egypt ORT Communication Campaign Succeeded”. ICORT II Proceedings, Washington D.C. December 10 – 13, 1985.

[17] THE BRITISH MEDICAL JOURNAL, VOL. 291, 2 NOV. 1985

[18] Unicef, The State of the World’s Children, 1986. P.28

[19] Nahed M. Kamel, The Morbidity and Mass Media Survey, Final Report (Cairo, Egypt: NCDDP, 1984).

[20] SPAAC, Evaluation of NCDDP National Campaign (KAP of Mothers) (Cairo, Egypt: NCDDP). Four reports on national surveys in Egypt, 1984, 1985, 1986, and 1988.

[21] Farag Elkamel, “Knowledge and Social Change: The Case of Family Planning”, the University of Chicago Department of Sociology, Ph.D. Dissertation, 1981.

[22] El-Rafie, M. et. Al, ibid.

[23] The British Medical Journal, (Vol. 291), November 1985. P.1249

[24] Ibid

[25] Ibid

[26] Draft Report of the Second Joint Ministry of Health / USAID / UNICEF / WHO / Review of the National Control of Diarrheal Diseases Project (NCDDP) in Egypt, June 15 – July 13, 1986.

[27] ibid

[28] ibid

[29] El-Rafie, M. et. Al ibid.

[30] Ibid, table 2, p.335

[31] Ibid

[32] Ruth Levine, Case Studies in Global Health: Millions Saved. Jones & Bartlett Publishers, 2007, p.61

[33] El-Rafie, M. et. Al. Op. Cit., p. 336

[34] Ruth Levine, Op. Cit, p. 57

[35] Peter Miller & Norbert Hirschhorn. “The effect of a national control of diarrheal diseases program on mortality: The case of Egypt,” Social Science & Medicine, Elsevier, vol. 40(10) May1995. P. 24

[36] Ibid.

[37] EDHS 1988, https://dhsprogram.com/pubs/pdf/FR14/FR14.pdf, p. xxxi

[38] EDHS 1992, https://dhsprogram.com/pubs/pdf/SR35/SR35.pdf, p.16

[39] EDHS 1995, https://dhsprogram.com/pubs/pdf/FR71/FR71.pdf, p. 176

[40] EDHS 2000, https://dhsprogram.com/pubs/pdf/FR117/FR117.pdf, p. 157

Family Planning Communication in Egypt: The Seven Years of Great Plenty and the other Years of Famine!

الأهرام المسائى 24-3-2021
youm 7-18-2-2021-front page headlines
Youm 7 Interview on18 Feb 2021_Page_5

حملات تنظيم الأسرة فى مصر:(1979-2018) السبع سنوات السمان والسنوات الأخرى العجاف

د. فرج الكامل
Introduction

Family planning campaigns in Egypt over approximately 40 years (1979-2018) are reviewed, discussed and analyzed in this article, which will provide an answer to the important question of why some of these campaigns succeeded while others didn’t. The article will uncover the role that competing theoretical and methodological approaches may have had in shaping various campaigns during this extended period of time. The role of television in causing the desired behavioral changes, and the impact on the population growth and on mother and child mortality will be discussed in some detail, as well as the cost-benefits of family planning in Egypt.

A picture is worth a thousand words, and the graph featured in figure (1) below may in fact summarize this entire article. The graph is constructed from longitudinal data that have been collected by various national and international organizations and published by the World Bank Development Indicators (2020)[1].

pop growth rate chart-1.png
Figure (1) Population Growth (Annual %), Egypt 1960-2015
Egypt’s Population Problem

The theory of demographic transition refers to a historical shift from high birth rates and high infant death rates in societies, to low birth rates and low death rates as these societies become more developed. This shift occurred in Western countries gradually with both rates declining simultaneously. But the process of demographic transition occurred on a different scale in developing countries, due to much faster declines in mortality rates with no subsequent declines in birth rates.[2] Because the decline in the mortality rate was much faster and wasn’t accompanied or even followed soon enough with a similar decline in the birth rate, developing countries experienced what came to be known as the “population explosion” since the second half of the 20th century.

As in many other developing countries, this transition began in Egypt with a sharp fall in mortality rates following the end of World War II, due to improvements in nutrition and access to safe water, sanitation and health services, as well as other socio-economic arenas such as education and housing.[3]  The result was entering a period of rapid population growth which continued for decades.

During the United Nations first and second global conferences on population and development in 1954 and 1965, experts warned that rapid population growth could exacerbate poverty and hinder development in countries with limited resources. This applied to Egypt where rapid population growth was beginning to put high pressure on the economy and environment and made the Egyptian government face serious challenges in providing for the basic needs of its citizens, including adequate housing, sanitation, health care, education, and employment.

By 1960, the crude birth rate of Egypt was almost 47 per 1,000 live births, and the annual population growth was 2.7%. In 1962, the government adopted a national charter that laid out the basic assumptions and guiding principles for Egypt, and identified rapid population growth as a threat to the economic betterment, stating that “population increase is the most dangerous obstacle that faces the Egyptian people in their drive toward raising the standard of production in their country in an effective and efficient way.”[4] In 1965, Egypt became the first country in the Arab world to launch an official family planning program. Despite the program’s early establishment, political support was inconsistent and fertility remained high until the 1980s.[5] In addition to introducing birth control services and methods to limit the family size, the family planning program also aimed at encouraging child spacing and discouraging early marriages.

More serious attention to family planning communication began in 1979, when the USAID cooperated with Egypt to launch the first national campaign through the newly established Information, Education and Communication Center (IEC) of the State Information Service (SIS). Over the course of the following 30 years, numerous campaigns were launched and different approaches were utilized. This article reviews the different phases in which these efforts were made and analyzes their varying approaches and relative impact on Egypt’s population growth rate.

A consistent methodology will be applied in discussing and analyzing these phases, where the population growth rate and the crude birth rate of the first year in each phase will be compared with the same indicators of the last year in the same phase. The difference between the two measures will be considered as an indication of performance during that phase, and additional research results will be used to interpret this performance.

Since some of the campaigns that are reviewed in this article were based on the author’s theoretical framework and methodology and also included his active involvement in the planning and development of their creative work, the utmost level of transparency and scientific integrity is observed in presenting their results and impact. The author will therefore refrain from using data from his own research studies, and will only use research data and findings that have been collected and published by other researchers and institutions in reporting the results and impact of all campaigns that are discussed here, whether they had followed the author’s approach or not.

The First SIS Family Planning Campaign (1979-1985)

A major item from that campaign was the poster featured in figure (2). The same poster was used in billboards and as a newspaper advertisement, as the campaign mostly used print media despite the high level of illiteracy. Posters were placed in Cairo, regardless of the fact that the majority of the target audience were elsewhere. The featured advertisement has this caption on top: “Look around you”. The subtitle says: “We have a population problem”, and more text adds: “we have three new children born every minute, 4,320 born every day, and 30,240 new born children every week.” After this introductory lesson in mathematics, and another set of gloomy statements, the poster warns that this rate of increase is scary and that it wipes out any potential for improvement in housing, education, medical care, etc. It then tells the Egyptian citizen “the solution is in your hand” and asks him to “start to solve the problem today”.

look-poster.1.jpg
Figure (2) Family Planning Poster (1979-1980 Campaign)

This print material was later supplemented by a four-minute-long television advertisement featuring popular singer Fatima Eid, with two upper Egyptian brothers, named Hasaneen and Mohamadeen; the first one is miserable because he has seven kids, while the other brother, who has only two is the happy one! The video however didn’t provide any indication of the means that one could use in order to avoid having that many children or that miserable fate.

Parlato et al. (1988) reported on a survey evaluation of this campaign and two sequel ones. He said: “between 1979 and 1986, SIS tried three different approaches to television advertising: the first through a popular song, the second through animation, and the third used a strong fear appeal. In addition to television advertising, SIS has continued to use posters, booklets, billboards, sponsored radio and TV programs, as well as interpersonal communication in the form of public rallies organized by the local offices of SIS. For most of this period, however, there were two conspicuous difficulties with message strategy for family planning: the lack of focused messages and a tendency to undervalue social science findings as a basis for message development.”[6] 

Donald Bogue (1983), a renowned sociologist and head of the organization that was contracted by USAID to assist the State Information Service with the first campaign, also became critical of how it was conceived and executed. He wrote: “The radio and television messages in the late 1970s and early 1980s were broadly educational, stressing the theme of excessive population growth as a national problem, but made little effort to relate this national problem to listeners’ and viewers’ day-to-day social and economic concerns. The messages also lacked any specificity concerning contraceptive methods, benefits of use, sources of supply, or possible problems”[7].

Longitudinal data which has become recently available (The World Bank Development Indicators, 2020)[8] indicate that there was no real impact on Egypt’s population growth rate during the period from 1980 to 1985. The rate of population growth was 2.319% in 1978, before the first campaign started, and continued to rise steadily throughout the life cycle of these three campaigns to reach 2.654% in 1985, which constitutes an actual increase of 14.4% in the population growth rate during that period. The crude birth rate (CBR) declined slightly by 3.6% during the same period.

The following table which is constructed from the World Bank Development Indicators (2020) shows the rate of annual growth of Egypt’s population right before, during, and right after the SIS series of campaigns from 1980 to 1985.

Table (1) Annual Population Growth and Birth Rate of Egypt: 1978-1985

Indicator / YearAnnual Population Growth Rate (%)Crude Birth Rate (per 1,000 people)
   
19782.31939.179
19792.37439.098
19802.43439.017
19812.48838.914
19822.53338.763
19832.57738.537
19842.62038.211
19852.65437.749
Family Planning Campaigns in Egypt from 1986 to 1992

During the period from 1986 to 1992, the author was responsible for planning, conceiving and producing almost all of the family planning campaigns in Egypt. This included four consecutive campaigns that were sponsored by USAID and the State Information Service (SIS), in addition to several contraceptive social marketing campaigns for Family of the Future (FOF), the Clinical Services Improvement Project (CSI) and the Health Insurance Organization (HIO).

Television campaigns which were developed during this time period shifted away from the general slogans of previous campaigns to more specific and carefully designed messages that were based on research findings, and designed to combat rumors and misinformation on specific contraceptives; explain how to correctly use them; and tackle wrong beliefs regarding early marriage, child spacing, as well as women’s responsibility for determining the baby’s gender, etc. During this phase, the first campaign was in 1986-1987 and was followed by three other campaigns in 1988, 1989, and 1990-1991. 

The 1986-1987 National Family Planning Campaign

This campaign consisted of a series of 15 TV spots, and came to be known as the “Zannana” or “the nag”. The significance of this campaign is that it was developed and aired after a period when all family planning advertising on TV was suspended in Egypt, because the leading advertising agency in the country had produced and aired a TV spot on condoms. The message was considered insensitive to the Egyptian culture, and two lawyers from Alexandria, Egypt, succeeded to get a court order in 1985 that forces the ministry of information to ban all family planning commercials on TV. The lawyers case claimed that such commercials were indecent and that the TV spot appeared to encourage unmarried youth to engage in sinful pre-marital sex. This was a typical example of how social marketing communication may fail if it didn’t understand and respect the local culture of the target audience. In this case, for example, the slogan which said that “the condom is”the man’s method for birth control” appeared to have missed one crucial word which would’ve avoided this situation. That word is “married!” It’s quite probable that had the slogan said “married man” instead of just “man”, the spot would not have been taken off the air, and the family planning campaign wouldn’t have been suspended.

The “Zannana” campaign was therefore the first series of TV spots to break through that ban. Interestingly enough, this campaign, which consisted of 15 TV spots, included a spot on condoms, which was fully accepted by the television station and the audience. Based on research results, the campaign was planned to address prevalent rumors and misinformation about family planning in general and contraceptive methods in particular. Sanaa Yunis, a comedian who often played the role of a silly and naive person, was selected to play the ill-informed mother-in-law who always volunteered wrong information, but was immediately confronted with corrections from a doctor, her son-in-law, or even her own daughter.

The strategic premise of this campaign was that women lack practical information regarding contraceptive use and often perceive the health risks of too many pregnancies to be less serious than that of contraceptives themselves. Health hazards of non-spaced pregnancies were addressed, and false rumors concerning contraception were dispelled. The need to use an appropriate method correctly was also emphasized. 

Figure (3) The zannana tells a bride that she must have plenty of children

The campaign was based on the conceptual approach described in the “Knowledge and Social Change”[9], which indicates the importance of identifying the target audience’s knowledge, attitudes, social norms, and media habits. It therefore started with a secondary analysis of available research findings, and conducted focus group discussions with health experts and target women from urban and rural areas. Concepts, scripts and videos were all pretested to make sure that messages were medically correct and that they will be understood and culturally accepted.

Pressing issues that were identified through research were presented in dramatic scenes where the Zannana would consistently volunteer wrong information and advice. For example, she tries to advise her daughter and son-in-law to have another child right away so that she can “play with”. In another spot, she advises her daughter to have plenty of children in order to “tie her husband down”. In another spot, also advises a bride in the neighborhood, on her wedding night, to have plenty of children, one after the other. She tells her older daughter in another spot not to use contraceptives as long as she is breastfeeding because she is “safe”. Another situation has the Zannana trying to arrange a marriage for her 16 year old niece. In another spot, she volunteers wrong information about the oral pill saying that it is not to be taken daily, but only when the woman has sex. All of these situations are of course carefully studied so that these rumors and misinformation are corrected and responded to right away and in convincing ways. 

An added worry was making sure that the humorous environment in the spots that are were planned to tackle rumors and misinformation which had long plagued the family planning situation in Egypt, would not be counterproductive, as there was a risk that the audience might in fact believe the misinformation instead of refusing it. This was an added reason to follow a strict systematic methodology in the development and production process.[10]

The Academy for Educational Development (AED) contracted an independent research company (Wafai and Associates) to evaluate the campaign. The table below illustrates the findings of that study which was conducted on a national study of 1800 households to evaluate the “Zannana” campaign.[11]

Table (2) Learning from the Zannana Campaign One Month After Campaign Launch  

  Indicator  %
  
Knows the content of at least one spot  98.0
Can repeat lines from the spots  74.0
Didn’t believe the “nag”  97.0

It is quite interesting, as shown in table (3) that this campaign  resulted in larger knowledge gains among the less educated segments of the population, which is precisely what a family planning program in Egypt should aim to achieve, since the  problem is often more serious among this sub-population. The following table shows how much different educational segments learned from this campaign.[12]

Table (3) Ability to Repeat Lines from Campaign by Educational Level  

  Educational Level  % Correct Knowledge  
Total74.0
  
Illiterate77.0
Read & Write79.0
Less Than High School76.0
Less Than College70.0
College71.0

The 15 spots aired several times a day for five months and public reaction was quite positive.

A more extensive evaluation study was conducted in 1988 (one year after the campaign launch) which measured the level of family planning knowledge, attitudes, and practices. The study showed a substantial increase of 79.9 percent in contraceptive use since the last documented figure of 1984.[13]

All of this campaign’s 15 TV spots can be viewed with English subtitles here: https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLxwmH-xqgi_cABa1jghW1KMepa11Xe9Zb

The 1988 National Family Planning Campaign:

This campaign consisted of 10 TV spots that focused on particular segments of the target audience, including workers, farmers, and low-income urban residents. The same theoretical framework and systematic methodology that had been used in the first campaign were applied here as well. The 1988 campaign focused on the concept of child spacing, the baby boy complex, suitable selection and correct use of contraceptive methods, early marriages, child labor and negligence, availability of different contraceptive methods, need to consult a doctor and to ignore rumors about contraceptives, and the concept of planning in general.

This campaign was evaluated through a national survey of 2,400 cases, and the study found that almost all respondents had seen the television spots. Even more importantly, the study[14] found no differences in viewership of these spots among the different educational levels, and viewership was similar in urban and rural areas. According to the study, the majority of viewers were able to repeat the messages of the campaign correctly and there were no urban-rural or educational level differences among respondents in this regard. The 10 spots of this campaign can be viewed (with English subtitles) in this link:  https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLxwmH-xqgi_eLxfyClyuvIs5V8aWQT8dj.

The 1989 National Family Planning Campaign
Figure (4) Karima Mukhtar in a child-spacing spot

Film and TV drama star Karima Mukhtar was selected for this campaign, after she had proved to be a great success in the ORT campaign that we had developed since 1984. She played female doctor in this series of 10 television spots, where she corrects misinformation and rumors, and conveys useful advice on the correct uses of contraceptives. The spots also address more complex issues such as fatalism, starting child spacing after the first child is born, as well as men’s involvement in and support of family planning decisions.

All 10 spots of this campaign can be viewed (with English subtitles) here: https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLxwmH-xqgi_cOme77OcJlXMLJc_fcBZMD

The 1990-1991 National Family Planning Campaign

Monitoring and evaluation feedback on the previous campaign was quite positive which enhanced the decision to develop this new series of spots with the same star. In this campaign, the “doctor” Karima Mukhtar leaves her office in the city and goes to meet women in a rural area, upon the request of its village chief. The new series of TV spots continued the focus on the correct selection and use of appropriate contraceptive methods, and included a spot on how men should treat their women with compassion; respect and dignity, not as rabbits that are intended to merely have an offspring. The last spot in the series had a clear call for everyone to do their part, including policy makers and other officials.

Figure (5) Karima Mukhtar with village women

All 12 spots of this campaign can be viewed (with English subtitles) here: https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLxwmH-xqgi_fz-TKPbTHOVhX2hgH_KTHj.

Most of the TV spots that were produced in the context of the four campaigns described above continued to be aired on national television channels throughout 1992-1993

Impact of the 1986-1992 Campaigns

Evaluation studies and national surveys which were carried out in Egypt as well as vital statistics for live births show that media campaigns have had a remarkable impact during this phase of seven years. Egypt’s birth rate took a sharp downward turn simultaneously with these campaigns from 1987 to 1991. In an interview with The Times, the Egyptian Minister of Population said: “the sharp increase in the rate of family planning practice from 38% in 1988 to 47% in 1992 could be attributed to the IEC program with convincing family planning messages, particularly to the effective use of television since the illiteracy rate is still high in Egypt”[15].

The graph shown in figure (6) summarizes the impact of Egypt’s family planning campaigns during this period. The graph, which is published in the UNFPA report, Population Situation Analysis, Egypt 2016[16] shows a considerable decline in Egypt’s Crude Birth Rate (CBR) during the period from 1986-1992, which reflects the impact of these campaigns. This magnitude of decrease in CBR has never occurred over any similar time period in Egypt’s modern history, and has a near perfect relationship with the increase in the use of contraceptives during the same period. According to El-bakly and Hess (1994)[17], “Television has contributed decisively to the rise in contraceptive prevalence. The 1992 Egyptian Demographic and Health Survey (EDHS-92) showed that 73% of men and 71% of women cited television as their first source of information about family planning.”

Figure (6): Egypt Crude Birth Rate, 1987-2015. Source-UNDP Population Situation Analysis, Egypt 2016, p.29

As table (4) indicates, during these seven years which witnessed the four national campaigns and other contraceptives social marketing campaigns described above, the rate of population growth decreased by 24.1% and the birth rate decreased by 18.9%.

Table (4) Annual Population Growth and Birth Rate of Egypt: 1986-1993

Indicator / YearAnnual Population Growth Rate (%)Crude Birth Rate (per 1,000 people)
   
19862.69137.118
19872.70936.325
19882.67135.393
19892.56934.352
19902.42733.249
19912.27232.141
19922.14031.080
19932.04330.110
Family Planning Campaigns in Egypt from 1993 to 2002

This author discontinued his work in family planning campaigns in Egypt after the 1990-1991 campaign described above.

Between 1993 and 2002, family services continued to develop, enhanced by the operation of various USAID-funded projects. In the meantime, various campaigns were launched during this new phase, including one starring the famous actor Ahmed Maher. He played the role of a father who had so many children; he became unable to provide for them, or even to remember all their names. He would conclude the TV spot with the statement “A man is not only held for his words, but also for the care of his family.”

Figure (7) Ahmed Maher in a TV spot

As catchy as this phrase was, the campaign fell again in the same trap of spreading untested and overly general messages.

Another campaign that appeared during this phase,  was an in-house production by the ministry of health, where again the focus was on limiting the number of children to only two, otherwise the husband will be driven away and may start to consider marrying another woman. This add can be viewed here: https://youtu.be/gesUpbXrfKE

Both campaigns didn’t address the real message needs of the target population, nor was there any attention given to the main issue of knowledge and the correct use of contraceptive methods.

Table (5) Annual Population Growth and Birth Rate of Egypt: 1994-2001

Indicator / YearAnnual Population Growth Rate (%)[18]Crude Birth Rate (per 1,000 people)[19]    
19942.00929.256
19952.00628.526
19962.01327.903
19972.00927.352
19981.99626.845
19991.96726.381
20001.93025.958
20011.90125.578

As table (5) indicates, the impact of these campaigns and others during this phase on the birth rate and population growth rate of Egypt was mild, as documented in census data and vital statistics. The rate of population growth decreased during this period by 5.4%, and the birth rate decreased by 12.6%. Some of this impact might even be attributed to the residuals of the campaigns in previous years.

Family Planning Communication During 2002-2009
The CHL Communication Program

Since 2002, USAID changed its approach of supporting “vertical” family planning communication programs in Egypt and started to channel its support through the “Communication for Healthy Living” (CHL) umbrella. An evaluation of this program was carried out in 2009 which raises some serious questions. Since this author was a member of the three-person international team which was selected by USAID to conduct the evaluation, and consistently with the rule we stated earlier regarding relying in this article only on data that have been gathered and published by other researchers and institutions, the author will abstain from using data that have been collected by the team during this mission, and will only use other published data. The final report on the “Communication for Healthy Living” (CHL) project, which was submitted in February 2009, is however available from USAID[20].

The CHL used a wide variety of channels to disseminate messages; including IEC printed materials, television spots and “Enter-educate” programs, radio, telephone, events, outreach and interpersonal communication. Together with SIS and MOHP, CHL launched a number of campaigns, e.g., “Sahetak Tharwetak” (Your Health, Your Wealth) public sector campaign and the “Isaal Istashir” (Ask, Consult) private sector campaign. It should also be acknowledged that significant improvements were attained during this phase in service provision; and there was an increase in the number of rehabilitated health facilities. There has also been an increase in the number of districts implementing the Integrated Management of Childhood Illness (IMCI) strategy from 87 in 2003 to 237 in 2008[21]. The USAID report indicates that these changes have been made by the government and are independent of the CHL project[22].

According to the Egypt Demographic and Health Surveys, exposure of currently married women to family planning messages sharply declined from 90.8% in 2005 to 66.8% in 2008[23]. This decline perhaps reflects the nearly thirty percentage points decline in the percentages of women who reported exposure to family planning messages on TV: from 88.5% in 2005 to 58.1% in 2008 [24].  Data from the Village Health Survey[25] also show that anti natal care messages reached less than half of the least educated group. The EHCS 2008[26] reports that 66% of women recalled the messages disseminated through CHL, but only 32% recalled what may be the most important message that of the danger signs during pregnancy. In addition to the drop in exposure to family planning messages, changes in the Total Fertility Rate (TFR) and Modern Contraceptive Prevalence Rate (MCPR) were minimal between 2003 and 2008. The Total Fertility Rate (TFR) decreased by a marginal 0.2% between 2003 and 2008. 

Several factors may account for these unexpected outcomes, but the author can only make a reference in this regard to the report submitted to USAID[27] as mentioned earlier.

Wakfa Masrya (An Egyptian Stand)

This campaign overlapped with CHL program as it was launched  in the Summer of 2008, when various ministries were requested by the ruling National Party of Mubarak to pool resources and for a new national campaign that was called “Wakfa Masrya” or an Egyptian Stand! This was a literal translation of Mubarak’s remarks who had said that we needed to have a stand against the population problem. The government’s communication officials translated his instructions quite literally!

Figure (8) The Wakfa Masrya Poster

The main campaign advertisement had the big title “Wakfa Masrya” or an Egyptian Stand, with a secondary title that says “If we use our brains”. Various issues were then listed with visuals in posters, lampposts and billboards. There were six issues (or promises if we use our brains):

  1. We would all get an education.
  2. We would all be well-fed.
  3. We would all be treated
  4. We would all have healthcare
  5. We would all have water to drink.
  6. We would all get jobs.

Because these were all government messages, they had to include what the government was spending to subsidize each of these various services. The ultimate catch was the slogan at the bottom of the poster which says: “before we have a new baby, we have to be sure that we can provide for him.”

Figure (9) The Wakfa Masrya outdoor sign

As mentioned above, individual outdoor signs were dedicated to each one of those six issues. An example is provided in figure (9).

So, what was wrong with that campaign? A short answer is: everything! Top-down communication, non-specific or actionable messages, putting the blame on the citizens, addressing the wrong audience, incorrect choice of media and wrong placement of the advertisements were only some of the problems. The campaign relied heavily on street banners, lampposts and billboards, which were mostly placed in well-off neighborhoods, including the streets around the presidential palace.

It is quite interesting to note here the resemblance in the approach between this campaign and that of the early 1980s as well as that of the 1994-2001 phases, which were discussed earlier. All of those campaigns didn’t seem to pay much attention to research-based message development, media selection, or audience segmentation and targeting, among others elements of good campaign development.

Dr. Dorria Sharafeldin, who was president of Egyptian TV at one point, wrote the following in “Almasry Alyoum” newspaper on 15/7/2008:[28] “Who engineered this campaign? Who choose that slogan? Who was it that scattered the messages on plenty of lampposts on bridges and neighborhoods that do not have any population problem? We need to know who did that in order to know who is in fact causing the population problem in Egypt.” She then goes on to say: “I have asked some of those who would be typical targets of such a campaign if they had noticed any new advertisements on the streets. Most of them said that they didn’t, and the few who did said that they thought that the signs were promoting a new TV show.”  Other critics pointed out that the visuals in the advertisements had absolutely nothing to do with reality. The buses that were featured in the ads were neat and with plenty of empty seats, the characters looked like advertising models, and even the loaf of bread was not at all similar to that which people can find anywhere!

No wonder that this campaign too, like the one of the early 1980s, became a mockery of the Egyptian people, who turned the campaign visuals and slogans into something else that more accurately reflected the more pressing issues which they believed to be the ones which the society was facing at the time. The following three examples show how Egyptians reacted to the campaign:

The most reliable indicator that we could use to evaluate the impact of family planning in Egypt during this phase is the same measure that was used to evaluate the previous phases, which is  the extent to which the birth rate and the population growth rate were affected. The following table documents both rates during the seven years of this phase[29]. It’s obvious from the table that there was a negative impact on Egypt’s population birth or population growth rates during the period. The rate of population growth increased by 0.9%, and the birth rate increased by 5.2%.

  Table (6) Annual Population Growth and Birth Rate of Egypt: 2002-2009  

Indicator / YearAnnual Population Growth Rate (%)[30]  Crude Birth Rate (per 1,000 people)[31]
20021.88125.258
20031.85925.015
20041.83124.864
20051.80624.849
20061.77225.024
20071.75225.393
20081.77925.930
20091.86426.584
Other Family Planning Campaigns
Figure (13) Akram Hosney (Abo Shanab)

As if impossible to learn from past mistakes, the same ineffective approach was repeated in another government-sponsored TV advertisement during a 2019 campaign staring Akram Hosney (Abo Shanab.) Like the Hasaneen and Mohamadeen music video of 1980, this one too is too long (4:27 minutes) and addresses Upper Egyptians with a general message that focuses on limiting family size. Comments of viewers indicate that they considered the videos as entertainment rather than educational or motivational material.

The video and comments by viewers are here: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=reZHd7w1MsE

Discussion and Conclusions

A report by UNFPA documents the changes in the use of contraceptive methods during the time span of 30 years which was discussed in this article. The report concludes that “the trends of current use of family planning methods during the period 1984-2008 clearly show that the major jump occurred during the period of 1984-1992 where the rate increased more than 50% from 30.3% in 1984 to 47.1% in 1992. During the period 1992-2000, the contraceptive prevalence rate increased by almost 19% from 47.1% in 1992 to 56.1% in 2000. However the national rate has been leveling off during the period 2003-2008 at around 59-60 percent.”[32]

These figures should raise another question on the quality of contraceptives use after 1993, since that increase in the percentages of contraceptive users was not reflected on the population growth or birth rates after 1993. Questions on the quality of use, spread of rumors, and contraceptive methods choices and other possible causes should be investigated.

The importance of contraceptive use in causing the desired impact on the population growth rate in Egypt has been investigated by Scott Moreland, who thoroughly examined factors that may have led to the decrease in fertility levels over 25 years from 1981 to 2005, and concluded that among these possible factors, changes in the use of contraception is the single most important factor responsible for fertility decline.[33]

It’s quite saddening that a quarter of a century after the completion of the “seven years of great plenty” from 1986 to 1992, subsequent campaigns didn’t yield any further progress in reducing the population growth or birth rates in Egypt. In 1986, when we launched the first national campaign, the growth rate was 2.7% which was reduced to 2.043% in 1993, after the completion of the campaign airing. By the same token, the birth rate, which was 37.12 in 1986, was also brought down to 30.11 by 1993. However, 25 years later, the situation remains the same as we left it. The annual growth rate of Egypt’s population in 2018 is 2.033, which is almost the same as it was in 1993, and the birth rate in 2014 is 31.0, which is even higher than the corresponding rate in 1993[34]!

Some causes of this paradox may have been explained in this review. However, further analysis and explanations by other researchers may still be needed.

An objective measure of the changeable impact of family planning and communication activities during the 30 years from 1979 to 2009 is illustrated in figure (1) which illustrates longitudinal data that had been compiled by various national and international agencies, and was published by the World Bank (2020).[35]

The graph clearly shows that the early 1980-1985 campaigns had no substantial impact on the population growth of Egypt, which has been explained earlier in our discussion of that campaign. On the other hand, the graph quite clearly shows that the period from 1987-1993 witnessed a most remarkable rate of decrease in the population growth rate, a change that was unprecedented at the time, and remains unmatched. Finally, the graph shows that family planning campaigns have had little or no impact on the population growth rate of Egypt during the period from 1993 to 2009.

Accordingly, the following four phases can be clearly drawn from the discussion and data presented in this article. It should be noted that each one of distinctive four phases listed below includes eight years, however the first year in the relevant phase is considered as the baseline against which progress during the following seven years is consistently measured.

  1. The first seven years of famine (1978-1985). This period started with the first SIS campaign, followed by two other campaigns by the same organization. The rate of population growth actually increased by 14.4% and the birth rate decreased by 3.6% during this phase.
  2. The seven years of great plenty (1986-1993). The period witnessed four national campaigns and several contraceptives social marketing campaigns. The rate of population growth decreased by 24.1% and the birth rate decreased by 18.9% during this period.
  3. The seven years of mild impact (1994-2001). During this period, various campaigns were carried out by various organizations including the Ministry of Health, and the Ministry of Social Affairs. The rate of population growth decreased by 5.4% and the birth rate decreased by 12.6% during this phase.
  4. The second seven years of famine (2002-2009). The dominant activities in family planning communication during this period were carried out by the CHL program. The rate of population growth in fact increased by 0.9% and the birth rate also increased by 5.2.0% during this period.

The date presented in figure (18)[36] illustrates the differences in annual population growth rate, as expressed in the percentage of change between the first and the last year of that phase. It is because of this pattern, which is clearly visible in the graph, that we are calling these phases as the first seven years of famine, the seven years of great plenty, the seven years of slow motion, and the second seven years of famine!

pop growth chart-4 phases.png
Figure (14) Percentage Change in the Population Growth Rate, Egypt 1978-2009
Cost-Benefit and Impact on Mother and Child Mortality

The benefits from the family planning program and its communication campaigns, especially those that succeeded have had a major impact on Egypt. Reducing the birth rate was achieved at a total cost of LE 2,402 million that were spent on family planning between 1980 and 2005. This amount, however “was more than offset by the LE 45,838 million estimated cost savings in child health, education, and food subsidies. These cost savings have allowed Egypt to maintain and improve the quality of public services in these sectors and ultimately the quality of life of Egyptians. Undoubtedly, as other studies have shown, other sectors, such as general health, housing, employment, and the economy, have also benefited from the family planning program”[37]

The strong influence of child spacing on childhood mortality has been well documented. The 1988 Demographic and Health Survey results shows that the most significant differentials in both infant and child mortality are associated with the length of the preceding birth interval. Child mortality is almost three times higher when the interval between the child and his next older sibling is under two years than for intervals of two to three years or more. Infant mortality decreases from 153 deaths per thousand births for birth intervals of less than two years to around 58 per thousand for birth intervals of two-three years. In addition, mortality is 31% higher among children born to mothers who are less than 20 years old[38]. These differentials suggest that mortality risks for Egyptian children are substantially reduced as a result of the key messages in the communication campaigns which have resonated with the target audience.

Figure (15) Impact of Birth Spacing and Mother’s Age on Child Mortality

Finally, assessment of the impact of fertility decline in Egypt on child and maternal mortality reveals that the benefits of family planning in Egypt till 2005 have been substantial, resulting in a population that is smaller by 12 million; a lower infant mortality rate, resulting in more than three million fewer infant deaths during 1980-2005, a lower under-5 child mortality rate, resulting in about six million fewer early-childhood deaths during the same period; and fewer maternal deaths, with 17,000 mothers’ lives saved over those 25 years.[39]

References:

[1] World Bank, World Development Indicators. https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SP.POP.GROW?contextual=max&end=2018&locations=EG&start=1960&view=chart

[2] J. Van Bavel, The world population explosion: causes, backgrounds and projections for the future. Facts Views Vis Obgyn. 2013; 5(4): 281–291. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3987379/

[3] Alyaa Awad and Ayman Zohry, The End of Egypt Population Growth in the 21st Century: Challenges and Aspirations  The 35th Annual Conference On Population and  Development Issues  Current Situation & Aspirations. Cairo Demographic center, 20 – 22 December 2005, p.2

[4] Makhlouf, Hesham H., ed. 2003. Population of Egypt in the Twentieth Century. Cairo: Cairo Demographic Center.

[5] Radovich E, el-Shitany A, Sholkamy H, Benova L (2018) Rising up: Fertility trends in Egypt before and after the revolution. PLoS ONE 13(1): e0190148.https://doi.org/10.1371/journal. pone.0190148

[6] Parlato et al. 1988. Communication Makes a Difference: Final report on the Egyptian Population Project. AED, Washington, D.C

[7] Bogue, Donald J. “How to Evaluate a Communications Campaign for Family Planning: A Demonstration Based on Data from the SIS Program in Egypt, 1980–82.” Research Report 6, Carolina Population Center, Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1983.

[8] World Bank, World Development Indicators, op. cit.

[9] Elkamel, Farag. Knowledge and Social Change: The Case of Family Planning.  PhD Dissertation, Department of Sociology, University of Chicago: 1981.

[10] Elkamel, Farag. Communication Strategies and Programs: A Systematic Approach, UNICEF MENA Regional Office, 1986.

[11] Parlato et al. 1988. Communication Makes a Difference: Final report on the Egyptian Population Project. AED, Washington, D.C

[12] Ibid

[13] Ibid

[14] Parlato et al, op. cit.

[15] N. Rakia, We will solve the problem: An interview with Population and Family

Welfare Minister Prof. Maher Mahran. Integration. 1994 Sep; (41):4-7.

[16] UNFPA 2016. Population Situation Analysis, Egypt

[17] El-bakly S., Hess R.W. “Mass Media Makes a Difference,” Integration, 1994 Sep; (41):13-5.

[18]World Bank, World Development Indicators, ibid.

[19]World Bank, World Development Indicators, ibid.

[20] The full and detailed report is available from USAID, Egypt

[21] USAID/Egypt. Population and Health Performance Monitoring Plan, January 2009

[22] Ibid.

[23] CHL internal document, “Exposure to Family Planning Messages (2005-2008)”

[24] Egyptian Demographic and Health Survey (EDHS) 2008

[25] The Village Health Survey 2007: Menya and Fayoum

[26] El-Zanaty, Fatma et. al. EGYPT HEALTH COMMUNICATION SURVEY, 2008.

[27] The full and detailed report is available from USAID, Egypt

[28] https://to.almasryalyoum.com/article2.aspx?ArticleID=113312

[29]https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SP.POP.GROW?contextual=default&end=2018&locations=EG&start=1960&view=chart

[30]The World Bank, World Development Indicators, https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SP.POP.GROW?contextual=max&end=2018&locations=EG&start=1960&view=chart

[31]The World Bank, World Development Indicators,  https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SP.DYN.CBRT.IN?locations=EG

[32] Policies to address fertility Plateau in Egypt Final Report, Social Research Center The American University in Cairo January 2012

[33] Scott Moreland, Egypt’s Population Program-Assessing 25 Years of Family Planning. USAID, 2006

[34] The World Bank, World Development Indicators, ibid.

[35] The World Bank, World Development Indicators, https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SP.POP.GROW?locations=EG

[36] The World Bank, World Development Indicators, Op.Cit.

[37] Ibid.

[38] The Egypt Demographic and Health Survey, 1988 and Full Report, DHS, 1988, p.133. https://www.dhsprogram.com/pubs/pdf/SR6/SR6.pdf

[39] Ibid.

How Mass Media Made a Difference in Family Planning in Egypt

In Egypt, television contributed decisively to the rise in contraceptive prevalence from 37.8% in 1988 to 47.1% in 1992. The 1992 Egyptian Demographic and Health Survey (EDHS-92) showed that 73% of men and 71% of women cited television as their first source of information about family planning.

Combating Hepatitis C in Egypt

Viral Hepatitis has been one of the world’s most ‎pressing health problems. It affects hundreds of millions of people worldwide, causing acute and chronic liver disease and killing close to 1.5 million people every year, mostly from hepatitis B and C. These infections can be prevented, but most people don’t know how.

Many Egyptians have been infected with hepatitis C as a result of inadequately sterilized needles during mass campaigns to treat Schistosomiasis which started in 1960s and continued through the early 1980s. Afterwards, the virus continued to spread through infected blood and relevant items.

By 2014, Egypt had one of the highest global burdens of hepatitis C virus infections in the world. It was estimated then that 4.4% of the population 1-59 years old and 7% of the population between 15 and 59 years are chronically infected. A new national strategy needed to be developed and implemented by national and international parties to meet this major challenge.

Source: EGYPT HEALTH ISSUES SURVEY 2015, p.41  https://dhsprogram.com/pubs/pdf/FR313/FR313.pdf

As senior communication adviser to the World Health Organization (WHO) in Egypt between 2014 and 2016, I contributed the following:

  • Wrote the Communication Plan for Hepatitis C Awareness and prevention.
  • Supervised the development and production of a documentary film on the HCV problem in Egypt.
  • Designed and supervised the implementation of three KAP surveys in Egypt during 2015 on: (1) the general public, (2) hepatitis C patients, and (3) healthcare providers.
  • Analyzed the data from the three surveys and concluded recommendations for the media strategy, communication messages, targeting, and appropriate media selection.
  • Concluded the Priority Messages for the First Wave of Hepatitis C TV Spots in Egypt.
  • Developed the first Egyptian national campaign on hepatitis C awareness and in 2016-2017, which included five television spots, a poster, and a pamphlet.
  • The involvement of in the national effort to combat HCV continued after I left WHO, as I was nominated by Cairo University to help the Ministry of Health and Population as the senior communication adviser for the national drive to treat all infected persons in Egypt, which was launched in 2018 and continued for 7 months, from October 2018 to April 2019. As I recommended to the ministry, the campaign should never assume that the problem has completely disappeared. There is a very strong need to continue educating the public about prevention, alerting high risk groups to get a checkup, and upgrading the infection control knowledge, skills, and practices of healthcare providers. This is the link to this national drive: http://www.stophcv.eg/

The Communication Strategy & Plan for Hepatitis C Awareness and Prevention in Egypt

Overall Strategy Guidelines

This implementation plan addresses the role that communication can play in the prevention of Viral Hepatitis in Egypt and describes the sequence of events that will result in the desired change. It also describes a logical progress from the broad goals to objectives, accomplishments or outcomes and then to very concrete actions and activities.  The plan includes the following:

  • Specific and measurable objectives, indicators, and activities within a specific time frame
  • Defined action steps with accountability, deadlines and resources needed
  • Links to the national Action Plan and to the Communication Strategy.

When put into use, this plan should be a dynamic tool. Target dates may need to be adapted, and actual results may be different than anticipated. This document is therefore a tool to document progress as well. 

Because the implementation plan is detailed with specific activities, and since the resources needed may be beyond the capabilities of one single entity, partner organizations can choose to be responsible for sponsoring specific appropriate sections or activities, which are consistent with their organization’s strategic plans.  Doing so will help to document their contributions to this collaborative endeavor and to track their efforts internally.

Another important use of this detailed implementation plan is its utility in process evaluation. When the campaign is evaluated, a thorough investigation must be undertaken to determine which activities have been implemented and which were not, and how the implementation itself took place.  As this plan is approved, the country can move into actual implementation where partners would use it as a foundation for implementation, monitoring, evaluation, and coordination.

The Plan of Action for the Prevention, Care & Treatment of Viral Hepatitis, Egypt 2014-2018 is the main background document that constitutes the source of what is considered in this implementation plan as goals, objectives, performance measures or indicators, and activities.

Goal: In this implementation plan, the overall goal is to reduce or eliminate new infections of HCV and to encourage currently infected persons to seek immediate treatment.

Objectives:

  • Improve the general public’s knowledge and Behaviors and their understanding of HCV, its seriousness, care, treatment, and prevention.
  • Help eliminate stigmatizing people infected with HCV.
  • Improve knowledge, attitudes and practice of positive behaviors of infected ‎individuals and their family members regarding ‎diet, exercise, medical follow-up, prevention, and ‎seeking treatment.‎
  • Increase correct knowledge and practice of prevention measures among healthcare providers, in public and private, formal and informal sectors.
  • Enhance the enabling environment (namely decision makers and the media) through the constant supply of correct information and motivational messages.

Audience segmentation

  • The general public
  • Individuals living with HCV and their families
  • Healthcare providers
  • The media, opinion leaders and decision makers

Summary of recommended key approaches for target segments:

The General Public:

  1. Baseline and follow-up KAP and media habits surveys as well as Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) utilized in message development and pretesting.
  2. TV & Radio public service announcements
  3. TV & Radio talk shows, popular/health/women/children’s programs
  4. Special events including World Hepatitis day.
  5. Stickers and pamphlets at P.O.S, public transportation, and workplaces.
  6. Community mobilization in schools, universities, mosques, churches, NGOs, clubs, and local businesses.
  7. Newspaper coverage of HCV news and events.

Persons with HCV:

  1. Baseline and follow-up KAP and media habits surveys as well as Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) utilized in message development and pretesting.
  2. The internet and social media (most popular Egyptian websites and social media, in addition to websites for NCCVH, the MOHP, the national program, and WHO.)
  3. Upgrade, publicize and utilize the HCV hotline
  4. SMS to mobile phones (The national control program has a database which includes more than one million mobile phone numbers for all those who applied through the NCCVH website for the new treatment.)
  5. TV spots featuring celebrities and champions who have had the HCV treatment
  6. A series of video magazines for patients in the waiting halls of liver institute and similar health providers

Healthcare Providers:

  1. Establish a database for healthcare providers
  2. Baseline and follow-up KAP and media habits surveys as well as Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) utilized in message development and pretesting.
  3. Leaflets for healthcare providers specially those dealing with blood and injection.
  4. A special mass-mailed letter with specific actionable instructions from the Minister or other senior MOHP leadership to all those involved in injection or blood.
  5. Support outreach and mobilization of HCP in 5270 primary healthcare units and 450 hospitals within 5 years through supporting TOT and peer education efforts conducted by the MOHP.
  6. Produce one educational film that clarifies the specific steps HCP should follow for infection control (IC).
  7. Digital mass campaigns through SMS and the internet with essential information and instructions.

Media, Decision Makers and Other Opinion Leaders:

  1. Content analysis of media coverage of HCV.
  2. Press releases, press kits, lobbying services and story pitching to the journalists and media editors.
  3. Special events and news conferences to keep the media and decision makers involved.
  4. High-level advocacy activities including meetings and a regular newsletter to decision makers, particularly the parliamentary subcommittee on health and owners of large businesses to promote corporate social responsibility (CSR).

Highlights of the Strategy & Implementation Plan

Detailed activities, timeline, budget, expected results and responsibilities:

A special template was used to detail the above mentioned aspects of the implementation plan for each of the four objectives specified in the strategy. As can be noticed from the table of contents shown above, the plan was very detailed (44 pages). A picture of the template head is featured below:

Short and long-time indicators for all objectives:

Communication Messages

Detailed lists of messages and their supporting facts were drafted in the strategy and implementation plan. It was stressed, however that the lists were not final and that final message lists and contents are “To be revised on the basis of the baseline and follow-up 1 surveys“.

Notice that the messages are drafted in consistency with the theory and methodology outlined elsewhere in this site. For more details, please see: Theory & Methodology

A detailed feature on the baseline study and its results is here (in English): Hepatitis C Knowledge, Attitudes, and Practices in Egypt and is here (in Arabic): Hepatitis C Knowledge, Attitudes, and Practices in Egypt (Arabic). A description of the campaign and how it was developed on the basis of the baseline study is available here: It’s either us or virus C!

The Role of Communication in Eradicating Polio from Egypt After 3,000 Years!

Farag Elkamel, PhD

FE presentation-what triggered the change.png

The hieroglyph in figure (1) is of the 18th dynasty, dating between 1580-1350 B.C. It shows that polio had existed in Egypt even back then.

https://elkamel.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/polio-in-ancient-egypt3.jpg?w=800
Figure (1): A hieroglyph of the 18th dynasty, Egypt

More recently, scientists discovered the first vaccine against polio virus in 1955. The vaccine was in the form of an injection until 1961, when an oral route of administration was discovered. In 1988, when the Global Polio Eradication Initiative began, polio paralyzed more than 1,000 children worldwide every day. 

Since the polio immunization effort began in Egypt during the 1990s, the numbers of reported infections steadily decreased. Routine polio vaccination was made available at no cost from all ministry of health facilities. Regular media coverage and news reporting as well as public service announcements were intensified during periodic National Immunization Days (NIDs). Various international agencies were involved in supplying the vaccines and donating funds and technical assistance for these efforts. The number of polio cases discovered kept declining, but polio never went away from Egypt until 2005.

In fact, there was a state of alarm in 2001 that turned into panic in 2002, when the downward trend in reported polio cases was reversed, as the numbers of confirmed polio cases started to rise again. After the number of reported cases was down to 4 in 2000, an upward trend started where the number increased to 5 in 2001 and to 7 in 2002. The cases were mainly discovered in densely populated and slum areas, where it was more difficult to reach and vaccinate all children. The government’s anxiety was justified, since the World Health Organization cannot declare a country as polio free if only one case was detected. Furthermore, Egypt by then was one of only six countries in the whole world where polio was still present. What was believed to be the final inch towards polio eradication in Egypt suddenly seemed longer than a mile!

In 2002, UNICEF was called upon by the polio Technical Advisory Group, (TAG) consisting of government decision makers and international donors to support the ministry of health and population with communication aspects of the polio eradication drive. Consequently, UNICEF called upon me in 2002 to be their chief communication adviser, and gave me a free hand to review and revise the course of the campaign as I see fit.

After reviewing existing plans, I conducted a series of field visits to selected poor neighborhoods and slum areas, where some of the last cases of polio were detected, and in-depth interviews were conducted with parents and local ministry of health officials in pilot districts. In addition, we conducted a series of focus group discussions in four governorates: Cairo, Giza, Sharkia in the Delta, and Assiut in Upper Egypt. Moreover, I proposed the insertion of some key questions on polio immunization knowledge, attitudes, and practices, as well as questions on media habits in the assessment baseline survey which was planned to be undertaken by an independent and reputable research organization.[1]

The main issues and concerns that came out of these field visits and the survey were:

  1. There was too much emphasis in communication on addressing attitudes when almost all caretakers had highly positive attitudes already. Most caretakers of children who were not immunized during the last NID held positive attitudes towards immunization, yet their children weren’t immunized.
  2. The content of the communication campaign lacked advice to caretakers as to how to make sure that their child is not missed by the campaign. Even though the last NID was carried out door to door, some children were missed because their parents weren’t home during the visits and they didn’t designate someone else to make sure that the children would be immunized.
  3. Too much effort and budget were allocated to ineffective media, such as print, and too little attention was given to more effective ones, including television spots and megaphones at the community level.
  4. There was little use of effective community mobilization despite the low cost involved. The local health staff was lacking the necessary strategy, plan, content, and communication skills.
  5. Messages needed to enhance the sense of responsibility that parents should have towards their children’s health in general and immunization in particular.
  6. Many caretakers had other problems such as misinformation and wrong beliefs which would cause reluctance to immunize their children.
The New Strategic Directions Since 2002

While the family planning and oral rehydration cases presented earlier have achieved remarkable success with the general public using mass media campaigns with little additional help from interpersonal communication, in this instance, however, the revised communication strategy which I presented to Unicef and the Egyptian government included the following three key recommendations: (1) revise the communication strategy and media mix, (2) revise the content and message strategy and (3) use community mobilization in combination with mass media.

  1. Revising the communication strategy and media mix

Media habits indicators, as measured in the 2002 baseline assessment mentioned above showed that television had a much wider reach than either radio or print media. The results indicated that TV ownership had surpassed radio ownership in Egypt, contrary to what was believed by the polio program decision makers, where 93 percent of the baseline sample reported watching TV compared to 42 percent who listened to the radio. But that’s only half the story. While 68 percent watched television regularly, only 14 percent listened to the radio on a regular basis. Only 8.5 percent of the sample said that they read newspapers and magazines on a regular basis.

The revised communication plan changed the media mix for the campaigns from 2003 to 2005 according to the new strategy which we proposed to and was adopted by UNICEF and the ministry of health. The following comments can be made regarding the comparison between the 2002 plan and the 2003-205:

  1. It would have been expected that the communication budget would be increased after the catastrophic rise in the numbers of reported cases. However, the cost of the 2002 campaign was in fact higher than that in any of the following years. The average communication cost during the years 2003-2005 was 43 percent lower than that of 2002. With this relatively low cost, however major changes in knowledge, attitudes, and behaviors were achieved, as will be discussed below.
  2. We revised the media mix quite significantly, where some media were dropped completely, including posters, and the uses of mobile trucks and other media were reduced such as radio and print media. Other community media were introduced for the first time, such as flyers, and the use of others such as megaphones was significantly increased.
  3. A strong emphasis on television continued at 40 percent of the total communication cost, but with a revised message content strategy as will be discussed later.

Table (1) Polio Communication Campaign Cost 2002-2005

Mass/Community Media  2002200320042005Total 2003-2005Average 2003-2005
TV278,32180,000246,50070,000396,500132,167
Radio51,425100,00000100,00033,333
Newspapers & Magazines76,09124,00017,857041,85713,952
Posters31,00000000
Megaphone29,84314,922176,6585.536197,11665,705
Flyers0125,00003,460128,46042,820
Mobile Trucks104,399000 0
       
TOTAL571,079343,922441,01578,996863,933287,977

[i] El- Zanaty & Associates, National Immunization Day For The Eradication Of Polio In Egypt Final Assessment, Unicef, 2005

campaign cost.png
Figure (2) Polio campaign media mix and cost in Egyptian pounds, 2002-2005

2. Revising the Message content strategy

Field reports have showed that there are some negative attitudes and behavioral shortcomings such as the public reluctance and ignorance of the importance of routine immunization, spread of some rumors and misconceptions regarding the after effects of the vaccine. Other caretakers don’t cooperate with vaccination teams particularly if they have already given their children one or two doses through the routine immunization program.

In addition to these reports, we analyzed the results of the national baseline survey which included a total of 2048 households in July 2002[3]. The situation as found in this 2002 baseline survey follows, but phrased in the “Knowledge and Social Change” theoretical framework[4] terminology and classifications as these were the basis for planning the communication campaigns 2003-2005.

“Awareness” Knowledge

  1. Knowledge about the polio disease: there was no issue with this facet of knowledge as 99.6 percent stated that they had heard about polio before. However, 12 percent of care takers also said that polio vaccination has harmful side effects. The high level of awareness may be therefore misleading.

“How-to” Knowledge

  1. Respondents remain somewhat confused about the issue of the maximum number of polio vaccine shots that a child can take. 42 percent of the 2002 respondents couldn’t agree with the statement that there was no maximum number of doses for the polio vaccine. This finding may explain the reluctance of some parents to get their children immunized in NIDs if they think that their child has already taken “enough” rounds of immunization.
  2. Despite the central importance of the message that children should get the polio vaccine starting from day one after they are born, 13 percent of caretakers don’t have this information. A clarification of this issue should be one of the key messages to target in future mass media and social mobilization campaigns, but more importantly television messages as this medium appears to set the agenda and give added credibility to messages communicated through various other media.
  3. With regards to the dangers associated with delaying one dose of the polio vaccine. 49 percent of respondents stated that nothing would happen if the child delayed taking one dose. The percentage of caretakers  who said that such delay would cause the child to get polio is only 26 percent

Principles Knowledge

  1. It is comforting that 83 percent of the sample mentioned that extra doses of the polio vaccine will not harm the child. However, we need to worry about the remaining 17 percent.
  2. Regarding the possibility of child vaccination in case they have fever or diarrhea, 76 percent of the respondents mentioned that the child could be vaccinated while having fever and less than one quarter of respondents mentioned that he/she could not be vaccinated.
  3. Regarding the immunization of children against polio while having diarrhea, slightly less than two-thirds of respondents mentioned that the child should be re-vaccinated, while 32 percent mentioned that he/she shouldn’t.
  4. With regards to whether or not a child should be vaccinated even if he/she had just eaten a meal, only 73 percent answered the question positively. Once again, we should worry about the remaining 27 percent.

Message strategy and content recommendations

  1. Television alone accounts for 87 percent of caretakers’ knowledge of polio immunization. All other sources of information, combined, contribute 44 percent (multiple responses were permitted). While this skewed distribution reflects the nature of television itself as well as the near universal access that it enjoys, it may however indicate a need to explore ways to improve the utilization of other means as well, particularly community-level outlets.
  2. General awareness of polio immunization and its importance is quite high among caretakers: 99.6 percent had heard about polio before, 96 percent heard of NIDs, and 95 percent heard of the last NID. However, the level of “how-to-knowledge” among caretakers is one that needs a sharper focus in future campaigns, as 40 percent acknowledged that they didn’t know that a child should take the polio vaccine from the first day after birth, and 50 percent said that they didn’t know that a child could be immunized even if he/she had fever.
  3. Caretakers also have problems with some aspects of “principles-knowledge”, which can relate to their persuasion to cooperate with vaccination teams. For example, 51 percent of respondents are confused about the maximum number of polio doses a child could take. A clear message on this issue is required.
  4. Certain key messages still need to be stressed in order to reduce the numbers of children who are missed by the NIDs. Such messages may include ones such as:
    1. Children must be immunized during the NID, even if they had received all of their regular doses before”,
    1. The polio vaccine has no side effects”,
    1. The polio vaccine can be taken even if the child has fever or diarrhea.
    1. Also, exact dates and locations for the NID should be repeatedly promoted through all campaign channels and community outlets.
  5. In addition, practical advice to caretakers is needed regarding possible ways to make sure that the child is immunized during the NID’s home visits. Messages could propose for example the possibility to leave the child with a family member, a neighbor, or a friend, or to take them to a fixed post for immunization.

 Attitudes

  1. There is a universally positive attitude towards polio immunization. However:
    1. More respondents were likely to believe that NIDs are not essential, and that routine doses were sufficient among those with higher socioeconomic status, as 8 percent of university graduates gave such an answer, compared with only 2 percent of those with elementary school education or less.
    2. Campaign messages need not dwell too much on attitude issues, but on solid and clear assurances that they need not fear repeated polio vaccinations.

Practices

  • The majority of missed cases in the last NID could have been immunized, but unfortunately weren’t because of quite avoidable causes. For example, in two thirds of the cases, the cause was either that the vaccinators didn’t show up, the caretaker didn’t know that there was a door to door vaccination campaign, or that neither caretaker nor child was home during the time vaccinators came to the house.
  • Communication messages should stress the importance of leaving the child at home or at a family member or close relative or a friend’s home on the designated NID. The message should ask caretakers to take the child on the same day to a fixed vaccination site if it was impossible to do the above.

3. Strengthening Community Mobilization

Figure (3) Farag Elkamel leading a trainer of trainers (TOT) workshop for the Ministry of Health Officials
  • Developing Planning tools for organizing community awareness campaigns
    •  Building MOHP capacities for planning and implementing community social mobilization activities (training, TOT, manuals)
    • Institutionalizing community social mobilization within the MOHP micro planning process

Tailor-made training plans, curricula, and workshops were organized for ministry of health and volunteer staff. The objective was to empower them with communication skills to convey specific messages to local high-risk communities. Community mobilization was targeted to reaching families through local outlets, namely mosques, churches, schools, megaphones, health centers and local businesses.

Figure (4) Summary of Community Mobilization Activities

Impact on Knowledge, Attitudes and Behaviors

As mentioned above, our recommendation was to go past the focus on attitude change and to focus on other content that would be more conducive to causing behavioral change, since attitudes towards polio immunization were already quite positive (97.3 percent) in 2002. Despite media campaign focus on other content, attitudes remained quite positive in 2005 (99.2%). Quite significant gains however were made in other aspects of knowledge, attitudes, and behavior between 2002 and 2005, as shown below:

2003-2005 impact.png
Figure (5) Selected Indicators for Impact of 2003-2005 Campaign

Table (2) Polio Immunization Knowledge, Attitude and Behaviors of Caretakers (%), Egypt 2002-2005

Knowledge, Attitudes and Behavior Indicators20022005  
   
Correct knowledge-polio 1  82.296.3
Correct knowledge-polio 2  8293.8
Correct knowledge-polio 3  82.693.6
Polio has no side effects  73.190
Extra polio vaccine causes no harm  88.196.6
Can take vaccine if child has fever  35.970
Can be immunized starting 1 day of age  4692.1
Immunize up to age 5  77.198
Breastfeeding is not contradictory  84.7  97.9
Must take all NIDs  86.299
No harm from NIDs  89.3  98.1
Behavior: child immunized in last NID  93.4  98.6  
impact 2003-2005.png
Figure (6): Polio Immunization Knowledge, Attitude and Behaviors of Caretakers, Egypt 2002-2005
Impact on Polio Eradication:

Confirmed Cases of Polio started to decline in 2003 and then completely disappeared in 2005. Egypt was declared polio free by the Minister of Health and Population on August 29, 2005, and by UNICEF/WHO on February 1, 2006. It’s perhaps the first time Egypt was polio free in several thousand years!

Figure (7) Polio Free Egypt

Table (3) Annual Number of Confirmed Cases of Poliomyelitis in Egypt: 1997-2008

Year199719981999200020012002
Cases14359457
       
Year200320042005200620072008
Cases110000
Cost-effectiveness of Media Channels and Formats

Studies of cost effectiveness of communication campaigns are quite rare, since even studies of their impact are themselves not common. The evaluation of the polio campaigns, however went this extra mile, as a follow up survey was dedicated to this interesting investigation.

In the cost-effectiveness analysis, the effectiveness of the alternative media means are measured and compared through cost-effectiveness ratios. The cost-effectiveness ratio of a particular medium is calculated by dividing the cost of conducting this campaign, expressed in monetary terms, by its effectiveness, expressed in non-monetary terms. In the current investigation, this ratio can be used to estimate the cost of the media mean per “motivated” caretaker. The term motivated caretaker refers to the caretakers who are motivated by the media mean to immunize their eligible children. The medium with the smallest ratios are considered to be the most cost-effective. Thus, for the purpose of this cost-effectiveness investigation, cost will be determined for mass media and interpersonal communication. Then, the cost-effectiveness of each media campaign can be broken down by type of media used.[5]

In early October, 2005, a follow-up survey was conducted following the September,

2005’s NID. This follow-up survey was designed to maximize opportunities for meaningful comparisons among the type of polio media campaigns in terms of exposure and cost. An important improvement was made in the follow-up questionnaire by asking the surveyed caretaker to identify the key media type that motivated him/her to immunize his/her children in the September, 2005’s NID. This type of question was not included in the final assessment survey.

Table (3) shows the number of motivated caretakers to each type of media based on the results of the follow-up survey conducted after the September, 2005 polio campaign. The total number of caretakers surveyed in the follow-up survey was 1,549. According to the figures in the table, 72 percent of the caretakers in the survey who immunized their children were primarily motivated by the TV spots, 2 percent were motivated by the TV programs, 2 percent by the radio, and 7 percent by the megaphones.[6]

Table (4) Cost and Number of Motivated Caretakers (Follow-up Survey 2005)

Media  TV SpotsRegular TV ProgramsRadioMegaphones
No. of Motivated Caretakers (survey)1,1192532114
Estimated number of motivated caretakers (population)6,078,519    135,803    173,827      619,259  
Average cost per 1,000 motivated caretakers in LE4.42 78.36 48.4 20.36  

To estimate the number of caretakers in the September, 2005 polio campaign who were motivated by each type of media, the following methodology was used. The number of immunized children during the September, 2005 NID was 11 million children, while the number of children immunized in the sample surveyed in the follow-up survey was estimated to be 2,025 children and the number of caretakers in that sample was 1,549 caretakers. This information was used to obtain rough estimations of the number of caretakers who were motivated by the different media means to immunize their children. Denote C as the number of caretakers motivated by the media mean and to immunize their children in Egypt, and c is that number in the sample survey, then an estimation of C can be obtained using the following equation: C=c×11,000,000/2,025. The second row in the table presents the estimation of the number of motivated caretakers by each type of media.

To compare the effectiveness of the different types of media used, the cost-effectiveness ratio of each media mean was derived by dividing the average cost per campaign of the media used by the estimated number of motivated caretakers. The last row of the table shows the cost-effectiveness ratios per 1000 responding caretakers for each type of media.

As shown in this table, the media with the best cost-effectiveness indicator is the TV spots (LE 4.42 per 1000 motivated caretakers), followed by the megaphones (LE 20.36 per1000 motivated caretakers), radio (LE 48.4 per 1000 motivated caretakers), and finally the regular TV programs (LE 78.36 per 1000 motivated caretakers). According to these results, the TV spots are the most cost–effective medium, while regular TV programs are the worst in terms of cost ratio.  It should be noted, however, that the cost of TV spots does not include the cost of air time, which was donated by the state-owned television channels.


[1] El- Zanaty & Associates, Support to National Communication Polio Plan

Baseline Survey, Unicef 2002. https://www.unicef.org/evaldatabase/files/EGY_2002_005.pdf

[2] El- Zanaty & Associates, iNational Immunization Day For The Eradication Of Polio In Egypt Final Assessment, Unicef, 2005

[3] El-Zanaty 2002

[4] Elkamel 1981

[5] Zanaty 2005, p.55

[6] Ibid., p. 60

Against the Odds: Making a Difference in Global Health

NIH set up an exhibition and a website to document the most successive health interventions in the world in the 20th century. In November 2008 they interviewed me and the following is the text of that interview and links to their website where it was published.

against the odds

“Dr. Farag Elkamel is dean of the school of communication at Ahram Canadian University, Egypt. He specializes in the use of the mass media to promote health messages. In 1983, he launched a television campaign to promote Oral Rehydration Therapy, a treatment for dehydration. The campaign is considered one of the most successful educational projects ever undertaken—during the first four years, the number of children dying from diarrheal diseases more than halved.

Q: What does “health and human rights” mean to you? 
A: Women and children are commonly the weakest segments economically and politically, especially in less developed countries. They are at the same time victims for numerous health problems that have several causes, including this exact weakness.

Q: How/why did you get involved in global health issues?
A: As a graduate student at the University of Chicago, I was fortunate to be introduced to this field by my professor, Dr. Donald J. Bogue, who gave me the opportunity to work with him at the University of Chicago Community and Family Study Center (CFSC). After I returned to Egypt, the national program for the prevention and control of child dehydration was just beginning, and I was fortunate again to be hired by the program as the communication expert/and campaign director. When this program achieved remarkable international recognition, the World Health Organization in Geneva hired me to help develop and implant communication strategies and programs for global AIDS awareness and control. In the meantime, I worked with UNICEF as Senior Communication Adviser for the Egyptian Polio Eradication Program, which succeeded in eradicating polio from Egypt, and declaring the country polio free in 2005.

Q: How was the Egypt campaign different to other projects to introduce the use of Oral Rehydration Therapy (ORT)?

A: Before Egypt, only Gambia and Honduras had begun similar projects, but media campaigns I those two countries only used radio and posters. A major difference is that Egypt had a more complex media system, and it was Egypt which used the first TV spots in the world for ORT.

Q: Describe some of the successes you have seen in your work.
A: My masters thesis proved that educational videos can raise awareness of the PAP test among poor American women.

My ORT campaign proved that poverty and even illiteracy shouldn’t prevent mothers from learning to use ORT effectively.

My work with the polio eradication campaign showed that communication can change beliefs, attitudes and practices, and change a situation that had existed in a country for thousands of years (polio was recorded on pharaonic stelae more than 3000 years ago).
I have also learned from working in almost fifteen different countries that communication can succeed anywhere in the world, if it is planned and implemented correctly.

Q: What are some of the challenges affecting the health of children?

A:

  • Lack of political will and commitment among national decision makers.
  • Inefficient use of media and other public education networks which waste scarce resources.

Q: How can young people make a difference?

A:

  • Believe that they can help make a difference.
  • Being innovative and creative.
  • Learning from successful experiences”

https://www.nlm.nih.gov/exhibition/againsttheodds/index_3.html

https://www.nlm.nih.gov/exhibition/againsttheodds/guest_column/2008/11/index.html

نموذج المعرفة والتغيير الاجتماعى: الأسس العلمية وحالات تطبيقية – د. فرج الكامل

The model was first presented in Farag Elkamel, “Knowledge and Social Change: The Case of Family Planning.” Ph.D. Dissertation, The University of Chicago Department of Sociology, 1981.

It was also published in Arabic in:

دكتور فرج الكامل: تأثير وسائل الاتصال – الأسس النفسية والاجتماعية. دار الفكر العربى 1985

Website for more information on the model and methodology: https://elkamel.wordpress.com/

YouTube channel for professional model applications: https://www.youtube.com/Farag Elkamel

______________________________________________________

مقدمة

نقطة البداية الأساسية ـ أو البديهية الأساسية ـ فى النموذج هى أن المعرفة تعد أساس السلوك الإنساني. وبالنسبة للغالبية العظمى من القضايا والأشياء، فان معظم الناس يعرفون القليل ـ أو لا يعرفون شيئا ـ عن هذه القضايا أو الأشياء أو كيفية التصرف حيالها. ومن مسلمات النموذج أيضا أن الإنسان يسلك مسلكا خاصا دون غيره فى الحياة بناء على كمية ونوع المعرفة التى لديه.

المعرفة، الإتصال، والوضع الإجتماعى ـ الإقتصادى للفرد

المدخل الحالى يفترض أن المعرفة التى لدينا عن الأشياء أو الأشخاص تتكون عن طريق اشتراكنا فى عملية الإتصال، سواء كان الإتصال مواجهيا أو جماهيريا. ولما كنا نفترض أن المعرفة هى أساس السلوك الإنساني، فإننا نستطيع القول بأن السلوك يتم التأثير عليه عن طريق الإتصال. ولكن الإتصال ـ من ناحية أخرى ـ يرتبط بعدد من العوامل الإقتصادية والإجتماعية التى تحدد نوعه ومداه. من هنا، فان النموذج يطرح عددا من التساؤلات التى تعد الإجابة عليها أساسية لفهم دور الإعلام فى التغيير والتنمية الإجتماعية:

المعرفة والسلوك

إذا ما اتفقنا على الحقيقة الأساسية التى مؤداها أن المعرفة يتم تحصيلها عن طريق الإتصال، فإننا نستطيع أن نكتشف ما إذا كانت المعرفة بشيء أو بفكرة أو بشخص ما تؤثر على السلوك نحو هذه الشيء أو الفكرة أو الشخص.

هذه العلاقة بين المعرفة والسلوك مبنية على الاعتقاد الراسخ بأن الذين لا يقومون بأى سلوك نحو شيء ما غالبا ما يفتقرون إلى القدرة على معرفة أو دراسة هذا الشيء وإمكانية السلوك نحوه. وبالتالى فان الفرد لا يستطيع أن يكون إعتقادات أو نوايا سلوكية ليقوم بسلوك معين نحو شيء يجهله .

وطبقا لهذا المدخل، فان الإختلافات فى المعرفة بين الأفراد ترجع إلى عاملين أساسيين: الأول هو الإختلافات فى درجات ونوعيات التعرض للإتصال، والثانى هو الاختلاف فى الأوضاع الإجتماعية والإقتصادية. وعلاوة على ذلك، فان درجات ونوعيات التعرض للإتصال ترتبط بدورها بالأوضاع الإجتماعية والإقتصادية للفرد. وبالنسبة للسلوك نحو شيء أو قضية ما، فإننا نستطيع أن نجد أن:

ومن هنا، فإننا نستطيع القول بأن السلوك يتأثر بالمعرفة، التى تتأثر بدورها بالمتغيرات الإتصالية والمتغيرات الإجتماعية ـ الإقتصادية من ناحية، وبالتفاعل بين المتغيرات الإتصالية والمتغيرات الإجتماعية والإقتصادية من الناحية الأخرى.

العوامل الوسيطة

برغم الأهمية القصوى للمعرفة فى تحديد السلوك، إلا أننا لا يجب أن نتوقع علاقة مباشرة بين المتغيرين. ففى كثير من الأحيان توجد هناك أسباب ـ أو متغيرات ـ تحول دون تحول المعرفة إلى سلوك فعلى، من العوامل الوسيطة التى يحددها النموذج:

والشيء المهم الذى تجدر الإشارة إليه هنا هو أن الفئتين الأخيرتين من المتغيرات الوسيطة ـ المتغيرات القيمية والاتجاهيةـ تتأثران إلى حد كبير بالمتغيرات الإتصالية التى تحدثنا عنها ـ وهى التى تتصل بكمية ونوعية التعرض للإتصال. ومن ناحية أخرى فان العوامل أو المتغيرات المساعدة ترتبط إلى حد كبير بالمتغيرات الإقتصادية والإجتماعية.

وكان أول اختبار عملى لهذا النموذج فى عام 1981 عندما طبقه المؤلف على قضية تنظيم الأسرة فى مصر.

وقد كان الفرض العلمى الأساسى للدراسة عن تنظيم الأسرة هو أن الشخص الذى يعيش فى مناطق حضرية، المتعلم، المرتفع الدخل، والذى ينتمى إلى ذوى الياقات البيضاء، لا يتوقع أن يكون أكثر استخداما لتنظيم الأسرة أكثر من الشخص الريفى، الأمى، الفقير، الذى يعمل فلاحا أو عاملا، إلا إذا كان الشخص الأول أكثر معرفة بوسائل تنظيم الأسرة من الشخص الثانى. أى أن العوامل الإجتماعية والإقتصادية فى حد ذاتها ليست هى التى تجعل الفرد يسلك سلوكا معينا. بل إن ما يؤدى بالفرد إلى السلوك بشكل معين دون غيره هو أن تلك العوامل الإجتماعية والإقتصادية تؤدى بالفرد إلى اكتساب المعرفة بشكل يختلف طبقا لاختلاف تلك الظروف الإجتماعية والإقتصادية.

وما قلناه هنا ينطبق تماما على المتغيرات الإتصالية. فليس المهم هو الإشتراك فى التعرض للإتصال، إذا كان هذا الإشتراك ليس من النوع الذى يؤدى إلى زيادة المعرفة. وقد جاءت النتائج مؤكدة للفروض العلمية المبنية على النموذج، ووجد المؤلف أن التفاعل بين العوامل الإجتماعية والإقتصادية وبين المتغيرات الاتصالية يؤدى إلى التأثير على مستوى المعرفة لدى الفرد. فالطبقات الفقيرة والأميون والريفيون والفلاحون يستمعون فى الإذاعة إلى برامج يغلب عليها الطابع الترفيهى، فى حين يستمع المتعلمون والذين يعيشون فى المناطق الحضرية إلى برامج يغلب عليها أكثر الطابع المعلومى. هذا بالإضافة بالطبع إلى عدم تعرض الأميين أو الفقراء أو الريفيين إلى أى من وسائل الإعلام بنفس الدرجة التى يتعرض بها الأغنياء أو المتعلمون أو سكان المدن لهذه الوسائل.

وهذا النموذج ينبه إلى أن المهم ليس وجود برامج أو حملات إعلامية فى حد ذاتها، وإنما المهم هو كيف تتم هذه الحملات وكيف تراعى هذا الارتباط بين المعرفة ـ الإتصال ـ العوامل الإجتماعية والإقتصادية ـ والسلوك. ومراعاة هذا الارتباط بين عناصر النموذج يهدف فى نهاية الأمر إلى إحداث التنمية الإجتماعية بشكل متوازن، وحيث هى مطلوبة بشكل أكثر إلحاحا. وفى الواقع، فإننا نشبه ما يحدث فى كثير من الحملات الإعلامية آلتي تتم فى غيبة من الوعى بهذا التفاعل بين تلك العناصر بما يحدث ـ على سبيل المثال ـ حينما ندعم بعض السلع التموينية التى ينتهى الأمر بها أن تكون متوافرة لدى القادرين أكثر من توافرها لدى ذوى الحاجة الماسة إليها. وباختصار شديد فان المعرفة هى رغيف الخبز الأساسى الذى يجب أن نجعله متاحا للفقراء والأميين والريفيين ـ من أجل إحداث التنمية الإجتماعية والمتكافئة.

لقد ساد الاعتقاد لفترة طويلة فى بداية تطور الدراسات الإعلامية بقدرة الإعلام على عمل المعجزات، وتطورت نظريات سميت فيما بعد بنظريات ”الرصاصة“، لاعتقادها بالتأثير المباشر والحتمى للإعلام. وكرد فعل لهذا التبسيط الشديد لدور الإعلام، تطورت عدة نظريات وأفكار تؤمن بأن الجمهور ”عنيد“ ولا يتأثر كثيرا بالإعلام، وأنه يعتمد كثيرا على ”ميكانيزمات الدفاع عن النفس“ وخصوصا العمليات الانتقائية مثل التعرض الانتقائى والإدراك الانتقائى والتذكر الانتقائى لمضمون الإعلام.

وسادت إعتقادات بأن فشل الإعلام فى إدخال الأفكار الحديثة وفى تغيير المفاهيم الخاطئة إنما يرجع لعناد الجمهور نفسه، وتمسكه بالاتجاهات والآراء القديمة. ولكن هذا الاتجاه بدأ هو الآخر فى التوارى تدريجيا، وبدأ اتجاه ثالث فى الظهور، وساعد على ذلك عدة أمور أهمها حقيقتان: الأولى هى اكتشاف أهمية الانتقاء المفروض للإعلام والثانية هى وجود فجوة فى المعرفة والسلوك تنتج عن التعرض لوسائل الإعلام.

وهاتان الحقيقتان مرتبطتان إلى حد كبير، ذلك أن وسائل الإعلام تلعب دورا خطيرا فى خلق فجوة المعرفة وذلك عن طريق ”تعريض“ فئات محددة من الجمهور للمعلومات دون غيرها من فئات المجتمع. وهناك أشكال عديدة تؤثر وسائل الإعلام عن طريها فى إيجاد هذه الفجوة والإبقاء عليها، ومنها شكل الرسالة الإعلامية، ومستواها اللغوى، وتوقيت إذاعتها أو مكان نشرها.

فجوة المعرفة

تطور الفرض العلمى عن ”فجوة المعرفة على يد تيتشنر Tichenor وزملائه عندما وجدوا أنه ”كما زادت كثافة المعلومات فى وسائل الإعلام فى نظام إجتماعى معين، كلما زاد اكتساب الفئات الإجتماعية ذات المستويات المرتفعة اقتصاديا وإجتماعيا للمعلومات بشكل يفوق بكثير اكتساب الفئات الإجتماعية الأخرى لهذه المعلومات، مما يؤدى إلى زيادة اتساع الفجوة فى المعرفة بين هذه الفئات المختلفة“ (تيتشنر، 1981).

ويمكن قياس فجوة المعرفة بطريقتين: الأولى فى لحظة زمنية محددة، والثانية خلال فترة زمنية ممتدة. وقد وجد تيتشنر وزملاؤه أنه فى كلتا الحالتين فان الإختلافات فى مستويات المعرفة توازى الإختلافات فى مستويات التعليم. وقد وجد باحثون آخرون أن هناك عوامل أخرى ترتبط بفجوة المعرفة، مثل الأمية والعنصر والديانة والوظيفة والمستوى الإقتصادى

وقد حدد الباحثون فى مجال الإعلام عوامل عديدة تساعد على تكوين فجوة المعرفة، ومن هذه العوامل:

وبالإضافة إلى هذه العوامل، فان من الأسباب التى تساعد على زيادة فجوة المعرفة، وخصوصا فى الدول النامية، هو إيمان الكثيرين من القائمين على شئون الإتصال فى تلك الدول بالعمل من خلال عدد محدود ممن يسمون” قادة الرأى“. ذلك أن الكثيرين قد تأثروا بما يدعى ”انتشار المعلومات على مرحلتين“، فى الوقت الذى وجد فيه باحثون عديدون أن القليل جدا من المعلومات ينتقل إلى الجمهور العريض من خلال قادة الرأى هؤلاء، بل وجدت بعض الأبحاث أن ما قام قادة الرأى بتوصيله إلى الجمهور كان مشوها إلى حد كبير.

ولا يقتصر تأثير فجوة المعرفة على إحداث فجوة مماثلة فى السلوك، بل يتعدى ذلك إلى طبيعة النظام الإجتماعى وسلامته، ذلك أنه فى الوقت الذى تصل فيه المعلومات بشكل سريع إلى فئة قليلة من المجتمع تستفيد من هذه المعلومات فى تدعيم قوتها اقتصاديا وسياسيا وإجتماعيا، فان الذين لا يتمتعون بهذه الميزة يدفعون الثمن ويزداد ضعفهم النسبى فى المجتمع. وتتمثل خطورة هذا الوضع فى إحداث حالة من الإحباط والحرمان النسبى والفشل بين الفئات المحرومة فى المجتمع، مما قد يؤدى إلى حدوث العنف أو الثورة.

التفاعل بين المعرفة والإتصال والوضع الإجتماعى الإقتصادى

مفهوم ”المعرفة“ يختلف منهجيا عن مفاهيم أخرى شبيهة، مثل ”الوعى“ أو ”الإعتقاد“. أما الاختلاف بين المعرفة والوعى فانه يتمثل فى كون الوعى شكلا واحدا من أشكال ثلاثة أساسية للمعرفة. كذلك فان ”المعرفة“ تختلف عن ”الإعتقاد“ فى كون المعرفة تخضع للحكم عليها بالخطأ أو الصواب على أساس موضوعى مجرد، فى حين أن الإعتقادات لا يمكن أن تخضع لذلك. ومفهوم ”المعرفة“ كما يستخدم هنا قريب إلى حد كبير من مفهومها عند روجرز وشوميكر (Rogers and Shoemaker, 1971) ، حيث حددا ثلاثة أشكال للمعرفة:

ويمكن النظر إلى هذه الأنماط الثلاثة للمعرفة على أنها مراحل مختلفة، تقع مرحلة “الوعى” فى أدناها، وتعتبر مرحلة “معرفة المبادىء” أكثرها رقيا. ومن البديهى أن المرحلة الأولى وحدها لا تكفى لكى يقوم الفرد بسلوك معين على أساسها إزاء الشيء موضع المعرفة، بل يجب أن يتحقق المستوى الثانى على الأقل، أى “معرفة الكيفية” قبل أن يكون للمعرفة تأثير ملموس على السلوك.

والمعرفة عامل مستقل وتابع فى نفس الوقت. ذلك أن المعرفة عامل مستقل يؤثر على السلوك، ولكنها فى نفس الوقت عامل تابع يتأثر بالإتصال كما يتأثر بالوضع الإجتماعى الإقتصادى للفرد.

وبالإضافة إلى تأثير المعرفة بكل من الإتصال والعوامل الإجتماعية والإقتصادية، فان هناك تأثيرا متبادلا بين هذين العاملين. وهكذا فان التفاعل والتأثير المتبادل بين المعرفة والإتصال والوضع الإجتماعى- الإقتصادى يؤثر على المعرفة ويسبب فجوة فيها بين الفئات المختلفة.

ولا يقتصر تأثير العلاقات بين هذه العوامل على إحداث فجوة المعرفة، بل يتعدى ذلك إلى إحداث فجوة فى السلوك، والسبب الأساسى لذلك هو العلاقة الوثيقة بين المعرفة والسلوك. ومن البديهى أن العلاقة بين المعرفة والسلوك تتأثر أحيانا بعوامل أخرى، أى أن الفرد قد تكون لديه المعرفة ولكنه لا يتصرف على أساسها. ويمكن تسمية هذه العوامل التى تؤثر على العلاقة بين المعرفة والسلوك بالعوامل الوسيطة، وأهم هذه العوامل هى:

ومن الضرورى دراسة مدى تأثير كل من هذه العوامل على إمكانية سلوك الفرد، والعمل على التغلب على العقبات التى يمثلها كل منها. وتجدر الإشارة إلى أن الإعلام يستطيع بالإضافة إلى التأثير على عنصر المعرفة أن تؤثر أيضا على الاتجاه وعلى إدراك العرف الإجتماعى السائد، ولكنه لا يستطيع التغلب على العقبات المرتبطة بالعوامل الديموجرافية أو العوامل البديهية.

التغيير الإجتماعى فى النموذج

لقد عرفنا مفهوم “المعرفة” بأنه أى معلومات يمكن الحكم عليها بالخطأ أو الصواب. ولكن هذا التعريف ليس تعريفا جامدا فيما يتعلق بأى فكرة أو معلومة محددة، ذلك أن ماهو صواب فى مكان معين قد يكون خطأ فى مكان آخر، وماهو صحيح اليوم قد يثبت خطؤه غدا. فعلى سبيل المثال، كان علاج مرض الجفاف عن طريق الحقن هو الطريقة الفعالة حتى وقت قريب، عندما تم اكتشاف أن إضافة الملح والسكر بنسب محددة يزيد الامتصاص فى الأمعاء مئات المرات، مما أدى إلى اكتشاف أن محلول الإرواء عن طريق الفم أكثر فعالية من طريقة الحقن بالوريد. ومن ثم فان المعلومة التى كانت صحيحة من عدة سنوات ليست صحيحة اليوم. ولكن طريقة العلاج الجديدة ظلت لعدة سنوات معروفة لعدد محدود جدا من العاملين بالمجال الصحى وعامة الشعب، وكانت هناك فجوة كبيرة بين كبار الأطباء من ناحية وبقية الأطباء من ناحية أخرى، وبين المتعلمين وغير المتعلمين. وعلى مستوى مختلف، فان هناك أيضا فجوة فى المعرفة بين المجتمعات المختلفة.

وهكذا فان فجوة المعرفة تنشأ لأن فئات معينة فى مجتمع بعينه تكتسب المعرفة أسرع من غيرها من الفئات، وكلما زادت المعلومات فى مجتمع ما كلما تعددت فجوات المعرفة فى ذلك المجتمع.  وما يزيد الطين بلة، أن المجتمع الذى نعيش فيه مجتمع سريع التطور، وأن المعلومات يمكن أن تتغير بسرعة فائقة مما يتسبب فى وصول معلومات إلى بعض طبقات المجتمع بعد أن تكون قد أصبحت معلومات غير صحيحة، فى الوقت الذى تكون فيه فئات أخرى قد اكتسبت معلومات جديدة مختلفة. ويؤدى ذلك النظام إلى ازدياد هوة الفجوة فى المعرفة بين فئات المجتمع المختلفة، والى وجود فجوات أخرى بين هذه الفئات نتجت عن فجوة المعرفة هذه.

الخلاصة هى أن المعلومات تتغير بسرعة، ولكن هذا التغيير لا يصل بنفس السرعة لكافة فئات المجتمع، ومن ثم فان فجوة المعرفة تتزايد باستمرار فى الوقت الذى ترتبط فيه المعرفة بعوامل أخرى تؤثر على المستوى الإجتماعى والاقتصادى للفرد. وتجدر الإشارة هنا إلى أن هذا النموذج، والذى تطور فى مصر كإحدى الدول النامية، يختلف عن النماذج الأخرى فى كونه يفترض أن التقدم أو التغير الإجتماعى ليس بالضرورة تغيرا نحو تحقيق النظام الإجتماعى الموجود فى المجتمعات الغربية، وهو ما تفترضه نماذج أخرى محددة مثل نماذج ليرنر وروجرز وغيرهما.

وجد معظم علماء الإجتماع المهتمين بالدراسات السكانية ومشكلة تنظيم الأسرة علاقة إحصائية إيجابية بين سلوك تنظيم الأسرة والوضع الإجتماعى والاقتصادى للفرد، مثل التحضر والدخل والتعليم، الخ. وفى الواقع، فان العلاقة بين تنظيم الأسرة والعوامل الإجتماعية والإقتصادية هى علاقة ذات اتجاهين، بمعنى أن كلا من هذين المتغيرين يؤثر فى الآخر، ذلك أنه كلما تحسن الوضع الإجتماعى والاقتصادى كلما زادت ممارسة تنظيم الأسرة، وكلما زادت ممارسة تنظيم الأسرة تحسن الوضع الإجتماعى والاقتصادى للأسرة. ولسنوات طويلة احتدم الخلاف بين فريقين من علماء الإجتماع والسكان، يؤمن أحدهما بأن المشكلة السكانية سوف تحل نفسها بنفسها وذلك عندما يتحسن الوضع الإجتماعى والاقتصادى، ويؤمن الفريق الآخر بأن المشكلة السكانية لابد من حلها أولا حتى تستطيع جهود التنمية أن تثمر فى تحسين الوضع الإجتماعى والاقتصادى.

وفى الواقع فان هذين المدخلين اللذين سيطرا على دراسات السكان وتنظيم الأسرة لفترة طويلة يجعلان من العلاقة بين الظروف الإجتماعية والإقتصادية من ناحية، وتنظيم الأسرة من ناحية أخرى، ما يشبه العلاقة بين البيضة والدجاجة، حيث أنه من الصعب تحديد أيهما يسبق الآخر.

ولكن ما يهمنا هنا هو كيفية التدخل فى هذه العلاقة، والدور الذى يستطيع الإعلام أن يقوم به، بدلا من الجدل العقيم حول تلك العلاقة التبادلية. فالمهم ليس هو إثبات وجود علاقة فى اتجاه ما دون الآخر، ولكن ما يهمنا هو البحث عن الميكانيزم الذى عن طريقه يؤثر الوضع الإجتماعى والاقتصادى فى السلوك الانجابى، ولنترك العلاقة الأخرى لعلماء الاقتصاد كى يبحثوا كيفية تأثير السلوك الإنجابي على الوضع الإقتصادى والإجتماعى.

وبالنسبة لتأثير العوامل الإجتماعية والإقتصادية على السلوك الإنجابي، فقد اكتفى الديموجرافيون بإثبات وجود معامل ارتباط  بين المتغيرين، دون أن يهتموا كثيرا بأسباب و كيفية حدوث ذلك الارتباط، ولم يستطيعوا، على سبيل المثال، تفسير حدوث ارتباط إيجابي بين الدخل وتنظيم الأسرة فى معظم المجتمعات.ويقدم نموذج المعرفة والتغيير الإجتماعى تفسيرا لتلك العلاقة، حيث تمثل المعرفة الميكانيزم الذى من خلاله تقوم العوامل الإجتماعية والإقتصادية المختلفة بالتأثير على السلوك. فالانتقال إلى الحضر، وزيادة التصنيع فى المجتمع يؤديان إلى كثافة السكان فى مساحات جغرافية صغيرة، مما يزيد من فرص الإتصال  الشخصى والجماهيرى، ويزيد من فرص التعليم والتدريب. كذلك فان مستوى التعليم والدخل يعملان على زيادة إمكانيات الحصول على المعلومات من وسائل الأعلام وغيرها من المصادر المستحدثة.

وهكذا فان التفاعل بين العوامل الإجتماعية والإقتصادية من ناحية، وعوامل الإتصال من ناحية أخرى، يفرز درجات متفاوتة من المعرفة لدى الفرد، وهو ما يؤثر على سلوكه تجاه الأشياء والأفراد الآخرين فى البيئة التى يعيش فيها. ومن ثم، فان أهمية العوامل الإجتماعية والإقتصادية فى تحديد السلوك الإنجابي ترتبط بدور هذه العوامل فى التأثير على مستوى المعرفة لدى الفرد، فيما يتعلق بتنظيم الأسرة ووسائله المختلفة. وبالطبع فان التأثير على المعرفة يتم أيضا من خلال التفاعل بين العوامل الإجتماعية والإقتصادية وعوامل الإتصال.

وتتبقى هناك إشكاليتان نظريتان إضافيتان إذا ما أردنا التأثير علىى المعرفة، وبالتبعية على االسلوك.  الأولى، وفقا لما ذكره إفرت روجرز فى نظريته عن انتشار المستحدثات، تدعى بأن وسائل الاتصال الجماهيرى تفيد فقط فى نشر المعرفة، بينما يكون الاتصال المباشرهو القادرعلى الإقناع وتغييرالسلوك.

اما الإشكالية الثانية، فهى قوله ايضا بأن الحملات الإعلامية تؤدى إلى إحداث أو زيادة فجوة فى المعرفة والسلوك، بحيث تستفيد منها الشرائح الاجتماعية والاقصادية “العليا” أكثر من الشرائح الدنيا.

ولكن نموذج “المعرفة والتغيير الاجتماعى” تغلب ايضا على هاتين الاشكاليتين، كما تغلب على اشالية عدم قدرة الديموجرافيين على تحديد الميكانزم الذى من خلاله تؤثرالعوامل الاجتماعيه ـ الاقتصادية على السلووك الانجابى .

ذلك انه وفقا لنموذج “المعرفة والتغيير الاجتماعى”. فان الاشكالية الحقيقية هى التخطيط والاستخدام السئ لوسائل الاتصل الجماهيرى ، وليسس قصور او محدودية قدرات هذه الوسائل فى حد ذاتها، وهو ما سوف نقوم باثباته فى الاختبارات البحثية والتطبيقية للنموذج والتى نعرضها فيما يلي.

ولكى نستطيع التثبت من صحة هذا النموذج العلمى، فان أحد الفروض العلمية التى يمكن اختبارها يقول بأن مستوى المعرفة لدى الفرد يعتبر أكثر أهمية من المستوى الإجتماعى والاقتصادى له فى تحديد سلوكه. إن تفسير العلاقة التى وجدها الديموجرافيون بين العوامل الإجتماعية والإقتصادية من ناحية، والسلوك الإنجابي من ناحية أخرى، يكمن فى حقيقة أن مستوى المعرفة يصبح أكثر ارتفاعا بين الفئات ذات المستوى المرتفع اقتصاديا وإجتماعيا عنه بين الفئات الأخرى. لذلك فإننا نتوقع أن الفرد ذا المستوى الإجتماعى والاقتصادى المرتفع لن يكون أكثر استعدادا لممارسة تنظيم الأسرة من الفرد ذى المستوى الإجتماعى والاقتصادى المنخفض، إلا إذا كان الأول يتمتع بمستوى من المعرفة يفوق الثانى.

اختبار نموذج المعرفة والتغيير الإجتماعى

الاختبار الأول للنموذج تم نشره فى عام 1981، ولمزيد من اختبار فروض النموذج قام المؤلف بتحليل بيانات ستة أبحاث إجتماعية2 تم إجراؤها فى المجتمع المصرى بين أعوام 1975 و 1982، وان كانت معظم النتائج مترتبة على بحثين أحدهما أجرى فى عام 1980 قبل الحملة الإعلامية والثانى أجرى فى 1982 بعد عامين من بداية تلك الحملة[i].

وقد أسفرت نتائج الدراسة الأولى  عن وجود علاقة وثيقة بين الوضع الإجتماعى والاقتصادى والتعرض لوسائل الإعلام. فبالنسبة للراديو فقد وجدت الدراسة أن 15 فى المائة من مجموع أفراد العينة (2000 أسرة يمثلون جميع سكان الجمهورية من المتزوجين) لا يملكون أجهزة راديو، غير أن هذه النسبة ترتفع إلى 33 فى المائة من ذوى الدخول المنخفضة والى 23 فى المائة من سكان الريف. وبالنسبة للتليفزيون فقد وجدت الدراسة أن 52 فى المائة من العينة يمتلكون أجهزة تليفزيون، ولكن هذه النسبة تنخفض إلى 19 فى المائة فقط من ذوى الدخل المنخفض، والى 27 فى المائة من سكان الريف، والى 42 فى المائة من ذوى المستويات التعليمية المنخفضة. وتزداد الفروق بين الفئات الإجتماعية المختلفة فيما يتعلق بقراءة الصحف والمجلات، فبينما نجد أن 12 فى المائة فقط من ذوى الدخل المنخفض يقرأون الصحف بانتظام، فان 67 فى المائة من ذوى الدخول المرتفعة يقرأون الصحف. وفى الوقت الذى تصل فيه نسبة من يقرأون الصحف من سكان الريف إلى 22 فى المائة فان 68 فى المائة من سكان الحضر يقرأونها.

وهناك أيضا فروق كبيرة بين الفئات الإجتماعية المختلفة فيما يتعلق بالانتظام فى قراءة الصحف، حيث نجد أن نسبة الذين يقرأون الصحف بشكل يومى من بين سكان المدن وذوى الدخول والمستويات التعليمية المرتفعة تفوق بكثير نسبة من ينتمون إلى الريف والى المستويات الإقتصادية والتعليمية المنخفضة. ومن ناحية أخرى، فقد قام المؤلف بتصنيف برامج ومواد الإذاعة والتليفزيون إلى فئتين من حيث المضمون الإعلامي: برامج ذات مستوى معلوماتى مرتفع، وأخرى ذات مستوى معلوماتى منخفض، وتوصل إلى أن الفئات الإجتماعية ذات المستويات الإقتصادية والتعليمية المرتفعة تتعرض أكثر من الفئات الأخرى للبرامج ذات المستوى المرتفع من المعلومات، وينطبق ذلك على برامج الراديو والتليفزيون على السواء. وبصفة عامة فان نسبة الذين يفضلون برامج التليفزيون الغنية بالمعلومات تعد نسبة منخفضة جدا إذا قورنت بمثيلتها فى الراديو، مما يشير إلى أن التليفزيون يمثل أساسا وسيلة ترفيهية بالنسبة للغالبية العظمى من المشاهدين فى مصر.

حالتان تطبيقيتان لنموذج المعرفة والتغيير الإجتماعى

نستعرض هنا حالتين تطبيقيتين لنموذج المعرفة والتغيير الإجتماعى. الحالة الأولى فشل الإعلام فيها فى إحداث أى تأثير فعال، وأدى إلى إحداث فجوة فى المعرفة أو إلى زيادة هوة الفجوة التى كانت موجودة بالفعل، كل ذلك جاء تأكيدا لما توقعته الفروض العلمية المستخلصة من النموذج. أما الحالة الثانية، فقد أحدث فيها الإعلام تأثيرا هائلا، وأدى إلى تضييق فجوة المعرفة بشكل حاسم، وكان ذلك أيضا تأكيدا ثانيا للمبادىء التى يقوم عليها النموذج.

الحالة الأولى: تفسير أسباب فشل حملة تنظيم الأسرة: 1980-1982

النتائج السابقة تثبت صحة  النموذج من حيث قدرته على توقع السلوك والعوامل التى تحدده. وبالإضافة إلى ذلك، فان النموذج يمكن اختباره أيضا من حيث قدرته على توقع نجاح أو فشل الحملات الإعلامية. ولذلك قام المؤلف بتحليل بيانات الدراسة التى أجريت أيضا على عينة تمثل سكان الجمهورية من المتزوجين فى سنة 1982 واشترك فى إجرائها الجهاز المركزى للتعبئة العامة والإحصاء، وهيئة الاستعلامات ومركز التنمية الإجتماعية. والسؤال الرئيسى الذى أردنا البحث عن إجابة له هو: هل أتت الحملة الإعلامية عن تنظيم الأسرة التى تمت فى الفترة من 1980 إلى 1982 إلى إحداث أو توسيع فجوة المعرفة والسلوك بين فئات المجتمع المختلفة أم لا؟ لقد ركزت تلك الحملة على نشر أربع رسائل أو “شعارات” أربعة هى: الشعار الجديد لتنظيم الأسرة.

وبالرغم من أن هذه الحملة استمرت لمدة سنتين فان نتائج الدراسة التى أجريت فى 1982 تشير إلى أن نسبة ضخمة من الجمهور لم تتعرض لأى من تلك الرسائل الأربع، وتصل هذه النسبة إلى 44 فى المائة من السكان (1). وكما يتوقع النموذج، فان هذه النسبة تختلف باختلاف الفئات الإجتماعية والإقتصادية. وهكذا، فإنها ترتفع إلى 64 فى المائة من الأميين، 62 فى المائة من سكان الريف، و63 فى المائة من ذوى الدخول المنخفضة. وهكذا فان الحملة الإعلامية عن تنظيم الأسرة، والتى استمرت لمدة سنتين، قد فشلت فى توصيل أية معلومات للغالبية العظمى من الجمهور المستهدف، وأدت إلى إيجاد فجوة كبيرة فى المعرفة بين فئات المجتمع، ويوضح الجدول التالى النسب المئوية للذين وصلتهم كل من الرسائل الأربع من بين فئات المجتمع المختلفة.

يبين الجدول (3) أن هناك إختلافات كبيرة فى مستويات المعرفة بعناصر الحملة الإعلامية بين الفئات الإجتماعية المختلفة. غير أن فجوة المعرفة لم تكن هى الفجوة الوحيدة التى حدثت فى خلال تلك الفترة، بل حدثت أيضا فجوة فى السلوك، ويمكن أن يكون ذلك راجعا، بشكل جزئى على الأقل، لفجوة المعرفة التى أحدثتها الحملة. وعندما نعزل تأثير العوامل الإجتماعية والإقتصادية وغيرها، فإننا نجد أن الحملة الإعلامية قد ساعدت بشكل ضعيف في زيادة نسبة ممارسة تنظيم الأسرة. إلا أن التحليل الدقيق لهذه الزيادة يبين أنها لم تحدث فى الفئات الإجتماعية التى تمثل المشكلة الحقيقية فى مصر، ولا غرابة فى ذلك، فهذه الفئات كانت أقل الفئات تعرضا للرسائل الإعلامية للحملة فى خلال السنتين التى استغرقتهما.

والنتيجة الحتمية إذن هى زيادة فجوة السلوك بين فئات المجتمع المختلفة، حيث أصبح الفارق أكبر بين من يمارسون تنظيم الأسرة من المتعلمين وغير المتعلمين، ومن سكان الحضر وسكان الريف، وبين ذوى الدخول المرتفعة وذوى الدخول المنخفضة، كما يتضح ذلك من جدول رقم 3.

لم تكن فجوة المعرفة والسلوك التى نتجت عن الحملة الإعلامية لتنظيم الأسرة والتى استمرت لمدة سنتين مفاجأة، بل تجىء كنتيجة حتمية لعدم الأخذ بعين الاعتبار ما جاء فى شرح نموذج المعرفة والإتصال والوضع الإجتماعى والاقتصادى وأثر ذلك التفاعل على السلوك. وما زاد الطين بلة أن تلك الحملة ارتكبت أخطاء أخرى مما أدى إلى تفاقم الأسباب التى أدت فى النهاية إلى النتائج سالفة الذكر:

ولابد من حدوث فجوة المعرفة والسلوك كنتيجة حتمية للإعلام التنموى المكثف إلا إذا راعينا فى التخطيط لهذه البرامج عوامل متعددة، نذكر منها على سبيل المثال:

الحالة الثانية: تمكين الحملة القومية لمكافحة الجفاف من عوامل النجاح

كانت الحملة القومية لمكافحة مرض الجفاف والتى بدأت فى عام 1983 تطبيقا عمليا قام به المؤلف لنموذج المعرفة والتغيير الإجتماعى، وتلك هى المرة الأولى التى تنظم فيها حملة إعلامية على المستوى القومى يتم التخطيط لها على أساس هذا النموذج العلمى.

وقد بدأت الحملة الإعلامية بشكل تجريبى فى الإسكندرية لمدة ثلاثى أشهر (أغسطس وسبتمبر وأكتوبر 1983) وذلك باستخدام الإذاعة المحلية لمدينة الإسكندرية بالإضافة إلى عناصر أخرى سيتم تفصيلها فيما بعد. وفى يناير 1984 تطورت الحملة إلى حملة قومية عندما تم استخدام التليفزيون.

قبل الحملة الإعلامية تم إجراء دراسة للتعرف على معلومات واتجاهات وسلوكيات الجمهور المستهدف (ويتكون من أمهات الأطفال الذين تقل أعمارهم عن ثلاث سنوات)، واتضح من الدراسة أن نسبة الذين لديهم معلومات صحيحة عن علاج الجفاف عن طريق الفم لا تزيد عن واحد ونصف فى المائة. بعد الحملة الإعلامية، قامت منظمة الصحة العالمية بإجراء دراسة على مستوى الجمهورية فى أبريل 1984 اتضح من نتائجها أن 71 فى المائة من عينة البحث يعلمون أن هناك علاجا جديدا للجفاف هو محلول معالجة الجفاف بالفم. الأهم من ذلك هو أن نفس الدراسة وجدت أن 40 فى المائة من الأمهات قاموا بالفعل باستخدام محلول معالجة الجفاف، بعد أن كان الرقم واحدا فى المائة فقط من الأمهات طبقا لنتائج الدراسة التى أجريت قبل الحملة الإعلامية.

لقد قامت الحملة الإعلامية بتوعية وتعليم الأمهات بمفهوم الجفاف وكيفية التغلب عليه من أجل إنقاذ أكثر من مائة وخمسين ألف طفل كانوا يموتون سنويا فى مصر بسبب الجفاف. فبالإضافة إلى الحملة التمهيدية التى بدأت على المستوى القومي فى يناير 1984، فقد تم تنفيذ حملة ثانية فى سبتمبر 1984 هدفها تعليم الأمهات كيفية استخدام محلول معالجة الجفاف بالإضافة إلى الطرق السليمة للتغذية وغيرها من الإجراءات الوقائية. ويهمنا هنا أن نعرف كيف نجحت هذه الحملة الإعلامية فى تحقيق أهدافها، والاستراتيجية الإعلامية التى قامت عليها.

الاستراتيجية الإعلامية للحملة ضد الجفاف

لقد كان من الضرورى، بناء على نموذج المعرفة والتغيير الإجتماعى، أن تأخذ الاستراتيجية الإعلامية للحملة ضد الجفاف حقيقتين بعين الاعتبار: الحقيقة الأولى هى العلاقة القوية بين العوامل الإجتماعية والإقتصادية والعوامل الإعلامية، أما الحقيقة الثانية فهى نوع ومستوى المعلومات لدى الجمهور المستهدف عن أسباب وعلاج الجفاف. فعلى سبيل المثال، كان من الضرورى عدم الاعتماد على الصحافة المكتوبة، فى ضوء ارتفاع نسبة الأمية بين الجمهور المستهدف (الأمهات). أيضا، فان غالبية هذا الجمهور يفضلون الأفلام والمسلسلات التليفزيونية أكثر من أية مواد تليفزيونية أخرى. ويمكن الاستفادة من هذه الحقيقة بطريقتين: الأولى أن الرسالة الإعلامية يمكن أن تكون أكثر تأثيرا إذا صيغت فى شكل درامى، والثانية ضرورة إذاعة إعلانات التوعية فى الفترات الإعلانية التى تسبق إذاعة الأفلام أو المسلسلات. وبالإضافة إلى ذلك، فان خصائص الجمهور المستهدف تستوجب ضرورة توصيل الرسالة باستخدام اللهجة العامية، والبعد عن الاصطلاحات العلمية، واستخدام نفس الكلمات والأوصاف التى تستخدمها الأم العادية فى منزلها. وقد تركزت الرسائل الإعلامية للحملة حول الأنواع الثلاثة للمعرفة التى سبق ذكرها وهى:

عناصر الحملة الإعلامية

تركزت الحملة التمهيدية التى نفذت فى 1983 وأوائل 1984 على توصيل ست رسائل أساسية هى: إعطاء الطفل سوائل بكميات كبيرة أثناء إصابته بالإسهال.

وقد اعتمدت الحملة المحلية فى الإسكندرية على الإذاعة بالإضافة إلى الإتصال الشخصى. كذلك استخدمت الحملة الملصقات والكتيبات والنشرات الدورية لتوصيل المعلومات إلى الأطباء والصيادلة والممرضات. أما الحملة القومية فقد اعتمدت أساسا على إعلانين اثنين تتراوح مدة كل منهما بين دقيقة ودقيقة ونصف، وتمت إذاعة كل منهما لمدة 14 مرة فقط فى خلال مدة الحملة التى استغرقت أربعة أسابيع.

أما الحملة القومية الثانية والتى بدأت فى سبتمبر 1984 فقد أضافت عنصرين هامين إلى عناصر الحملة السابقة، الأول هو كيفية الوقاية من الإسهال، والثانى هو كيفية إذابة المحلول وإعطائه الطفل. واعتمدت هذه الحملة أساسا على ستة إعلانات تليفزيونية تراوحت مدة كل منها بين 45 ثانية ودقيقة واحدة، وتمت إذاعة هذه الإعلانات بمعدل مرة واحدة فى اليوم لكل إعلان لمدة شهرين. كذلك صاحب هذه الإعلانات استخدام البرامج الصحية بالإذاعة والتليفزيون فى تغطية جوانب المشكلة، كما اشتملت الحملة على نشر مقالات وموضوعات صحفية بشكل دورى فى مجلتى طبيبك الخاص وحواء.

نتائج الحملة

لعل من أهم النتائج التى أسفرت عنها الحملة الإعلامية هى تأكيد حقيقة احتياج الجمهور إلى معلومات تقدم إليه بشكل جيد عن مشاكله واحتياجاته فهناك ما يمكن أن نسميه بحالة من “العطش” الشديد للمعلومات لدى الجمهور، ومن الممكن أن يتغير سلوك الجمهور إذا قدمت له تلك المعلومات.

و يبين الجدول التالى مدى تأثير الحملة الإعلامية على المعرفة والسلوك. بناء على الدراسات التى أجريت قبل الحملة وبعدها. ويتضح من الجدول أن تأثير الحملة الإعلامية كان كبيرا للغاية. وأن الزيادة فى المعرفة قد تبعها أيضا تغيير فى السلوك.

وقد تبين من نتائج تقييم الحملة أيضا أن التليفزيون كان أكثر الوسائل تأثيرا. حيث ذكرت الغالبية العظمى من أفراد العينة أنه كان المصدر الرئيسى لمعلوماتهم.

على أن أكثر نتائج الدراسة أهمية من وجهة نظر التغيير الإجتماعى ودور الإعلام فيه هى وجود مؤشرات واضحة للاعتماد بشكل متناقص على استقاء المعلومات من الأقارب وغيرهم كلما زادت المعلومات فى وسائل الإعلام عن موضوع من الموضوعات. فعلى سبيل المثال، بعد الحملة الإعلامية الأولى ارتفعت نسبة الذين قالوا أن معلوماتهم عن الجفاف مأخوذة من التليفزيون، وانخفضت نسبة الذين قالوا أن معلوماتهم مأخوذة عن طريق الإتصال  الشخصى، كما يتضح من الجدول التالى.

يتضح من هذه النتائج أن وسائل الإعلام، وخصوصا التليفزيون، يمكن أن تقوم بدور كبير فى تغيير المعرفة والسلوك، وأنه كلما استخدمت هذه الوسائل بشكل جيد كلما قل الاعتماد على المصادر غير الصحيحة للمعلومات، وقل تأثير الأفراد المحيطين بالفرد على معلوماته وقراراته.

وبصفة عامة، فقد نجح الإعلام عن مشكلة الجفاف لأنه بنى على أسس علمية تمت مراعاتها فى تخطيط الحملة وتنفيذها على السواء، ومن العوامل التى ساعدت على نجاح تلك الحملة مايلى:

كانت الرسالة الإعلامية موحدة فى جميع وسائل الإعلام من إذاعة وتليفزيون ومواد مطبوعة، ومن ثم فقد أدت كل هذه الوسائل دورها فى  تدعيم وتأكيد ما تقوله الوسائل الأخرى، دون إحداث بلبلة إعلامية.

تم تحديد عناصر المعرفة الضرورية للقيام بالسلوك الجديد المطلوب، وتم بناء الرسائل الإعلامية حول هذه العناصر. وكذلك فان الأشكال الإعلامية اختلفت، ولكن المضمون المعلومى للرسائل كان واحدا فى التليفزيون والإذاعة والصحافة وغيرها.

استخدمت الحملة الإعلامية عن الجفاف لغة عامية سهلة تستطيع جميع فئات الجمهور أن تفهمها، وكان ذلك عنصرا أساسيا فى عدم إحداث فجوة معرفية أو سلوكية كنتيجة للحملة.

كيف نجحت الحملة القومية لمكافحة الجفاف فى عدم إحداث فجوة فى المعرفة أو السلوك؟

لقد تم تطبيق مبادىء النموذج الذى تم عرضه فى الفصول السابقة عند تخطيط وتنفيذ الحملة القومية لمكافحة مرض الجفاف فى مصر. وفى خلال فترة لا تتعدى سنة واحدة (من سبتمبر 1983 إلى سبتمبر 1984) ارتفع مستوى المعرفى من مستواه المنخفض جدا قبل الحملة (5,1% كان لديهم وعى بوجود أملاح معالجة الجفاف) إلى 96% بعد الحملة القومية. كذلك ارتفعت نسبة الذين استخدموا العلاج الجديد من أقل من 1% فى سبتمبر 1983 إلى أكثر من 57% بعد ذلك بعام واحد.

إن جدول رقم (7) فى الصفحة التالية يكشف عن حقيقة فى غاية الأهمية: إن الحملة القومية لمكافحة مرض الجفاف قد أوصلت المعلومات إلى جميع الفئات الإجتماعية بنفس الدرجة تقريبا، فسكان الريف والحضر، والمتعلمون والأميون على حد سواء أصبحوا يعرفون نفس المعلومات بعد الحملة الإعلامية.

والفارق الوحيد بين فئات الجمهور المختلفة يتعلق بالاستخدام بين الريف والحضر، وهو فارق يجب أن نسعد به، لأنه يبين أن نسبة الذين استعملوا العلاج الجديد فى الريف تفوق نسبة الذين استعملوه من سكان الحضر، وذلك بالضبط هو ما يجب أن يحدث فى ضوء انتشار المرض فى الريف بنسبة أكثر من انتشاره فى الحضر.

وهناك أسباب عديدة لنجاح هذه الحملة فى عدم إحداث فجوة فى المعرفة أو السلوك كسابقاتها من الحملات الإعلامية فى مجال التنمية الإجتماعية، ولعل من هذه الأسباب استخدام لغة سهلة يفهمها جميع أفراد الجمهور، واستخدام شخصية محببة إلى جميع الفئات الإجتماعية والإقتصادية، كذلك استخدام الأشكال الفنية التى تجذب الجمهور بكافة طبقاته.

وجدير بالذكر أن إذاعة أفلام التوعية بالتليفزيون قد وضع عادات المشاهدة للجمهور فى عين الاعتبار، وتعمد المسئولون عن جدولة إذاعة هذه الأفلام وضعها قبل المسلسلات والأفلام المصرية، وهى مواد تقبل على مشاهدتها جميع فئات الجمهور، وان كان الأقل تعليما وسكان الريف أكثر إقبالا على مشاهدتها من غيرهم، مما أتاح لهم فرصة مشاهدة هذه الأفلام أكثر من غيرهم من الفئات الأكثر حظا من التعليم والمستوى الإقتصادى فى المجتمع.

إن استخدام وسائل الإتصال فى التأثير على معرفة وسلوك الجمهور يجب أن يتم بعد دراسة متأنية لكافة المتغيرات التى حددناها فى نموذج المعرفة والتغيير الإجتماعى، ويجب ألا يغيب عن ذهن المسئول عن استخدام الإتصال أنه أيضا يقوم بدور هام فى الإصلاح الإجتماعى وتوصيل المعرفة لمن هم أكثر حاجة إليها من غيرهم، وليس لمن هم أقرب أو أكثر فهما أو أسهل إقناعا.


[1] هذه الأبحاث الستة هى

  1. National Fertility Survey (1975)
  2. Rural Fertility Survey (1979)
  3. Egyptian Fertility Survey (1980)
  4. The Contraceptive Prevalence Survey (1980)
  5. The Family Planning Communication Baseline Survey (1980)
  6. The Family Planning Communication Follow-up Survey (1982)

Methodology: Developing Communication Strategies and Programs: A Systematic Approach

I have been using the methodology which was published by UNICEF under the title: “Developing Communication Strategies and Programs: A Systematic Approach”. This publication was made in English, French and Arabic by the Unicef Middle East and North Africa (MENA) regional office. In 2010, I revised this publication and published a second edition under the title “Development Communication.” Both versions of this step-wise process will be displayed below.

Developing Communication Strategies and Programs: A Systematic Approach

In December 1985, I was presenting a paper called “How the Egypt ORT Communication Campaign Succeeded” at the International Conference on Oral Rehydration Therapy (ICORT II), which was held in Washington D.C. Attending the conference was Victor Soler Sala, who was the director of the Unicef Middle East and North Africa (MENA) regional office. Victor spoke with me after my presentation about his wish to spread the methodology which I used in Egypt ORT campaign to the rest of the Middle East and North Africa. We agreed that I would visit the organization’s regional headquarters in Amman to discuss the matter.

After I developed the first draft of this methodology, I tested it during a regional workshop for Unicef program and communication officers from all the countries in the region. The revised version was then published by MENA in English, Arabic, and French. The methodology was adopted by Unicef ever since, and of course I have been using it in all of my work, both in Egypt and other countries.

The 1st edition (1986) – English